Persian Literature, Volume 1,Comprising The Shah Nameh, The - Anonymous
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PERSIAN LITERATURE
comprising
THE SHAH NAMEH, THE RUBAIYAT
THE DIVAN, AND THE GULISTAN
Revised Edition, Volume 1
1909
With a special introduction by
RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL, Ph.D.
SPECIAL INTRODUCTION
A certain amount of romantic interest has always attached to Persia.
With a continuous history stretching back into those dawn-days of
history in which fancy loves to play, the mention of its name brings to
our minds the vision of things beautiful and artistic, the memory of
great deeds and days of chivalry. We seem almost to smell the fragrance
of the rose-gardens of Tus and of Shiraz, and to hear the knight-errants
tell of war and of love. There are other Oriental civilizations, whose
coming and going have not been in vain for the world; they have done
their little bit of apportioned work in the universe, and have done it
well. India and Arabia have had their great poets and their great
heroes, yet they have remained well-nigh unknown to the men and women of
our latter day, even to those whose world is that of letters. But the
names of Firdusi, Sa'di, Omar Khayyam, Jami, and Hafiz, have a place in
our own temples of fame. They have won their way into the book-stalls
and stand upon our shelves, side by side with the other books which
mould our life and shape our character.
Some reason there must be for the special favor which we show to these
products of Persian genius, and for the hold which they have upon us. We
need not go far to find it. The under-current forces, which determine
our own civilization of to-day, are in a general way the same forces
which were at play during the heyday of Persian literary production. We
owe to the Hellenic spirit, which at various times has found its way
into our midst, our love for the beautiful in art and in literature. We
owe to the Semitic, which has been inbreathed into us by religious forms
and beliefs, the tone of our better life, the moral level to which we
aspire. The same two forces were at work in Persia. Even while that
country was purely Iranian, it was always open to Semitic influences.
The welding together of the two civilizations is the true signature of
Persian history. The likeness which is so evident between the religion
of the Avesta, the sacred book of the pre-Mohammedan Persians, and the
religion of the Old and New Testaments, makes it in a sense easy for us
to understand these followers of Zoroaster. Persian poetry, with its
love of life and this-worldliness, with its wealth of imagery and its
appeal to that which is human in all men, is much more readily
comprehended by us than is the poetry of all the rest of the Orient.
And, therefore, Goethe, Platen, Rueckert, von Schack, Fitzgerald, and
Arnold have been able to re-sing their masterpieces so as to delight and
instruct our own days--of which thing neither India nor Arabia can
boast.
Tales of chivalry have always delighted the Persian ear. A certain
inherent gayety of heart, a philosophy which was not so sternly vigorous
as was that of the Semite, lent color to his imagination. It guided the
hands of the skilful workmen in the palaces of Susa and Persepolis, and
fixed the brightly colored tiles upon their walls. It led the deftly
working fingers of their scribes and painters to illuminate their
manuscripts so gorgeously as to strike us with wonder at the assemblage
of hues and the boldness of designs. Their Zoroaster was never deified.
They could think of his own doings and of the deeds of the mighty men of
valor who lived before and after him with very little to hinder the free
play of their fancy. And so this fancy roamed up and down the whole
course of Persian history: taking a long look into the vista of the
past, trying even to lift the veil which hides from mortal sight the
beginnings of all things; intertwining fact with fiction, building its
mansions on earth, and its castles in the air.
The greatest of all Eastern national epics is the work of a Persian. The
"Shah Nameh," or Book of Kings, may take its place most worthily by the
side of the Indian Nala, the Homeric Iliad, the German Niebelungen. Its
plan is laid out on a scale worthy of its contents, and its execution is
equally worthy of its planning. One might almost say that with it
neo-Persian literature begins its history. There were poets in Persia
before the writer of the "Shah Nameh"--Rudagi, the blind (died 954),
Zandshi (950), Chusravani (tenth century). There were great poets during
his own day. But Firdusi ranks far above them all; and at the very
beginning sets up so high a standard that all who come after him must
try to live up to it, or else they will sink into oblivion.
The times in which Firdusi lived were marked by strange revolutions. The
Arabs, filled with the daring which Mohammed had breathed into them, had
indeed conquered Persia. In A.D. 657, when Merv fell, and the last
Sassanian king, Yezdegird III, met his end, these Arabs became nominally
supreme. Persia had been conquered--but not the Persian spirit. Even
though Turkish speech reigned supreme at court and the Arabic script
became universal, the temper of the old Arsacides and Sassanians still
lived on. It is true that Ormuzd was replaced by Allah, and Ahriman by
Satan. But the Persian had a glorious past of his own; and in this the
conquered was far above the conqueror. This past was kept alive in the
myth-loving mind of this Aryan people; in the songs of its poets and in
the lays of its minstrels. In this way there was, in a measure, a
continuous opposition of Persian to Arab, despite the mingling of the
two in Islam; and the opposition of Persian Shiites to the Sunnites of
the rest of the Mohammedan world at this very day is a curious survival
of racial antipathy. The fall of the only real Arab Mohammedan
dynasty--that of the Umayyid caliphs at Damascus--the rise of the
separate and often opposing dynasties in Spain, Sicily, Egypt, and
Tunis, served to strengthen the Persians in their desire to keep alive
their historical individuality and their ancient traditions.
Firdusi was not the first, as he was not the only one, to collect the
old epic materials of Persia. In the Avesta itself, with its ancient
traditions, much can be found. More than this was handed down and
bandied about from mouth to mouth. Some of it had even found its way
into the Kalam of the Scribe; to-wit, the "Zarer, or Memorials of the
Warriors" (A.D. 500), the "History of King Ardeshir" (A.D. 600), the
Chronicles of the Persian Kings. If we are to trust Baisonghur's preface
to the "Shah Nameh," there were various efforts made from time to time
to put together a complete story of the nation's history, by Farruchani,
Ramin, and especially by the Dihkan Danishwar (A.D. 651). The work of
this Danishwar, the "Chodainameh" (Book of Kings), deserves to be
specially singled out. It was written, not in neo-Persian and Arabic
script, but in what scholars call middle-Persian and in what is known as
the Pahlavi writing. It was from this "Chodainameh" that Abu Mansur,
lord of Tus, had a "Shah Nameh" of his own prepared in the neo-Persian.
And then, to complete the tale, in 980 a certain Zoroastrian whose name
was Dakiki versified a thousand lines of this neo-Persian Book of Kings.
In this very city of Tus, Abul Kasim Mansur (or Ahmed) Firdusi was born,
A.D. 935. One loves to think that perhaps he got his name from the
Persian-Arabic word for garden; for, verily, it was he that gathered
into one garden all the beautiful flowers which had blossomed in the
fancy of his people. As he has draped the figures in his great epic, so
has an admiring posterity draped his own person. His fortune has been
interwoven with the fame of that Mahmud of Ghazna (998-1030), the first
to bear the proud title of "Sultan," the first to carry Mohammed and the
prophets into India. The Round Table of Mahmud cannot be altogether a
figment of the imagination. With such poets as Farruchi, Unsuri,
Minutsheri, with such scientists as Biruni and Avicenna as intimates,
what wonder that Firdusi was lured by the splendors of a court life! But
before he left his native place he must have finished his epic, at least
in its rough form; for we know that in 999 he dedicated it to Ahmad ibn
Muhammad of Chalandsha. He had been working at it steadily since 971,
but had not yet rounded it out according to the standard which he had
set for himself. Occupying the position almost of a court poet, he
continued to work for Mahmud, and this son of a Turkish slave became a
patron of letters. On February 25, 1010, his work was finished. As poet
laureate, he had inserted many a verse in praise of his master. Yet the
story goes, that though this master had covenanted for a gold dirhem a
line, he sent Firdusi sixty thousand silver ones, which the poet spurned
and distributed as largesses and hied him from so ungenerous a master.
It is a pretty tale. Yet some great disappointment must have been his
lot, for a lampoon which he wrote a short time afterwards is filled with
the bitterest satire upon the prince whose praises he had sung so
beautifully. Happily, the satire does not seem to have gotten under the
eyes of Mahmud; it was bought off by a friend, for one thousand dirhems
a verse. But Firdusi was a wanderer; we find him in Herat, in
Taberistan, and then at the Buyide Court of Bagdad, where he composed
his "Yusuf and Salikha," a poem as Mohammedan in spirit as the "Shah
Nameh" was Persian. In 1021, or 1025, he returned to Tus to die, and to
be buried in his own garden--because his mind had not been orthodox
enough that his body should rest in sacred ground. At the last
moment--the story takes up again--Mahmud repented and sent the poet the
coveted gold. The gold arrived at one gate while Firdusi's body was
being carried by at another; and it was spent by his daughter in the
building of a hospice near the city. For the sake of Mahmud let us try
to believe the tale.
We know much about the genesis of this great epic, the "Shah Nameh"; far
more than we know about the make-up of the other great epics in the
world's literature. Firdusi worked from written materials; but he
produced no mere labored mosaic. Into it all he has breathed a spirit of
freshness and vividness: whether it be the romance of Alexander the
Great and the exploits of Rustem, or the love scenes of Zal and Rodhale,
of Bezhan and Manezhe, of Gushtasp and Kitayim. That he was also an
excellent lyric poet, Firdusi shows in the beautiful elegy upon the
death of his only son; a curious intermingling of his personal woes with
the history of his heroes. A cheerful vigor runs through it all. He
praises the delights of wine-drinking, and does not despise the comforts
which money can procure. In his descriptive parts, in his scenes of
battle and encounters, he is not often led into the delirium of
extravagance. Sober-minded and free from all fanaticism, he leans not
too much to Zoroaster or to Mohammed, though his desire to idealize his
Iranian heroes leads him to excuse their faith to his readers. And so
these fifty or more thousand verses, written in the Arabic heroic
Mutakarib metre, have remained the delight of the Persians down to this
very day--when the glories of the land have almost altogether departed
and Mahmud himself is all forgotten of his descendants.
Firdusi introduces us to the greatness of Mahmud of Ghazna's court. Omar
Khayyam takes us into its ruins; for one of the friends of his boyhood
days was Nizam al-Mulk, the grandson of that Toghrul the Turk, who with
his Seljuks had supplanted the Persian power. Omar's other friend was
Ibn Sabbah, the "old Man of the Mountain," the founder of the Assassins.
The doings of both worked misery upon Christian Europe, and entailed a
tremendous loss of life during the Crusades. As a sweet revenge, that
same Europe has taken the first of the trio to its bosom, and has made
of Omar Khayyam a household friend. "My tomb shall be in a spot where
the north wind may scatter roses" is said to have been one of Omar's
last wishes. He little thought that those very roses from the tomb in
which he was laid to rest in 1123 would, in the nineteenth century,
grace the spot where his greatest modern interpreter--Fitzgerald--lies
buried in the little English town of Woodbridge!
The author of the famous Quatrains--Omar Ibn Ibrahim al-Khayyam--not
himself a tent-maker, but so-called, as are the Smiths of our own
day--was of the city of Nishapur. The invention of the Rubaiyat, or
Epigram, is not to his credit. That honor belongs to Abu Said of
Khorasan (968-1049), who used it as a means of expressing his mystic
pantheism. But there is an Omar Khayyam club in London--not one bearing
the name of Abu Said. What is the bond which binds the Rubaiyat-maker in
far-off Persia to the literati of modern Anglo-Saxondom?
By his own people Omar was persecuted for his want of orthodoxy; and yet
his grave to this day is held in much honor. By others he was looked
upon as a Mystic. Reading the five hundred or so authentic quatrains one
asks, Which is the real Omar? Is it he who sings of wine and of
pleasure, who seems to preach a life of sensual enjoyment? or is it the
stern preacher, who criticises all, high and low; priest, dervish, and
Mystic--yea, even God himself? I venture to say that the real Omar is
both; or, rather, he is something higher than is adequately expressed in
these two words. The Ecclesiastes of Persia, he was weighed down by the
great questions of life and death and morality, as was he whom people so
wrongly call "the great sceptic of the Bible." The "_Weltschmerz_" was
his, and he fought hard within himself to find that mean way which
philosophers delight in pointing out. If at times Omar does preach
_carpe diem_, if he paint in his exuberant fancy the delights of
carousing, Fitzgerald is right--he bragged more than he drank. The
under-current of a serious view of life runs through all he has written;
the love of the beautiful in nature--a sense of the real worth of
certain things and the worthlessness of the Ego. Resignation to what is
man's evident fate; doing well what every day brings to be done--this is
his own answer. It was Job's--it was that of Ecclesiastes.
This same "_Weltschmerz_" is ours to-day; therefore Omar Khayyam is of
us beloved. He speaks what often we do not dare to speak; one of his
quatrains can be more easily quoted than some of those thoughts can be
formulated. And then he is picturesque--picturesque because he is at
times ambiguous. Omar seems to us to have been so many things--a
believing Moslem, a pantheistic Mystic, an exact scientist (for he
reformed the Persian calendar). Such many-sidedness was possible in
Islam; but it gives him the advantage of appealing to many and different
classes of men; each class will find that he speaks their mind and their
mind only. That Omar was also tainted by Sufism there can be no doubt;
and many of his most daring flights must be regarded as the results of
the greater license which Mystic interpretation gave to its votaries.
By the side of Firdusi the epic poet, and Omar the philosopher, Sa'di
the wise man, well deserves a place. His countrymen are accustomed to
speak of him simply as "the Sheikh," much more to his real liking than
the titles "The nightingale of the groves of Shiraz," or "The
nightingale of a Thousand Songs," in which Oriental hyperbole expresses
its appreciation. Few leaders and teachers have had the good fortune to
live out their teachings in their own lives as had Sa'di. And that life
was long indeed. Muharrif al-Din Abdallah Sa'di was born at Shiraz in
1184, and far exceeded the natural span of life allotted to man--for he
lived to be one hundred and ten years of age--and much of the time was
lived in days of stress and trouble. The Mongols were devastating in the
East; the Crusaders were fighting in the West. In 1226 Sa'di himself
felt the effects of the one--he was forced to leave Shiraz and grasp the
wanderer's staff, and by the Crusaders he was taken captive and led away
to Tripoli. But just this look into the wide world, this thorough
experience of men and things, produced that serenity of being that gave
him the firm hold upon life which the true teacher must always have. Of
his own spiritual condition and contentment he says: "Never did I
complain of my forlorn condition but on one occasion, when my feet were
bare, and I had not wherewithal to shoe them. Soon after, meeting a man
without feet, I was thankful for the bounty of Providence to myself, and
with perfect resignation submitted to my want of shoes."
Thus attuned to the world, Sa'di escapes the depths of misanthropy as
well as the transports of unbridled license and somewhat blustering
swagger into which Omar at times fell. In his simplicity of heart he
says very tenderly of his own work;--
"We give advice in its proper place,
Spending a lifetime in the task.
If it should not touch any one's ear of desire,
The messenger told his tale; it is enough."
That tale is a long one. His apprenticeship was spent in Arabic Bagdad,
sitting at the feet of noted scholars, and taking in knowledge not only
of his own Persian Sufism, but also of the science and learning which
had been gathered in the home of the Abbaside Caliphs. His
journeyman-years took him all through the dominions which were under
Arab influence--in Europe, the Barbary States, Egypt, Abyssinia, Arabia,
Syria, Palestine, Asia Minor, India. All these places were visited
before he returned to Shiraz, the "seat of learning," to put to writing
the thoughts which his sympathetic and observing mind had been evolving
during all these years. This time of his mastership was spent in the
seclusion almost of a recluse and in producing the twenty-two works
which have come down to us. An Oriental writer says of these periods of
his life: "The first thirty years of Sa'di's long life were devoted to
study and laying up a stock of knowledge; the next thirty, or perhaps
forty, in treasuring up experience and disseminating that knowledge
during his wide extending travels; and that some portion should
intervene between the business of life and the hour of death (and that
with him chanced to be the largest share of it), he spent the remainder
of his life, or seventy years, in the retirement of a recluse, when he
was exemplary in his temperance and edifying in his piety."
Of Sa'di's versatility, these twenty-two works give sufficient evidence.
He could write homilies (Risalahs) in a Mystic-religious fashion. He
could compose lyrics in Arabic and Turkish as well as in Persian. He was
even led to give forth erotic verses. Fondly we hope that he did this
last at the command of some patron or ruler! But Sa'di is known to us
chiefly by his didactic works, and for these we cherish him. The
"Bustan," or "Tree-Garden," is the more sober and theoretical, treating
of the various problems and questions of ethics, and filled with Mystic
and Sufic descriptions of love.
His other didactic work, the "Gulistan," is indeed a "Garden of Roses,"
as its name implies; a mirror for every one alike, no matter what his
station in life may be. In prose and in poetry, alternating; in the form
of rare adventures and quaint devices; in accounts of the lives of kings
who have passed away; in maxims and apothegms, Sa'di inculcates his
worldly wisdom--worldly in the better sense of the word. Like Goethe in
our own day, he stood above the world and yet in it; so that while we
feel bound to him by the bonds of a common human frailty, he reaches out
with us to a higher and purer atmosphere. Though his style is often
wonderfully ornate, it is still more sober than that of Hafiz. Sa'di is
known to all readers of Persian in the East; his "Gulistan" is often a
favorite reading-book.
The heroic and the didactic are, however, not the only forms in which
the genius of Persian poetry loved to clothe itself. From the earliest
times there were poets who sung of love and of wine, of youth and of
nature, with no thought of drawing a moral, or illustrating a tale. From
the times of Rudagi and the Samanide princes (tenth century), these
poets of sentiment sang their songs and charmed the ears of their
hearers. Even Firdusi showed, in some of his minor poems, that joyous
look into and upon the world which is the soul of all lyric poetry. But
of all the Persian lyric poets, Shams al-Din Mohammed Hafiz has been
declared by all to be the greatest. Though the storms of war and the
noise of strife beat all about his country and even disturbed the peace
of his native place--no trace of all this can be found in the poems of
Hafiz--as though he were entirely removed from all that went on about
him, though seeing just the actual things of life. He was, to all
appearance, unconcerned: glad only to live and to sing. At Shiraz he was
born; at Shiraz he died. Only once, it is recorded, did he leave his
native place, to visit the brother of his patron in Yezd. He was soon
back again: travel had no inducement for him. The great world outside
could offer him nothing more than his wonted haunts in Shiraz. It is
further said that he put on the garb of a Dervish; but he was altogether
free of the Dervish's conceit. "The ascetic is the serpent of his age"
is a saying put into his mouth.
He had in him much that resembled Omar Khayyam; but he was not a
philosopher. Therefore, in the East at least, his "Divan" is more
popular than the Quatrains of Omar; his songs are sung where Omar's name
is not heard. He is substantially a man of melody--with much mannerism,
it is true, in his melody--but filling whatever he says with a wealth of
charming imagery and clothing his verse in delicate rhythms. Withal a
man, despite his boisterous gladsomeness and his overflowing joy in what
the present has to offer, in whom there is nothing common, nothing low.
"The Garden of Paradise may be pleasant," he tells us, "but forget not
the shade of the willow-tree and the fair margin of the fruitful field."
He is very human; but his humanity is deeply ethical in character.
Much more than Omar and Sa'di, Hafiz was a thorough Sufi. "In one and
the same song you write of wine, of Sufism, and of the object of your
affection," is what Shah Shuja said to him once. In fact, we are often
at an entire loss to tell where reality ends and Sufic vacuity
commences. For this Mystic philosophy that we call Sufism patched up a
sort of peace between the old Persian and the conquering Mohammedan. By
using veiled language, by taking all the every-day things of life as
mere symbols of the highest transcendentalism, it was possible to be an
observing Mohammedan in the flesh, whilst the mind wandered in the
realms of pure fantasy and speculation. While enjoying Hafiz, then, and
bathing in his wealth of picture, one is at a loss to tell whether the
bodies he describes are of flesh and blood, or incorporeal ones with a
mystic background; whether the wine of which he sings really runs red,
and the love he describes is really centred upon a mortal being. Yet,
when he says of himself, "Open my grave when I am dead, and thou shalt
see a cloud of smoke rising out from it; then shalt thou know that the
fire still burns in my dead heart--yea, it has set my very winding-sheet
alight," there is a ring of reality in the substance which pierces
through the extravagant imagery. This the Persians themselves have
always felt; and they will not be far from the truth in regarding Hafiz
with a very peculiar affection as the writer who, better than anyone
else, is the poet of their gay moments and the boon companion of their
feasts.
Firdusi, Omar, Sa'di, Hafiz, are names of which any literature may be
proud. None like unto them rose again in Persia, if we except the great
Jami. At the courts of Shah Abbas the Great (1588-1629) and of Akbar of
India (1556-1605), an attempt to revive Persian letters was indeed made.
But nothing came that could in any measure equal the heyday of the great
poets. The political downfall of Persia has effectually prevented the
coming of another spring and summer. The pride of the land of the Shah
must now rest in its past.
[Illustration: (Signature of Richard Gottheil)]
Columbia University, June 11, 1900.
CONTENTS
THE SHAH NAMEH
Introduction
Kaiumers
Husheng
Tahumers
Jemshid
Mirtas-Tazi, and His Son Zohak
Kavah, the Blacksmith
Feridun
Feridun and His Three Sons
Minuchihr
Zal, the Son of Sam
The Dream of Sam
Rudabeh
Death of Minuchihr
Nauder
Afrasiyab Marches against Nauder
Afrasiyab
Zau
Garshasp
Kai-Kobad
Kai-Kaus
The Seven Labors of Rustem
Invasion of Iran by Afrasiyab
The Return of Kai-Kaus
Story of Sohrab
The Story of Saiawush
Kai-Khosrau
Akwan Diw
The Story of Byzun and Manijeh
Barzu, and His Conflict with Rustem
Susen and Afrasiyab
The Expedition of Gudarz
The Death of Afrasiyab
The Death of Kai-Khosrau
Lohurasp
Gushtasp, and the Faith of Zerdusht
The Heft-Khan of Isfendiyar
Capture of the Brazen Fortress
The Death of Isfendiyar
The Death of Rustem
Bahman
Humai and the Birth of Darab
Darab and Dara
Sikander
Firdusi's Invocation
Firdusi's Satire on Mahmud