De Bello Gallico and Other Commentaries - Caius Julius Caesar
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XXII.--While these things are going forward in those places,
Cassivellaunus sends messengers into Kent, which, we have observed
above, is on the sea, over which districts four several kings reigned,
Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax, and commands them to
collect all their forces, and unexpectedly assail and storm the naval
camp. When they had come to the camp, our men, after making a sally,
slaying many of their men, and also capturing a distinguished leader
named Lugotorix, brought back their own men in safety. Cassivellaunus,
when this battle was reported to him, as so many losses had been
sustained, and his territories laid waste, being alarmed most of all by
the desertion of the states, sends ambassadors to Caesar [to treat]
about a surrender through the mediation of Commius the Atrebatian.
Caesar, since he had determined to pass the winter on the continent, on
account of the sudden revolts of Gaul, and as much of the summer did not
remain, and he perceived that even that could be easily protracted,
demands hostages, and prescribes what tribute Britain should pay each
year to the Roman people; he forbids and commands Cassivellaunus that he
wage not war against Mandubratius or the Trinobantes.
XXIII.--When he had received the hostages, he leads back the army to the
sea, and finds the ships repaired. After launching these, because he had
a large number of prisoners, and some of the ships had been lost in the
storm, he determines to convey back his army at two embarkations. And it
so happened, that out of so large a number of ships, in so many voyages,
neither in this nor in the previous year was any ship missing which
conveyed soldiers; but very few out of those which were sent back to him
from the continent empty, as the soldiers of the former convoy had been
disembarked, and out of those (sixty in number) which Labienus had taken
care to have built, reached their destination; almost all the rest were
driven back, and when Caesar had waited for them for some time in vain,
lest he should be debarred from a voyage by the season of the year,
inasmuch as the equinox was at hand, he of necessity stowed his soldiers
the more closely, and, a very great calm coming on, after he had weighed
anchor at the beginning of the second watch, he reached land at break of
day and brought in all the ships in safety.
XXIV.--The ships having been drawn up and a general assembly of the
Gauls held at Samarobriva, because the corn that year had not prospered
in Gaul by reason of the droughts, he was compelled to station his army
in its winter-quarters, differently from the former years, and to
distribute the legions among several states: one of them he gave to C.
Fabius, his lieutenant, to be marched into the territories of the
Morini; a second to Q. Cicero, into those of the Nervii; a third to L.
Roscius, into those of the Essui; a fourth he ordered to winter with T.
Labienus among the Remi in the confines of the Treviri; he stationed
three in Belgium; over these he appointed M. Crassus, his questor, and
L. Munatius Plancus and C. Trebonius, his lieutenants. One legion which
he had raised last on the other side of the Po, and five cohorts, he
sent amongst the Eburones, the greatest portion of whom lie between the
Meuse and the Rhine, [and] who were under the government of Ambiorix and
Cativolcus. He ordered Q. Titurius Sabinus and L. Aurunculeius Cotta,
his lieutenants, to take the command of these soldiers. The legions
being distributed in this manner, he thought he could most easily remedy
the scarcity of corn; and yet the winter-quarters of all these legions
(except that which he had given to L. Roscius to be led into the most
peaceful and tranquil neighbourhood) were comprehended within [about]
100 miles. He himself in the meanwhile, until he had stationed the
legions and knew that the several winter-quarters were fortified,
determined to stay in Gaul.
XXV.--There was among the Carnutes a man named Tasgetius, born of very
high rank, whose ancestors had held the sovereignty in his state. To him
Caesar had restored the position of his ancestors, in consideration of
his prowess and attachment towards him, because in all his wars he had
availed himself of his valuable services. His personal enemies had
killed him when in the third year of his reign, many even of his own
state being openly promoters [of that act]. This event is related to
Caesar. He fearing, because several were involved in the act, that the
state might revolt at their instigation, orders Lucius Plancus, with a
legion, to proceed quickly from Belgium to the Carnutes, and winter
there, and arrest and send to him the persons by whose instrumentality
he should discover that Tasgetius was slain. In the meantime, he was
apprised by all the lieutenants and questors to whom he had assigned the
legions, that they had arrived in winter-quarters, and that the place
for the quarters was fortified.
XXVI.--About fifteen days after they had come into winter-quarters, the
beginning of a sudden insurrection and revolt arose from Ambiorix and
Cativolcus, who, though they had met with Sabinus and Cotta at the
borders of their kingdom, and had conveyed corn into our winter-quarters,
induced by the messages of Indutiomarus, one of the Treviri,
excited their people, and after having suddenly assailed the soldiers,
engaged in procuring wood, came with a large body to attack the camp.
When our men had speedily taken up arms and had ascended the rampart,
and sending out some Spanish horse on one side, had proved conquerors in
a cavalry action, the enemy, despairing of success, drew off their
troops from the assault. Then they shouted, according to their custom,
that some of our men should go forward to a conference, [alleging] that
they had some things which they desired to say respecting the common
interest, by which they trusted their disputes could be removed.
XXVII.--C. Arpineius, a Roman knight, the intimate friend of Q.
Titurius, and with him Q. Junius, a certain person from Spain, who
already on previous occasions had been accustomed to go to Ambiorix, at
Caesar's mission, is sent to them for the purpose of a conference:
before them Ambiorix spoke to this effect: "That he confessed that for
Caesar's kindness towards him he was very much indebted to him, inasmuch
as by his aid he had been freed from a tribute which he had been
accustomed to pay to the Aduatuci, his neighbours; and because his own
son and the son of his brother had been sent back to him, whom, when
sent in the number of hostages, the Aduatuci had detained among them in
slavery and in chains; and that he had not done that which he had done
in regard to the attacking of the camp, either by his own judgment or
desire, but by the compulsion of his state; and that his government was
of that nature, that the people had as much of authority over him as he
over the people. To the state moreover the occasion of the war was this
--that it could not withstand the sudden combination of the Gauls; that
he could easily prove this from his own weakness, since he was not so
little versed in affairs as to presume that with his forces he could
conquer the Roman people; but that it was the common resolution of Gaul;
that that day was appointed for the storming of all Caesar's
winter-quarters, in order that no legion should be able to come to the
relief of another legion, that Gauls could not easily deny Gauls,
especially when a measure seemed entered into for recovering their common
freedom. Since he had performed his duty to them on the score of patriotism
[he said], he has now regard to gratitude for the kindness of Caesar; that
he warned, that he prayed Titurius by the claims of hospitality, to
consult for his and his soldiers' safety; that a large force of the
Germans had been hired and had passed the Rhine; that it would arrive in
two days; that it was for them to consider whether they thought fit,
before the nearest people perceived it, to lead off their soldiers when
drawn out of winter-quarters, either to Cicero or to Labienus; one of
whom was about fifty miles distant from them, the other rather more;
that this he promised and confirmed by oath, that he would give them a
safe passage through his territories; and when he did that, he was both
consulting for his own state, because it would be relieved from the
winter-quarters, and also making a requital to Caesar for his
obligations."
XXVIII.--Arpineius and Junius relate to the lieutenants what they had
heard. They, greatly alarmed by the unexpected affair, though those
things were spoken by an enemy, still thought they were not to be
disregarded; and they were especially influenced by this consideration,
that it was scarcely credible that the obscure and humble state of the
Eburones had dared to make war upon the Roman people of their own
accord. Accordingly, they refer the matter to a council, and a, great
controversy arises among them. L. Aurunculeius, and several tribunes of
the soldiers and the centurions of the first rank, were of opinion "that
nothing should be done hastily, and that they should not depart from the
camp without Caesar's orders"; they declared, "that any forces of the
Germans, however great, might be encountered by fortified winter-quarters;
that this fact was a proof [of it]; that they had sustained the first
assault of the Germans most valiantly, inflicting many wounds upon them;
that they were not distressed for corn; that in the meantime relief
would come both from the nearest winter-quarters and from Caesar"; lastly,
they put the query, "what could be more undetermined, more undignified,
than to adopt measures respecting the most important affairs on the
authority of an enemy?"
XXIX.--In opposition to those things Titurius exclaimed, "That they
would do this too late, when greater forces of the enemy, after a
junction with the Germans, should have assembled; or when some disaster
had been received in the neighbouring winter-quarters; that the
opportunity for deliberating was short; that he believed that Caesar had
set forth into Italy, as the Carnutes would not otherwise have taken the
measure of slaying Tasgetius, nor would the Eburones, if he had been
present, have come to the camp with so great defiance of us; that he did
not regard the enemy, but the fact, as the authority; that the Rhine was
near; that the death of Ariovistus and our previous victories were
subjects of great indignation to the Germans; that Gaul was inflamed,
that after having received so many defeats she was reduced under the
sway of the Roman people, her pristine glory in military matters being
extinguished." Lastly, "who would persuade himself of this, that
Ambiorix had resorted to a design of that nature without sure grounds?
That his own opinion was safe on either side; if there be nothing very
formidable, they would go without danger to the nearest legion; if all
Gaul conspired with the Germans, their only safety lay in despatch. What
issue would the advice of Cotta and of those who differed from him,
have? from which, if immediate danger was not to be dreaded, yet
certainly famine, by a protracted siege, was."
XXX.--This discussion having been held on the two sides, when opposition
was offered strenuously by Cotta and the principal officers, "Prevail,"
said Sabinus, "if so you wish it"; and he said it with a louder voice,
that a great portion of the soldiers might hear him; "nor am I the
person among you," he said, "who is most powerfully alarmed by the
danger of death; these will be aware of it, and then, if any thing
disastrous shall have occurred, they will demand a reckoning at your
hands; these, who, if it were permitted by you, united three days hence
with the nearest winter-quarters, may encounter the common condition of
war with the rest, and not, as if forced away and separated far from the
rest, perish either by the sword or by famine."
XXXI.--They rise from the council, detain both, and entreat, that "they
do not bring the matter into the greatest jeopardy by their dissension
and obstinacy; the affair was an easy one, if only they all thought and
approved of the same thing, whether they remain or depart; on the other
hand, they saw no security in dissension." The matter is prolonged by
debate till midnight. At last Cotta, being overruled, yields his assent;
the opinion of Sabinus prevails. It is proclaimed that they will march
at day-break; the remainder of the night is spent without sleep, since
every soldier was inspecting his property, [to see] what he could carry
with him, and what, out of the appurtenances of the winter-quarters, he
would be compelled to leave; every reason is suggested to show why they
could not stay without danger, and how that danger would be increased by
the fatigue of the soldiers and their want of sleep. At break of day
they quit the camp, in a very extended line and with a very large amount
of baggage, in such a manner as men who were convinced that the advice
was given by Ambiorix, not as an enemy, but as most friendly [towards
them].
XXXII.--But the enemy, after they had made the discovery of their
intended departure by the noise during the night and their not retiring
to rest, having placed an ambuscade in two divisions in the woods, in a
suitable and concealed place, two miles from the camp, waited for the
arrival of the Romans; and when the greater part of the line of march
had descended into a considerable valley, they suddenly presented
themselves on either side of that valley, and began both to harass the
rear and hinder the van from ascending, and to give battle in a place
exceedingly disadvantageous to our men.
XXXIII.--Then at length Titurius, as one who had provided nothing
beforehand, was confused, ran to and fro, and set about arranging his
troops; these very things, however, he did timidly and in such a manner
that all resources seemed to fail him: which generally happens to those
who are compelled to take council in the action itself. But Cotta, who
had reflected that these things might occur on the march, and on that
account had not been an adviser of the departure, was wanting to the
common safety in no respect; both in addressing and encouraging the
soldiers, he performed the duties of a general, and in the battle those
of a soldier. And since they [Titurius and Cotta] could less easily
perform everything by themselves, and provide what was to be done in
each place, by reason of the length of the line of march, they ordered
[the officers] to give the command that they should leave the baggage
and form themselves into an orb, which measure, though in a contingency
of that nature it was not to be condemned, still turned out
unfortunately; for it both diminished the hope of our soldiers and
rendered the enemy more eager for the fight, because it appeared that
this was not done without the greatest fear and despair. Besides that
happened, which would necessarily be the case, that the soldiers for the
most part quitted their ensigns and hurried to seek and carry off from
the baggage whatever each thought valuable, and all parts were filled
with uproar and lamentation.
XXXIV.--But judgment was not wanting to the barbarians; for their
leaders ordered [the officers] to proclaim through the ranks "that no
man should quit his place; that the booty was theirs, and for them was
reserved whatever the Romans should leave; therefore let them consider
that all things depended on their victory." Our men were equal to them
in fighting, both in courage and in number, and though they were
deserted by their leader and by fortune, yet they still placed all hope
of safety in their valour, and as often as any cohort sallied forth on
that side, a great number of the enemy usually fell. Ambiorix, when he
observed this, orders the command to be issued that they throw their
weapons from a distance and do not approach too near, and in whatever
direction the Romans should make an attack, there give way (from the
lightness of their appointments and from their daily practice no damage
could be done them); [but] pursue them when betaking themselves to their
standards again.
XXXV.--Which command having been most carefully obeyed, when any cohort
had quitted the circle and made a charge, the enemy fled very
precipitately. In the meantime, that part of the Roman army, of
necessity, was left unprotected, and the weapons received on their open
flank. Again, when they had begun to return to that place from which
they had advanced, they were surrounded both by those who had retreated
and by those who stood next them; but if, on the other hand, they wished
to keep their place, neither was an opportunity left for valour, nor
could they, being crowded together, escape the weapons cast by so large
a body of men. Yet, though assailed by so many disadvantages, [and]
having received many wounds, they withstood the enemy, and, a great
portion of the day being spent, though they fought from day-break till
the eighth hour, they did nothing which was unworthy of them. At length,
each thigh of T. Balventius, who the year before had been chief
centurion, a brave man and one of great authority, is pierced with a
javelin; Q. Lucanius, of the same rank, fighting most valiantly, is
slain while he assists his son when surrounded by the enemy; L. Cotta,
the lieutenant, when encouraging all the cohorts and companies, is
wounded full in the mouth by a sling.
XXXVI.--Much troubled by these events, Q. Titurius, when he had
perceived Ambiorix in the distance encouraging his men, sends to him his
interpreter, Cn. Pompey, to beg that he would spare him and his
soldiers. He, when addressed, replied, "If he wished to confer with him,
it was permitted; that he hoped what pertained to the safety of the
soldiers could be obtained from the people; that to him however
certainly no injury would be done, and that he pledged his faith to that
effect." He consults with Cotta, who had been wounded, whether it would
appear right to retire from battle, and confer with Ambiorix; [saying]
that he hoped to be able to succeed respecting his own and the soldiers'
safety. Cotta says he will not go to an armed enemy, and in that
perseveres.
XXXVII.--Sabinus orders those tribunes of the soldiers whom he had at
the time around him, and the centurions of the first ranks, to follow
him, and when he had approached near to Ambiorix, being ordered to throw
down his arms, he obeys the order and commands his men to do the same.
In the meantime, while they treat upon the terms, and a longer debate
than necessary is designedly entered into by Ambiorix, being surrounded
by degrees, he is slain. Then they according to their custom shout out
"Victory," and raise their war-cry, and, making an attack on our men,
break their ranks. There L. Cotta, while fighting, is slain, together
with the greater part of the soldiers; the rest betake themselves to the
camp from which they had marched forth, and one of them, L. Petrosidius,
the standard bearer, when he was overpowered by the great number of the
enemy, threw the eagle within the entrenchments and is himself slain
while fighting with the greatest courage before the camp. They with
difficulty sustain the attack till night; despairing of safety, they all
to a man destroy themselves in the night. A few escaping from the
battle, make their way to Labienus at winter-quarters, after wandering
at random through the woods, and inform him of these events.
XXXVIII.--Elated by this victory, Ambiorix marches immediately with his
cavalry to the Aduatuci, who bordered on his kingdom; he halts neither
day nor night, and orders the infantry to follow him closely. Having
related the exploit and roused the Aduatuci, the next day he arrived
among the Nervii, and entreats "that they should not throw away the
opportunity of liberating themselves for ever and of punishing the
Romans for those wrongs which they had received from them"; [he tells
them] "that two lieutenants have been slain, and that a large portion of
the army has perished; that it was not a matter of difficulty for the
legion which was wintering with Cicero to be cut off, when suddenly
assaulted; he declares himself ready to co-operate in that design." He
easily gains over the Nervii by this speech.
XXXIX.--Accordingly, messengers having been forthwith despatched to the
Centrones, the Grudii, the Levaci, the Pleumoxii, and the Geiduni, all
of whom are under their government, they assemble as large bodies as
they can, and rush unexpectedly to the winter-quarters of Cicero, the
report of the death of Titurius not having as yet been conveyed to him.
That also occurred to him which was the consequence of a necessary
work,--that some soldiers who had gone off into the woods for the
purpose of procuring timber and therewith constructing fortifications,
were intercepted by the sudden arrival of [the enemy's] horse. These
having been entrapped, the Eburones, the Nervii, and the Aduatuci and
all their allies and dependants, begin to attack the legion: our men
quickly run together to arms and mount the rampart: they sustained the
attack that day with great difficulty, since the enemy placed all their
hope in despatch, and felt assured that, if they obtained this victory,
they would be conquerors for ever.
XL.--Letters are immediately sent to Caesar by Cicero, great rewards
being offered [to the messengers] if they carried them through. All the
passes having been beset, those who were sent are intercepted. During
the night as many as 120 towers are raised with incredible despatch out
of the timber which they had collected for the purpose of fortification:
the things which seemed necessary to the work are completed. The
following day the enemy, having collected far greater forces, attack the
camp [and] fill up the ditch. Resistance is made by our men in the same
manner as the day before: this same thing is done afterwards during the
remaining days. The work is carried on incessantly in the night: not
even to the sick, or wounded, is opportunity given for rest: whatever
things are required for resisting the assault of the next day are
provided during the night: many stakes burnt at the end, and a large
number of mural pikes are procured: towers are built up, battlements and
parapets are formed of interwoven hurdles. Cicero himself, though he was
in very weak health, did not leave himself the night-time for repose, so
that he was forced to spare himself by the spontaneous movement and
entreaties of the soldiers.
XLI.--Then these leaders and chiefs of the Nervii, who had any intimacy
and grounds of friendship with Cicero, say they desire to confer with
him. When permission was granted, they recount the same things which
Ambiorix had related to Titurius, namely, "that all Gaul was in arms,
that the Germans had passed the Rhine, that the winter-quarters of
Caesar and of the others were attacked." They report in addition also,
about the death of Sabinus. They point to Ambiorix for the purpose of
obtaining credence; "they are mistaken," say they, "if they hoped for
any relief from those who distrust their own affairs; that they bear
such feelings towards Cicero and the Roman people that they deny them
nothing but winter-quarters and are unwilling that this practice should
become constant; that through their [the Nervii's] means it is possible
for them [the Romans] to depart from their winter-quarters safely and to
proceed without fear into whatever parts they desire." To these Cicero
made only one reply: "that it is not the custom of the Roman people to
accept any condition from an armed enemy: if they are willing to lay
down their arms, they may employ him as their advocate and send
ambassadors to Caesar: that he believed, from his [Caesar's] justice,
they would obtain the things which they might request."
XLII.--Disappointed in this hope, the Nervii surround the winter-quarters
with a rampart eleven feet high, and a ditch thirteen feet in
depth. These military works they had learnt from our men in the
intercourse of former years, and, having taken some of our army
prisoners, were instructed by them: but, as they had no supply of iron
tools which are requisite for this service, they were forced to cut the
turf with their swords, and to empty out the earth with their hands and
cloaks, from which circumstance the vast number of the men could be
inferred; for in less than three hours they completed a fortification of
ten miles in circumference; and during the rest of the days they began
to prepare and construct towers of the height of the ramparts, and
grappling irons, and mantlets, which the same prisoners had taught them.
XLIII.--On the seventh day of the attack, a very high wind having sprung
up, they began to discharge by their slings hot balls made of burnt or
hardened clay, and heated javelins, upon the huts, which, after the
Gallic custom, were thatched with straw. These quickly took fire, and by
the violence of the wind, scattered their flames in every part of the
camp. The enemy following up their success with a very loud shout, as if
victory were already obtained and secured, began to advance their towers
and mantlets, and climb the rampart with ladders. But so great was the
courage of our soldiers, and such their presence of mind, that though
they were scorched on all sides, and harassed by a vast number of
weapons, and were aware that their baggage and their possessions were
burning, not only did no one quit the rampart for the purpose of
withdrawing from the scene, but scarcely did any one even then look
behind; and they all fought most vigorously and most valiantly. This day
was by far the most calamitous to our men; it had this result, however,
that on that day the largest number of the enemy was wounded and slain,
since they had crowded beneath the very rampart, and the hindmost did
not afford the foremost a retreat. The flame having abated a little, and
a tower having been brought up in a particular place and touching the
rampart, the centurions of the third cohort retired from the place in
which they were standing, and drew off all their men: they began to call
on the enemy by gestures and by words, to enter if they wished; but none
of them dared to advance. Then stones having been cast from every
quarter, the enemy were dislodged, and their tower set on fire.