De Bello Gallico and Other Commentaries - Caius Julius Caesar
Pages:
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30 | 31 | 32 | 33 | 34 | 35 | 36 | 37
XXXVII.--Caninius, having accomplished the business so successfully,
without having scarcely a man wounded, returned to besiege the town;
and, having destroyed the enemy without, for fear of whom he had been
prevented from strengthening his redoubts, and surrounding the enemy
with his lines, he orders the work to be completed on every side. The
next day, Caius Fabius came to join him with his forces, and took upon
him the siege of one side.
XXXVIII.--In the meantime, Caesar left Caius Antonius in the country of
the Bellovaci, with fifteen cohorts, that the Belgae might have no
opportunity of forming new plans in future. He himself visits the other
states, demands a great number of hostages, and by his encouraging
language allays the apprehensions of all. When he came to the Carnutes,
in whose state he has in a former commentary mentioned that the war
first broke out; observing, that from a consciousness of their guilt,
they seemed to be in the greatest terror: to relieve the state the
sooner from its fear, he demanded that Guturvatus, the promoter of that
treason, and the instigator of that rebellion, should be delivered up to
punishment. And though the latter did not dare to trust his life even to
his own countrymen, yet such diligent search was made by them all, that
he was soon brought to our camp. Caesar was forced to punish him, by the
clamours of the soldiers, contrary to his natural humanity, for they
alleged that all the dangers and losses incurred in that war, ought to
be imputed to Guturvatus. Accordingly, he was whipped to death, and his
head cut off.
XXXIX.--Here Caesar was informed by numerous letters from Caninius of
what had happened to Drapes and Luterius, and in what conduct the town's
people persisted: and though he despised the smallness of their numbers,
yet he thought their obstinacy deserving a severe punishment, lest Gaul
in general should adopt an idea that she did not want strength but
perseverance to oppose the Romans; and lest the other states, relying on
the advantage of situation, should follow their example and assert their
liberty; especially as he knew that all the Gauls understood that his
command was to continue but one summer longer, and if they could hold
out for that time, that they would have no further danger to apprehend.
He therefore left Quintus Calenus, one of his lieutenants behind him,
with two legions, and instructions to follow him by regular marches. He
hastened as much as he could with all the cavalry to Caninius.
XL.--Having arrived at Uxellodunum, contrary to the general expectation,
and perceiving that the town was surrounded by the works, and that the
enemy had no possible means of retiring from the assault, and being
likewise informed by the deserters that the townsmen had abundance of
corn; he endeavoured to prevent their getting water. A river divided the
valley below, which almost surrounded the steep craggy mountain on which
Uxellodunum was built. The nature of the ground prevented his turning
the current; for it ran so low down at the foot of the mountain, that no
drains could be sunk deep enough to draw it off in any direction. But
the descent to it was so difficult, that if we made opposition, the
besieged could neither come to the river, nor retire up the precipice
without hazard of their lives. Caesar, perceiving the difficulty,
disposed archers and slingers, and in some places, opposite to the
easiest descents, placed engines, and attempted to hinder the townsmen
from getting water at the river, which obliged them afterwards to go all
to one place to procure water.
XLI.--Close under the walls of the town, a copious spring gushed out on
that part, which for the space of nearly three hundred feet, was not
surrounded by the river. Whilst every other person wished that the
besieged could be debarred from this spring, Caesar alone saw that it
could be effected, though not without great danger. Opposite to it he
began to advance the vineae towards the mountain, and to throw up a
mound, with great labour and continual skirmishing. For the townsmen ran
down from the high ground, and fought without any risk, and wounded
several of our men, yet they obstinately pushed on and were not deterred
from moving forward the vineae, and from surmounting by their assiduity
the difficulties of situation. At the same time they work mines, and
move the crates and vineae to the source of the fountain. This was the
only work which they could do without danger or suspicion. A mound sixty
feet high was raised; on it was erected a turret of ten stories, not
with the intention that it should be on a level with the wall (for that
could not be effected by any works), but to rise above the top of the
spring. When our engines began to play from it upon the paths that led
to the fountain, and the townsmen could not go for water without danger,
not only the cattle designed for food and the working cattle, but a
great number of men also died of thirst.
XLII.--Alarmed at this calamity, the townsmen fill barrels with tallow,
pitch, and dried wood; these they set on fire, and roll down on our
works. At the same time, they fight most furiously, to deter the Romans,
by the engagement and danger, from extinguishing the flames. Instantly a
great blaze arose in the works. For whatever they threw down the
precipice, striking against the vine and agger, communicated the fire to
whatever was in the way. Our soldiers on the other hand, though they
were engaged in a perilous sort of encounter, and labouring under the
disadvantages of position, yet supported all with very great presence of
mind. For the action happened in an elevated situation, and in sight of
our army; and a great shout was raised on both sides; therefore every
man faced the weapons of the enemy and the flames in as conspicuous a
manner as he could, that his valour might be the better known and
attested.
XLIII.--Caesar, observing that several of his men were wounded, ordered
the cohorts to ascend the mountain on all sides, and, under pretence of
assailing the walls, to raise a shout: at which the besieged being
frightened, and not knowing what was going on in other places, call off
their armed troops from attacking our works, and dispose them on the
walls. Thus our men, without hazarding a battle, gained time partly to
extinguish the works which had caught fire, and partly to cut off the
communication. As the townsmen still continued to make an obstinate
resistance, and even, after losing the greatest part of their forces by
drought, persevered in their resolution: At last the veins of the spring
were cut across by our mines, and turned from their course. By this
their constant spring was suddenly dried up, which reduced them to such
despair that they imagined that it was not done by the art of man, but
the will of the gods; forced, therefore, by necessity, they at length
submitted.
XLIV.--Caesar, being convinced that his lenity was known to all men, and
being under no fears of being thought to act severely from a natural
cruelty, and perceiving that there would be no end to his troubles if
several states should attempt to rebel in like manner and in different
places, resolved to deter others by inflicting an exemplary punishment
on these. Accordingly he cut off the hands of those who had borne arms
against him. Their lives he spared, that the punishment of their
rebellion might be the more conspicuous. Drapes, who I have said was
taken by Caninius, either through indignation and grief arising from his
captivity, or through fear of severer punishments, abstained from food
for several days, and thus perished. At the same time, Luterius, who, I
have related, had escaped from the battle, having fallen into the hands
of Epasnactus, an Arvernian (for he frequently changed his quarters, and
threw himself on the honour of several persons, as he saw that he dare
not remain long in one place, and was conscious how great an enemy he
deserved to have in Caesar), was by this Epasnactus, the Arvernian, a
sincere friend of the Roman people, delivered without any hesitation, a
prisoner to Caesar.
XLV.--In the meantime, Labienus engages in a successful cavalry action
among the Treviri; and, having killed several of them and of the
Germans, who never refused their aid to any person against the Romans,
he got their chiefs alive into his power, and, amongst them, Surus, an
Aeduan, who was highly renowned both for his valour and birth, and was
the only Aeduan that had continued in arms till that time. Caesar, being
informed of this, and perceiving that he had met with good success in
all parts of Gaul, and reflecting that, in former campaigns, [Celtic]
Gaul had been conquered and subdued; but that he had never gone in
person to Aquitania, but had made a conquest of it, in some degree, by
Marcus Crassus, set out for it with two legions, designing to spend the
latter part of the summer there. This affair he executed with his usual
despatch and good fortune. For all the states of Aquitania sent
ambassadors to him and delivered hostages. These affairs being
concluded, he marched with a guard of cavalry towards Narbo, and drew
off his army into winter quarters by his lieutenants. He posted four
legions in the country of the Belgae, under Marcus Antonius, Caius
Trebonius, Publius Vatinius, and Quintus Tullius, his lieutenants. Two
he detached to the Aedui, knowing them to have a very powerful influence
throughout all Gaul. Two he placed among the Turoni, near the confines
of the Carnutes, to keep in awe the entire tract of country bordering on
the ocean; the other two he placed in the territories of the Lemovices,
at a small distance from the Arverni, that no part of Gaul might be
without an army. Having spent a few days in the province, he quickly ran
through all the business of the assizes, settled all public disputes,
and distributed rewards to the most deserving; for he had a good
opportunity of learning how every person was disposed towards the
republic during the general revolt of Gaul, which he had withstood by
the fidelity and assistance of the Province.
XLVII.--Having finished these affairs, he returned to his legions among
the Belgae and wintered at Nemetocenna: there he got intelligence that
Comius, the Atrebatian had had an engagement with his cavalry. For when
Antonius had gone into winter quarters, and the state of the Atrebates
continued in their allegiance, Comius, who, after that wound which I
before mentioned, was always ready to join his countrymen upon every
commotion, that they might not want a person to advise and head them in
the management of the war, when his state submitted to the Romans,
supported himself and his adherents on plunder by means of his cavalry,
infested the roads, and intercepted several convoys which were bringing
provisions to the Roman quarters.
XLVIII.--Caius Volusenus Quadratus was appointed commander of the horse
under Antonius, to winter with him: Antonius sent him in pursuit of the
enemy's cavalry; now Volusenus added to that valour which was pre-eminent
in him, a great aversion to Comius, on which account he executed
the more willingly the orders which he received. Having, therefore, laid
ambuscades, he had several encounters with his cavalry and came off
successful. At last, when a violent contest ensued, and Volusenus,
through eagerness to intercept Comius, had obstinately pursued him with
a small party; and Comius had, by the rapidity of his flight, drawn
Volusenus to a considerable distance from his troops, he, on a sudden,
appealed to the honour of all about him for assistance not to suffer the
wound, which he had perfidiously received, to go without vengeance; and,
wheeling his horse about, rode unguardedly before the rest up to the
commander. All his horse following his example, made a few of our men
turn their backs and pursued them. Comius, clapping spurs to his horse,
rode up to Volusenus, and, pointing his lance, pierced him in the thigh
with great force. When their commander was wounded, our men no longer
hesitated to make resistance, and, facing about, beat back the enemy.
When this occurred, several of the enemy, repulsed by the great
impetuosity of our men, were wounded, and some were trampled to death in
striving to escape, and some were made prisoners. Their general escaped
this misfortune by the swiftness of his horse. Our commander, being
severely wounded, so much so that he appeared to run the risk of losing
his life, was carried back to the camp. But Comius, having either
gratified his resentment, or, because he had lost the greatest part of
his followers, sent ambassadors to Antonius, and assured him that he
would give hostages as a security that he would go wherever Antonius
should prescribe, and would comply with his orders, and only entreated
that this concession should be made to his fears, that he should not be
obliged to go into the presence of any Roman. As Antonius judged that
his request originated in a just apprehension, he indulged him in it and
accepted his hostages.
* * * * *
Caesar, I know, has made a separate commentary of each year's
transactions, which I have not thought it necessary for me to do,
because the following year, in which Lucius Paulus and Caius Marcellus
were consuls, produced no remarkable occurrences in Gaul. But that no
person may be left in ignorance of the place where Caesar and his army
were at that time, I have thought proper to write a few words in
addition to this commentary.
* * * * *
XLIX.--Caesar, whilst in winter quarters in the country of the Belgae,
made it his only business to keep the states in amity with him, and to
give none either hopes of, or pretext for, a revolt. For nothing was
further from his wishes than to be under the necessity of engaging in
another war at his departure; lest, when he was drawing his army out of
the country, any war should be left unfinished, which the Gauls would
cheerfully undertake, when there was no immediate danger. Therefore, by
treating the states with respect, making rich presents to the leading
men, imposing no new burdens, and making the terms of their subjection
lighter, he easily kept Gaul (already exhausted by so many unsuccessful
battles) in obedience.
L.--When the winter quarters were broken up, he himself, contrary to his
usual practice, proceeded to Italy, by the longest possible stages, in
order to visit the free towns and colonies, that he might recommend to
them the petition of Marcus Antonius, his treasurer, for the priesthood.
For he exerted his interest both cheerfully in favour of a man strongly
attached to him, whom he had sent home before him to attend the
election, and zealously to oppose the faction and power of a few men,
who, by rejecting Marcus Antonius, wished to undermine Caesar's
influence when going out of office. Though Caesar heard on the road,
before he reached Italy, that he was created augur, yet he thought
himself in honour bound to visit the free town and colonies, to return
them thanks for rendering such service to Antonius by their presence in
such great numbers [at the election], and at the same time to recommend
to them himself, and his honour in his suit for the consulate the
ensuing year. For his adversaries arrogantly boasted that Lucius
Lentulus and Caius Marcellus had been appointed consuls, who would strip
Caesar of all honour and dignity: and that the consulate had been
injuriously taken from Sergius Galba, though he had been much superior
in votes and interest, because he was united to Caesar, both by
friendship, and by serving as lieutenant under him.
LI.--Caesar, on his arrival, was received by the principal towns and
colonies with incredible respect and affection; for this was the first
time he came since the war against united Gaul. Nothing was omitted
which could be thought of for the ornament of the gates, roads, and
every place through which Caesar was to pass. All the people with their
children went out to meet him. Sacrifices were offered up in every
quarter. The market places and temples were laid out with
entertainments, as if anticipating the joy of a most splendid triumph.
So great was the magnificence of the richer and zeal of the poorer ranks
of the people.
LII.--When Caesar had gone through all the states of Cisalpine Gaul, he
returned with the greatest haste to the army at Nemetocenna; and having
ordered all his legions to march from winter quarters to the territories
of the Treviri, he went thither and reviewed them. He made Titus
Labienus governor of Cisalpine Gaul, that he might be the more inclined
to support him in his suit for the consulate. He himself made such
journeys, as he thought would conduce to the health of his men by change
of air; and though he was frequently told that Labienus was solicited by
his enemies, and was assured that a scheme was in agitation by the
contrivance of a few, that the senate should interpose their authority
to deprive him of a part of his army; yet he neither gave credit to any
story concerning Labienus, nor could be prevailed upon to do anything in
opposition to the authority of the senate; for he thought that his cause
would be easily gained by the free voice of the senators. For Caius
Curio, one of the tribunes of the people, having undertaken to defend
Caesar's cause and dignity, had often proposed to the senate, "that if
the dread of Caesar's arms rendered any apprehensive, as Pompey's
authority and arms were no less formidable to the forum, both should
resign their command, and disband their armies. That then the city would
be free, and enjoy its due rights." And he not only proposed this, but
of himself called upon the senate to divide on the question. But the
consuls and Pompey's friends interposed to prevent it; and regulating
matters as they desired, they broke up the meeting.
LIII.--This testimony of the unanimous voice of the senate was very
great, and consistent with their former conduct; for the preceding year,
when Marcellus attacked Caesar's dignity, he proposed to the senate,
contrary to the law of Pompey and Crassus, to dispose of Caesar's
province, before the expiration of his command, and when the votes were
called for, and Marcellus, who endeavoured to advance his own dignity,
by raising envy against Caesar, wanted a division, the full senate went
over to the opposite side. The spirit of Caesar's foes was not broken by
this, but it taught them, that they ought to strengthen their interest
by enlarging their connections, so as to force the senate to comply with
whatever they resolved on.
LIV.--After this a decree was passed by the senate, that one legion
should be sent by Pompey, and another by Caesar, to the Parthian war.
But these two legions were evidently drawn from Caesar alone. For the
first legion which Pompey sent to Caesar, he gave Caesar, as if it
belonged to himself, though it was levied in Caesar's province. Caesar,
however, though no one could doubt the design of his enemies, sent the
legion back to Cneius Pompey, and in compliance with the decree of the
senate, ordered the fifteenth, belonging to himself, and which was
quartered in Cisalpine Gaul, to be delivered up. In its room he sent the
thirteenth into Italy, to protect the garrisons from which he had
drafted the fifteenth. He disposed his army in winter quarters, placed
Caius Trebonius, with four legions among the Belgae, and detached Caius
Fabius, with four more, to the Aedui; for he thought that Gaul would be
most secure if the Belgae, a people of the greatest valour, and the
Aedui, who possessed the most powerful influence, were kept in awe by
his armies.
LV.--He himself set out for Italy; where he was informed on his arrival,
that the two legions sent home by him, and which by the senate's decree,
should have been sent to the Parthian war, had been delivered over to
Pompey, by Caius Marcellus the consul, and were retained in Italy.
Although from this transaction it was evident to every one that war was
designed against Caesar, yet he resolved to submit to any thing, as long
as there were hopes left of deciding the dispute in an equitable manner,
rather than have recourse to arms.
* * * * *
THE CIVIL WAR
BOOK I
I.--When Caesar's letter was delivered to the consuls, they were with
great difficulty, and a hard struggle of the tribunes, prevailed on to
suffer it to be read in the senate; but the tribunes could not prevail,
that any question should be put to the senate on the subject of the
letter. The consuls put the question on the regulation of the state.
Lucius Lentulus the consul promises that he will not fail the senate and
republic, "if they declared their sentiments boldly and resolutely, but
if they turned their regard to Caesar, and courted his favour, as they
did on former occasions, he would adopt a plan for himself, and not
submit to the authority of the senate: that he too had a means of
regaining Caesar's favour and friendship." Scipio spoke to the same
purport, "that it was Pompey's intention not to abandon the republic, if
the senate would support him; but if they should hesitate and act
without energy, they would in vain implore his aid, if they should
require it hereafter."
II.--This speech of Scipio's, as the senate was convened in the city,
and Pompey was near at hand, seemed to have fallen from the lips of
Pompey himself. Some delivered their sentiments with more moderation, as
Marcellus first, who in the beginning of his speech, said, "that the
question ought not to be put to the senate on this matter, till levies
were made throughout all Italy, and armies raised under whose protection
the senate might freely and safely pass such resolutions as they thought
proper": as Marcus Calidius afterwards, who was of opinion, "that Pompey
should set out for his province, that there might be no cause for arms:
that Caesar was naturally apprehensive as two legions were forced from
him, that Pompey was retaining those troops, and keeping them near the
city to do him injury": as Marcus Rufus, who followed Calidius almost
word for word. They were all harshly rebuked by Lentulus, who
peremptorily refused to propose Calidius's motion. Marcellus, overawed
by his reproofs, retracted his opinion. Thus most of the senate,
intimidated by the expressions of the consul, by the fears of a present
army, and the threats of Pompey's friends, unwillingly and reluctantly
adopted Scipio's opinion, that Caesar should disband his army by a
certain day, and should he not do so, he should be considered as acting
against the state. Marcus Antonius, and Quintus Cassius, tribunes of the
people, interposed. The question was immediately put on their
interposition. Violent opinions were expressed: whoever spoke with the
greatest acrimony and cruelty, was most highly commended by Caesar's
enemies.
III.--The senate having broken up in the evening, all who belonged to
that order were summoned by Pompey. He applauded the forward, and
secured their votes for the next day; the more moderate he reproved and
excited against Caesar. Many veterans, from all parts, who had served in
Pompey's armies, were invited to his standard by the hopes of rewards
and promotions. Several officers belonging to the two legions, which had
been delivered up by Caesar, were sent for. The city and the Comitium
were crowded with tribunes, centurions, and veterans. All the consuls'
friends, all Pompey's connections, all those who bore any ancient enmity
to Caesar, were forced into the senate house. By their concourse and
declarations the timid were awed, the irresolute confirmed, and the
greater part deprived of the power of speaking their sentiments with
freedom. Lucius Piso, the censor, offered to go to Caesar: as did
likewise Lucius Roscius, the praetor, to inform him of these affairs,
and require only six days' time to finish the business. Opinions were
expressed by some to the effect that commissioners should be sent to
Caesar to acquaint him with the senate's pleasure.
IV.--All these proposals were rejected, and opposition made to them all,
in the speeches of the consul, Scipio, and Cato. An old grudge against
Caesar and chagrin at a defeat actuated Cato. Lentulus was wrought upon
by the magnitude of his debts, and the hopes of having the government of
an army and provinces, and by the presents which he expected from such
princes as should receive the title of friends of the Roman people, and
boasted amongst his friends, that he would be a second Sylla, to whom
the supreme authority should return. Similar hopes of a province and
armies, which he expected to share with Pompey on account of his
connection with him, urged on Scipio; and moreover, [he was influenced
by] the fear of being called to trial, and the adulation and an
ostentatious display of himself and his friends in power, who at that
time had great influence in the republic, and courts of judicature.
Pompey himself, incited by Caesar's enemies, because he was unwilling
that any person should bear an equal degree of dignity, had wholly
alienated himself from Caesar's friendship, and procured a
reconciliation with their common enemies; the greatest part of whom he
had himself brought upon Caesar during his affinity with him. At the
same time, chagrined at the disgrace which he had incurred by converting
the two legions from their expedition through Asia and Syria, to
[augment] his own power and authority, he was anxious to bring matters
to a war.