A Century of Negro Migration - Carter G. Woodson
The exodus of the Negroes, however, was heartily endorsed by Richard T.
Greener. He did not consider it the best remedy for the lawlessness of the
South but felt that it was a salutary one. He did not expect the United
States to give the oppressed blacks in the South the protection they
needed, as there is no abstract limit to the right of a State to do
anything. He would not encourage the Negro to lead a wandering life but in
that instance such advice was gratuitous. Greener failed to find any
analogy between African colonization and migration to the West as the
former was promoted by slaveholders to remove the free Negro from the
country and the other sprang spontaneously from the class considering
itself aggrieved. "One led out of the country to a comparative wilderness;
the other directed to a better land and larger opportunities." He did not
see how the migration to the North would diminish the potentiality of the
Negro in politics, for Massachusetts first elected Negroes to her General
Court, Ohio had nominated a Negro representative and Illinois another. He
showed also that Mr. Douglass's objection on the grounds of migrating from
south to north rather than from east to west was not historical. He
thought little of the advice to the Negroes to stick and fight it out, for
he had evidence that the return of the unreconstructed Confederates to
power in the South would for generations doom the blacks to political
oppression unknown in the annals of a free country.
Greener showed foresight here in urging the Negroes to take up desirable
western land before it would be preempted by foreigners. As the Swedes,
Norwegians, Irish, Hebrews and others were organizing societies and
raising funds to promote the migration of their needy to these lands, why
should the Negroes be debarred? Greener had no apprehension as to the
treatment the Negroes would receive in the West. He connected the movement
too with the general welfare of the blacks, considering it a promising
sign that they had learned to run from persecution. Having passed their
first stage, that of appealing to philanthropists, the Negroes were then
appealing to themselves.[18]
Feeling very much as Greener did, these Negroes rushed into Kansas and
neighboring States in 1879. So many came that some systematic relief had
to be offered. Mrs. Comstock, a Quaker lady, organized for this purpose
the Kansas Freedmen's Relief Association, to raise funds and secure for
them food and clothing. In this work she had the support of Governor J.P.
Saint John. There was much suffering upon arriving in Kansas but relief
came from various sources. During this year $40,000 and 500,000 pounds of
clothing, bedding and the like were used. England contributed 50,000
pounds of goods and $8,000. In 1879, the refugees took up 20,000 acres of
land and brought 3,000 under cultivation. The Relief Association at first
furnished them with supplies, teams and seed, which they profitably used
in the production of large crops. Desiring to establish homes, they built
300 cabins and saved $30,000 the first year. In April, 1,300 refugees had
gathered around Wyandotte alone. Up to that date 60,000 had come to
Kansas, nearly 40,000 of whom arrived in destitute condition. About 30,000
settled in the country, some on rented lands and others on farms as
laborers, leaving about 25,000 in cities, where on account of crowded
conditions and the hard weather many greatly suffered. Upon finding
employment, however, they all did well, most of them becoming
self-supporting within one year after their arrival, and few of them
coming back to the Relief Association for aid the second time.[19] This
was especially true of those in Topeka, Parsons and Kansas City.
The people of Kansas did not encourage the blacks to come. They even sent
messengers to the South to advise the Negroes not to migrate and, if they
did come anyway, to provide themselves with equipment. When they did
arrive, however, they welcomed and assisted them as human beings. Under
such conditions the blacks established five or six important colonies in
Kansas alone between 1879 and 1880. Chief among these were Baxter Springs,
Nicodemus, Morton City and Singleton. Governor Saint John, of Kansas,
reported that they seemed to be honest and of good habits, were certainly
industrious and anxious to work, and so far as they had been tried had
proved to be faithful and excellent laborers. Giving his observations
there, Sir George Campbell bore testimony to the same report.[20] Out of
these communities have come some most progressive black citizens. In
consideration of their desirability their white neighbors have given them
their cooperation, secured to them the advantages of democratic education,
and honored a few of them with some of the most important positions in the
State.
Although the greater number of these blacks went to Kansas, about 5,000 of
them sought refuge in other Western States. During these years, Negroes
gradually invaded Indian Territory and increased the number already
infiltrated into and assimilated by the Indian nations. When assured of
their friendly attitude toward the Indians, the Negroes were accepted by
them as equals, even during the days of slavery when the blacks on account
of the cruelties of their masters escaped to the wilderness.[21] Here we
are at sea as to the extent to which this invasion and subsequent
miscegenation of the black and red races extended for the reason that
neither the Indians nor these migrating Negroes kept records and the
United States Government has been disposed to classify all mixed breeds in
tribes as Indians. Having equal opportunity among the red men, the Negroes
easily succeeded. A traveler in Indian Territory in 1880 found their
condition unusually favorable. The cosy homes and promising fields of
these freedmen attracted his attention as striking evidences of their
thrift. He saw new fences, additions to cabins, new barns, churches and
school-houses indicating prosperity. Given every privilege which the
Indians themselves enjoyed, the Negroes could not be other than
contented.[22]
It was very unfortunate, however, that in 1889, when by proclamation of
President Harrison the Oklahoma Territory was thrown open, the intense
race prejudice of the white immigrants and the rule of the mob prevented a
larger number of Negroes from settling in that promising commonwealth.
Long since extensively advertised as valuable, the land of Oklahoma had
become a coveted prize for the adventurous squatters invading the
territory in defiance of the law before it was declared open for
settlement. The rush came with all the excitement of pioneer days
redoubled. Stakes were set, parcels of land were claimed, cabins were
constructed in an hour and towns grew up in a day.[23] Then came
conflicting claims as to titles and rights of preemption culminating in
fighting and bloodshed. And worst of all, with this disorderly group there
developed the fixed policy of eliminating the Negroes entirely.
The Negro, however, was not entirely excluded. Some had already come into
the territory and others in spite of the barriers set up continued to
come.[24] With the cooperation of the Indians, with whom they easily
amalgamated they readjusted themselves and acquired sufficient wealth to
rise in the economic world. Although not generally fortunate, a number of
them have coal and oil lands from which they obtain handsome incomes and a
few, like Sara Rector, have actually become rich. Dishonest white men with
the assistance of unprincipled officials have defrauded and are still
endeavoring to defraud these Negroes of their property, lending them money
secured by mortgages and obtaining for themselves through the courts
appointments as the Negroes' guardians. They turn out to be the robbers of
the Negroes, in case they do not live in a community where an enlightened
public opinion frowns down upon this crime.
During the later eighties and the early nineties there were some other
interstate movements worthy of notice here. The mineral wealth of the
Appalachian mountains was being exploited. Foreigners, at first, were
coming into this country in sufficiently large numbers to meet the demand;
but when this supply became inadequate, labor agents appealed to the
blacks in the South. Negroes then flocked to the mining districts of
Birmingham, Alabama, and to East Tennessee. A large number also migrated
from North Carolina and Virginia to West Virginia and some few of the same
group to Southern Ohio to take the places of those unreasonable strikers
who often demanded larger increases in wages than the income of their
employers could permit. Many of these Negroes came to West Virginia as is
evidenced by the increase in Negro population of that State. West Virginia
had a Negro population of 17,980 in 1870; 25,886 in 1880; 32,690 in 1890;
43,499 in 1900; and 64,173 in 1910.[25]
[Footnote 1: _Atlantic Monthly_, LXIV, p. 222; _Nation_, XXVIII,
pp. 242, 386.]
[Footnote 2: Thompson, _Reconstruction in Georgia_, p. 69.]
[Footnote 3: Williams, _History of the Negro Race_, II, p. 375.]
[Footnote 4: Williams, _History of the Negro Race_, II, p. 374.]
[Footnote 5: American _Journal of Social Science_, XI, p. 34.]
[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, XI, p. 33.]
[Footnote 7: _Nation_, XXVIII, pp. 242, 386.]
[Footnote 8: Williams, _History of the Negro Race_, II, p. 378.]
[Footnote 9: _Atlantic Monthly_, LXIV, p. 225.]
[Footnote 10: _Ibid._, LXIV, p. 226.]
[Footnote 11: _Atlantic Monthly_, LXIV, p. 224.]
[Footnote 12: _The Atlantic Monthly_, XLIV, p. 223.]
[Footnote 13: _The Vicksburg Daily Commercial_, May 6, 1879.]
[Footnote 14: _The Vicksburg Daily Commercial_, May 6, 1879.]
[Footnote 15: _Ibid._, May 6, 1879.]
[Footnote 16: _Congressional Record_, 46th Congress, 2d Session, Vol.
X, p. 104.]
[Footnote 17: For a detailed statement of Douglass's views, see the
_American Journal of Social Science_, XI, pp. 1-21.]
[Footnote 18: _American Journal of Social Science_, XI, pp. 22-35.]
[Footnote 19: Williams, _History of the Negro_, II, p. 379.]
[Footnote 20: "In Kansas City," said Sir George Campbell, "and still more
in the suburbs of Kansas proper the Negroes are much more numerous than I
have yet seen. On the Kansas side they form quite a large proportion of
the population. They are certainly subject to no indignity or ill usage.
There the Negroes seem to have quite taken to work at trades." He saw them
doing building work, both alone and assisting white men, and also painting
and other tradesmen's work. On the Kansas side, he found a Negro
blacksmith, with an establishment of his own. He had come from Tennessee
after emancipation. He had not been back there and did not want to go. He
also saw black women keeping apple stalls and engaged in other such
occupations so as to leave him under the impression that in the States,
which he called intermediate between black and white countries the blacks
evidently had no difficulty.--See _American Journal of Social
Science_, XI, pp. 32, 33.]
[Footnote 21: _American Journal of Social Science_, XI, p. 33.]
[Footnote 22: _Ibid._, XI, p. 33.]
[Footnote 23: _Spectator_, LXVII, p. 571; _Dublin Review_, CV,
p. 187; _Cosmopolitan_, VII, p. 460; _Nation_, LXVIII, p. 279.]
[Footnote 24: According to the _United States Census, of 1910_, there
are 137,612 Negroes in Oklahoma.]
[Footnote 25: See _Censuses_ of the United States.]
CHAPTER VIII
THE MIGRATION OF THE TALENTED TENTH
In spite of these interstate movements, the Negro still continued as a
perplexing problem, for the country was unprepared to grant the race
political and civil rights. Nominal equality was forced on the South at
the point of the sword and the North reluctantly removed most of its
barriers against the blacks. Some, still thinking, however, that the two
races could not live together as equals, advocated ceding the blacks the
region on the Gulf of Mexico.[1] This was branded as chimerical on the
ground that, deprived of the guidance of the whites, these States would
soon sink to African level and the end of the experiment would be a
reconquest and a military regime fatal to the true development of American
institutions.[2] Another plan proposed was the revival of the old
colonization idea of sending Negroes to Africa, but this exhibited still
less wisdom than the first in that it was based on the hypothesis of
deporting a nation, an expense which no government would be willing to
incur. There were then no physical means of transporting six or seven
millions of people, moreover, as there would be a new born for every one
the agents of colonization could deport.[3]
With the deportation scheme still kept before the people by the American
Colonization Society, the idea of emigration to Africa did not easily die.
Some Negroes continued to emigrate to Liberia from year to year. This
policy was also favored by radicals like Senator Morgan, of Alabama, who,
after movements like the Ku Klux Klan had done their work of intimidating
Negroes into submission to the domination of the whites, concluded that
most of the race believed that there was no future for the blacks in the
United States and that they were willing to emigrate. These radicals
advocated the deportation of the blacks to prevent the recurrence of
"Negro domination." This plan was acceptable to the whites in general
also, for, unlike the consensus of opinion of today, it was then thought
that the South could get along without the Negro.[4] Even newspapers like
the _Charleston News and Courier_, which denounced the persecution of
the Negroes, urged them to emigrate to Africa as they could not be
permitted to rule over the white people. The _Minneapolis Times_
wished the scheme success and Godspeed and believed that the sooner it was
carried out the better it would be for the Negroes.
Most of the influential newspapers of the country, however, urged the
contrary. Citing the progress of the Negroes since emancipation to show
that the blacks were doing their full share toward developing the wealth
of the South, the _Indianapolis Journal_ characterized as barbarism
the suggestion that the government should furnish them transportation to
Africa. "The ancestors of most of the Negroes now in this country," said
the editor, "have doubtless been here as long as those of Senator Morgan,
and their descendants are as thoroughly acclimated and have as good a
right here as the Senator himself."[5] This was the opinion of all useful
Negroes except Bishop H.M. Turner, who endorsed Morgan's plan by
advocating the emigration of one fourth of the blacks to Africa. The
editor of the _Chicago Record-Herald_ entreated Turner to temper his
enthusiasm with discretion before he involved in unspeakable disaster any
more of his trustful compatriots.
Speaking more plainly to the point, the editor of the _Philadelphia
North American_ said that the true interest of the South was to
accommodate itself to changed conditions and that the duty of the freedmen
lies in making themselves worth more in the development of the South than
they were as chattels. Although recognizing the disabilities and hardships
of the South both to the whites and the blacks, he could not believe that
the elimination of the Negroes would, if practicable, give relief.[6] The
_Boston Herald_ inquired whether it was worth while to send away a
laboring population in the absence of whites to take its place and
referred to the misfortunes of Spain which undertook to carry out such a
scheme. Speaking the real truth, _The Milwaukee Journal_ said that no
one needed to expect any appreciable decrease in the black population
through any possible emigration, no matter how successful it might be.
"The Negro," said the editor, "is here to stay and our institutions must
be adapted to comprehend him and develop his possibilities." _The
Colored American_, then the leading Negro organ of thought in the
United States, believed that the Negroes should be thankful to Senator
Morgan for his attitude on emigration, because he might succeed in
deporting to Africa those Negroes who affect to believe that this is not
their home and the more quickly we get rid of such foolhardy people the
better it will be for the stalwart of the race.[7]
A number of Negroes, however, under the inspiration of leaders[8] like
Bishop H.M. Turner, did not feel that the race had a fair chance in the
United States. A few of them emigrated to Wapimo, Mexico; but, becoming
dissatisfied with the situation there, they returned to their homes in
Georgia and Alabama in 1895. The coming of the Negroes into Mexico caused
suspicion and excitement. A newspaper, _El Tiempo_, which had been
denouncing lynching in the United States, changed front when these Negroes
arrived in that country.
Going in quest of new opportunities and desiring to reenforce the
civilization of Liberia, 197 other Negroes sailed from Savannah, Georgia,
for Liberia, March 19, 1895. Commending this step, the _Macon
Telegraph_ referred to their action as a rebellion against the social
laws which govern all people of this country. This organ further said that
it was the outcome of a feeling which has grown stronger and stronger year
by year among the Negroes of the Southern States and which will continue
to grow with the increase of education and intelligence among them. The
editor conceded that they had an opportunity to better their material
condition and acquire wealth here but contended that they had no chance to
rise out of the peasant class. The _Memphis Commercial Appeal_ urged
the building of a large Negro nation in Africa as practicable and
desirable, for it was "more and more apparent that the Negro in this
country must remain an alien and a disturber," because there was "not and
can never be a future for him in this country." The _Florida Times
Union_ felt that this colonization scheme, like all others, was a
fraud. It referred to the Negro's being carried to the land of plenty only
to find out that there, as everywhere else in the world, an existence must
be earned by toil and that his own old sunny southern home is vastly the
better place.[9]
Only a few intelligent Negroes, however, had reached the position of being
contented in the South. The Negroes eliminated from politics could not
easily bring themselves around to thinking that they should remain there
in a state of recognized inferiority, especially when during the eighties
and nineties there were many evidences that economic as well as political
conditions would become worse. The exodus treated in the previous chapter
was productive of better treatment for the Negroes and an increase in
their wages in certain parts of the South but the migration, contrary to
the expectations of many, did not become general. Actual prosperity was
impossible even if the whites had been willing to give the Negro peasants
a fair chance. The South had passed through a disastrous war, the effects
of which so blighted the hopes of its citizens in the economic world that
their land seemed to pass, so to speak, through a dark age. There was then
little to give the man far down when the one to whom he of necessity
looked for employment was in his turn bled by the merchant or the banker
of the larger cities, to whom he had to go for extensive credits.[10]
Southern planters as a class, however, had not much sympathy for the
blacks who had once been their property and the tendency to cheat them
continued, despite the fact that many farmers in the course of time
extricated themselves from the clutches of the loan sharks. There were a
few Negroes who, thanks to the honesty of certain southern gentlemen,
succeeded in acquiring considerable property in spite of their
handicaps.[11] They yielded to the white man's control in politics, when
it seemed that it meant either to abandon that field or die, and devoted
themselves to the accumulation of wealth and the acquisition of education.
This concession, however, did not satisfy the radical whites, as they
thought that the Negro might some day return to power. Unfortunately,
therefore, after the restoration of the control of the State governments
to the master class, there swept over these commonwealths a wave of
hostile legislation demanded by the poor white uplanders determined to
debase the blacks to the status of the free Negroes prior to the Civil
War.[12] The Negroes have, therefore, been disfranchised in most
reconstructed States, deprived of the privilege of serving in the State
militia, segregated in public conveyances, and excluded from public places
of entertainment. They have, moreover, been branded by public opinion as
pariahs of society to be used for exploitation but not to be encouraged to
expect that their status can ever be changed so as to destroy the barriers
between the races in their social and political relations.
This period has been marked also by an effort to establish in the South a
system of peonage not unlike that of Mexico, a sort of involuntary
servitude in that one is considered legally bound to serve his master
until a debt contracted is paid. Such laws have been enacted in Florida,
Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, North Carolina and South Carolina. No such
distinction in law has been able to stand the constitutional test of the
United States courts as was evidenced by the decision of the Supreme Court
in 1911 declaring the Alabama law unconstitutional.[13] But the planters
of the South, still a law unto themselves, have maintained actual slavery
in sequestered; districts where public opinion against peonage is too weak
to support federal authorities in exterminating it.[14] The Negroes
themselves dare not protest under penalty of persecution and the peon
concerned usually accepts his lot like that of a slave. Some years ago it
was commonly reported that in trying to escape, the persons undertaking it
often fail and suffer death at the hands of the planter or of murderous
mobs, giving as their excuse, if any be required, that the Negro is a
desperado or some other sort of criminal.
Unfortunately this reaction extended also to education. Appropriations to
public schools for Negroes diminished from year to year and when there
appeared practical leaders with, their sane plan for industrial education
the South ignorantly accepted this scheme as a desirable subterfuge for
seeming to support Negro education and at the same time directing the
development of the blacks in such a way that they would never become the
competitors of the white people. This was not these educators' idea but
the South so understood it and in effecting the readjustment, practically
left the Negroes out of the pale of the public school systems.
Consequently, there has been added to the Negroes' misfortunes, in the
South, that of being unable to obtain liberal education at public expense,
although they themselves, as the largest consumers in some parts, pay most
of the taxes appropriated to the support of schools for the youth of the
other race.[15]
The South, moreover, has adopted the policy of a more general intimidation
of the Negroes to keep them down. The lynching of the blacks, at first for
assaults on white women and later for almost any offense, has rapidly
developed as an institution. Within the past fifty years [16] there have
been lynched in the South about 4,000 Negroes, many of whom have been
publicly burned in the daytime to attract crowds that usually enjoy such
feats as the tourney of the Middle Ages. Negroes who have the courage to
protest against this barbarism have too often been subjected to
indignities and in some cases forced to leave their communities or suffer
the fate of those in behalf of whom they speak. These crimes of white men
were at first kept secret but during the last two generations the culprits
have become known as heroes, so popular has it been to murder Negroes. It
has often been discovered also that the officers of these communities take
part in these crimes and the worst of all is that politicians like
Tillman, Blease and Vardaman glory in recounting the noble deeds of those
who deserve so well of their countrymen for making the soil red with the
Negroes' blood rather than permit the much feared Africanization of
southern institutions.[17]
In this harassing situation the Negro has hoped that the North would
interfere in his behalf, but, with the reactionary Supreme Court of the
United States interpreting this hostile legislation as constitutional in
conformity with the demands of prejudiced public opinion, and with the
leaders of the North inclined to take the view that after all the factions
in the South must be left alone to fight it out, there has been nothing to
be expected from without. Matters too have been rendered much worse
because the leaders of the very party recently abandoning the freedmen to
their fate, aggravated the critical situation by first setting the Negroes
against their former masters, whom they were taught to regard as their
worst enemies whether they were or not.