Dio\'s Rome, Vol. III - Cassius Dio
DIO'S ROME
AN HISTORICAL NARRATIVE ORIGINALLY COMPOSED IN GREEK DURING THE REIGNS OF
SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, GETA AND CARACALLA, MACRINUS, ELAGABALUS AND ALEXANDER
SEVERUS:
AND
NOW PRESENTED IN ENGLISH FORM
BY
HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER, A.B. (Harvard), Ph.D. (Johns Hopkins), Acting
Professor of Greek in Lehigh University
THIRD VOLUME _Extant Books 45-51 (B.C. 44-29)_.
1906
VOLUME CONTENTS
Book Forty-five
Book Forty-six
Book Forty-seven
Book Forty-eight
Book Forty-nine
Book Fifty
Book Fifty-one
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
45
VOL. 3.--1
The following is contained in the Forty-fifth of Dio's Rome:
About Gaius Octavius, who afterward was named Augustus (chapters 1-9).
About Sextus, the son of Pompey (chapter 10).
How Caesar and Antony entered upon a period of hostility (chapters 11-17).
How Cicero delivered a public harangue against Antony (chapters 18-47).
Duration of time, the remainder of the year of the 5th dictatorship of C.
Iulius Caesar with M. Aemilius Lepidus, Master of the Horse, and of his 5th
consulship with Marcus Antonius. (B.C. 44 = a. u. 710.)[1]
(_BOOK 45, BOSSEVAIN_.)
[B.C. 44 (_a. u_.710)]
[-1-] This was Antony's course of procedure.--Gaius Octavius Copia,--this
was the name of the son of Caesar's niece, Attia,--came from Velitrae in
the Volscian country, and having been left without a protector by the
death of his father Octavius he was brought up in the house of his mother
and her husband, Lucius Philippus, but on attaining maturity spent his
time with Caesar. The latter, who was childless, based great hopes upon
him and was devoted to him, intending to leave him as successor to his
name, authority, and supremacy. He was influenced largely by Attia's
explicit affirmation that the youth had been engendered by Apollo. While
sleeping once in his temple, she said, she thought she had intercourse
with a serpent, and through this circumstance at the end of the allotted
time bore a son. Before he came to the light of day she saw in a dream
her womb lifted to the heavens and spreading out over all the earth; and
the same night Octavius thought the sun rose from her vagina. Hardly
had the child been born when Nigidius Figulus, a senator, straightway
prophesied for him sole command of the realm. [2]
He could distinguish most accurately of his contemporaries the order of
the firmament and the mutations of the stars, what they accomplished
by separation and what by conjunctions, in their associations and
retirements, and for this reason had incurred the charge of practicing
some kind of forbidden pursuits. He accordingly met on that occasion
Octavius, who was somewhat tardy in reaching the senate on account of the
birth of the child,--there happened to be a meeting of the senate that
day,--and asked him why he was late. On learning the cause he cried out:
"You have begotten a master over us." [3] At that Octavius was alarmed and
wished to destroy the infant, but Nigidius restrained him, saying that
it was impossible for it to suffer any such fate. [-2-] This was the
conversation at that time. While the boy was growing up in the country an
eagle snatched from his hands a loaf of bread, and after soaring aloft
flew down and gave it back to him.[4] When he was a lad and staying in
Rome Cicero dreamed that the boy was let down by golden chains to the
summit of the Capitol and received a whip from Jupiter.[5] He did not
know who the youth was, but meeting him the next day on the Capitol
itself he recognized him, and told the vision to the bystanders. Catulus,
who had likewise never seen Octavius, beheld in a vision all the noble
children on the Capitol at the termination of a solemn procession to
Jupiter, and in the course of the ceremony the god cast what looked like
an image of Rome into that child's lap. Startled at this he went up into
the Capitol to offer prayers to the god, and finding there Octavius, who
had ascended the hill for some other reason, he compared his appearance
with the dream and was satisfied of the truth of the vision. When later
he had become a young man and was about to reach maturity, he was putting
on the dress of an adult when his tunic was rent on both sides from his
shoulders and fell to his feet. This event of itself not only had
no significance as forecasting any good fortune, but displeased the
spectators considerably because it had happened in his first putting on
the garb of a man: it occurred to Octavius to say: "I shall put the whole
senatorial dignity beneath my feet"; and the outcome proved in accordance
with his words. Caesar founded great hopes upon him as a result of
this, introduced him into the class of patricians and trained him for
rulership. In everything that is proper to come to the notice of one
destined to control so great a power well and worthily he educated him
with care. The youth was trained in oratorical speeches, not only in the
Latin but in this language [Greek], labored persistently in military
campaigns, and received minute instruction in politics and the science of
government.
[-3-] Now this Octavius chanced at the time that Caesar was murdered to
be in Apollonia near the Ionic Gulf, pursuing his education. He had been
sent thither in advance to look after his patron's intended campaign
against the Parthians. When he learned of the event he was naturally
grieved, but did not dare at once to take any radical measures. He had
not yet heard that he had been made Caesar's son or heir, and moreover the
first news he received was to the effect that the people were of one mind
in the affair. When, however, he had crossed to Brundusium and had been
informed about the will and the people's second thought, he made no
delay, particularly because he had considerable money and numerous
soldiers who had been sent on under his charge, but he immediately
assumed the name of Caesar, succeeded to his estate, and began to busy
himself with the situation. [-4-] At the time he seemed to some to have
acted recklessly and daringly in this, but later as a result of his
good fortune and the successes he achieved he acquired a reputation for
bravery. In many instances in history men who were wrong in undertaking
some project have been famed for wisdom because they proved fortunate in
it: others who used the best possible judgment have had to stand a charge
of folly because they did not attain their ends. He, too, acted in a
blundering and dangerous way; he was only just past boyhood,--eighteen
years of age,--and saw that the succession to the inheritance and the
family was sure to provoke jealousy and censure: yet he started in
pursuit of objects that had led to Caesar's murder, and no punishment
befell him, and he feared neither the assassins nor Lepidus and Antony.
Yet he was not thought to have planned poorly, because he became
successful. Heaven, however, indicated not obscurely all the upheaval
that would result from it. As he was entering Rome a great variegated
iris surrounded the whole sun.
[-5-] In this way he that was formerly called Octavius, but already at
this time Caesar, and subsequently Augustus, took charge of affairs and
settled them and brought them to a successful close more vigourously than
any mature man, more prudently than any graybeard. First he entered the
city as if for the sole purpose of succeeding to the inheritance, and as
a private citizen with only a few attendants, without any ostentation.
Still later he did not utter any threat against any one nor show that he
was displeased at what had occurred and would take vengeance for it. So
far from demanding of Antony any of the money that he had previously
plundered, he actually paid court to him although he was insulted and
wronged by him. Among the other injuries that Antony did him by both word
and deed was his action when the lex curiata was proposed, according to
which the transfer of Octavius into Caesar's family was to take place:
Antony himself, of course, was active to have it passed, but through some
tribunes he secured its postponement in order that the young man being
not yet Caesar's child according to law might not meddle with the property
and might be weaker in all other ways. [-6-] Caesar was restive under this
treatment, but as he was unable to speak his mind freely he bore it until
he had won over the crowd, by whose members he understood his father had
been raised to honor. He knew that they were angry at the latter's death
and hoped they would be enthusiastic over him as his son and perceived
that they hated Antony on account of his having been master of the horse
and also for his failure to punish the murderers. Hence he undertook to
become tribune as a starting point for popular leadership and to secure
the power that would result from it; and he accordingly became a
candidate for the place of Cinna, which was vacant. Though hindered
by Antony's clique he did not desist and after using persuasion upon
Tiberius Cannutius, a tribune, he was by him brought before the populace.
He took as an excuse the gift bequeathed by Caesar and in his speech
touched upon all the important points, promising that he would discharge
this debt at once, and gave them cause to hope for much besides. After
this came the festival appointed in honor of the completion of the temple
of Venus, which some, while Caesar was alive, had promised to celebrate,
but were now holding in, slight regard as they did the horse-race
connected with the Parilia;[6] and to win the favor of the populace he
provided for it at his private expense on the ground that it concerned
him because of his family. At this time out of fear of Antony he brought
into the theatre neither Caesar's gilded chair nor his crown set with
precious stones, though it was permitted by decree. [-7-] When, however,
a certain star through all those days appeared in the north toward
evening, some called it a comet, and said that it indicated the usual
occurrences; but the majority, instead of believing this, ascribed it
to Caesar, interpreting it to mean that he had become a god and had been
included in the number of the stars. Then Octavius took courage and set
up in the temple of Venus a bronze statue of him with a star above his
head. Through fear of the populace no one prevented this, and then, at
last, some of the earlier decrees in regard to honors to Caesar were put
into effect. They called one of the months July after him and in the
course of certain triumphal religious festivals they sacrificed during
one special day in memory of his name. For these reasons the soldiers
also, and particularly since some of them received largesses of money,
readily took the side of Caesar.
Rumors accordingly went abroad, and it seemed likely that something
unusual would take place. This idea gained most headway for the reason
that when Octavius was somewhat anxious to show himself in court in an
elevated and conspicuous place, as he had been wont to do in his father's
lifetime, Antony would not allow it, but had his lictors drag him down
and drive him out. [-8-] All were exceedingly vexed, and especially
because Caesar with a view to casting odium upon his rival and arousing
the multitude would no longer even frequent the Forum. So Antony became
terrified, and in conversation with the bystanders one day remarked
that he harbored no anger against Caesar, but on the contrary owed him
affection, and felt inclined to dispel the entire cloud of suspicion. The
statement was reported to the other, they held a conference, and some
thought they had become reconciled. As a fact they understood each
other's dispositions accurately, and, thinking it inopportune at that
time to put them to the test, they came to terms by making a few mutual
concessions. For some days they were quiet; then they began to suspect
each other afresh as a result of either some really hostile action
or some false report of hostility,--as regularly happens under such
conditions,--and were again at variance. When men become reconciled after
a great enmity they are suspicious of many acts that contain no malice
and of many chance occurrences. In brief, they regard everything, in the
light of their former hostility, as done on purpose and for an evil
end. While they are in this condition those who stand on neutral ground
aggravate the trouble, irritating them still more by bearing reports to
and fro under the pretence of devotion. There is a very large element
which is anxious to see all those who have power at variance with one
another,--an element which consequently takes delight in their enmity and
joins in plots against them. And the party which has previously suffered
from calumny is very easy to deceive with words adapted to the purpose
by a band of friends whose attachment is not under suspicion. This also
accounts for the fact that these men, who did not trust each other
previously, became now even more estranged.
[-9-] Antony seeing that Caesar was gaining ground attempted to attract
the populace by various baits, to see if he could detach the people from
his rival and number them among his own forces. Hence through Lucius
Antonius, his brother, who was tribune, he introduced a measure that
considerable land be opened for settlement, among the parcels being the
region of the Pontine marshes, which he stated had already been filled
and were capable of cultivation. The three Antonii, who were brothers,
all held office at the same time. Marcus was consul, Lucius tribune, and
Gaius praetor. Therefore they could very easily remove those who were
temporarily rulers of their allies and subjects (except the majority of
the assassins and some others whom they regarded as loyal) and choose
others in place of them: they could also grant some the right to hold
office for an unusually long term, contrary to the laws established by
Caesar. Also Macedonia, which fell to Marcus by lot, was appropriated
by his brother Gaius, but Marcus himself with the legions previously
despatched into Apollonia laid claim to Gaul on this side of the Alps, to
which Decimus Brutus had been assigned; the reason was that it seemed to
be very strong in resources of soldiers and money. After these measures
had been passed the immunity granted to Sextus Pompey by Caesar, as to all
the rest, was confirmed: he had already considerable influence. It was
further resolved that whatever moneys of silver or gold the public
treasury had taken from his ancestral estate should be restored. As
for the lands belonging to it Antony held the most of them and made no
restoration.
[-10-] This was the business in which they were engaged. But I shall now
go on to describe how Sextus had fared. When he had fled from Corduba, he
first came to Lacetania and concealed himself there. He was pursued, to
be sure, but eluded discovery through the fact that the natives were
kindly disposed to him out of regard for his father's memory. Later, when
Caesar had started for Italy and only a small army was left behind in
Baetica, he was joined both by the native inhabitants and by those who
escaped from the battle, and with them he came again into Baetica, because
he thought it more suitable for the carrying on of war. There he gained
possession of soldiers and cities, particularly after Caesar's death, some
voluntarily and some by violence; the commandant in charge of them, Gaius
Asinius Pollio, held a force that was far from strong. He next set out
against Spanish Carthage, but since in his absence Pollio made an attack
and did some damage, he returned with a large force, met his opponent,
and routed him. After that the following accident enabled him to startle
and conquer the rest, as well, who were contending fiercely. Pollio had
cast off his general's cloak, in order to suffer less chance of detection
in his flight, and another man of the same name, a brilliant horseman,
had fallen. The soldiers, hearing the name of the latter, who was lying
there, and seeing the garment which had been captured, were deceived, and
thinking that their general had perished surrendered. In this way Sextus
conquered and held possession of nearly that entire region. When he was
now a powerful factor, Lepidus arrived to govern the adjoining portion of
Spain, and persuaded him to enter into an agreement on condition that he
should recover his father's estate. Antony, influenced by his friendship
for Lepidus and by his hostility toward Caesar, caused such a decree to be
passed.
So Sextus, in this way and on these conditions, held aloof from Spain
proper. [-11-] Caesar and Antony in all their acts opposed each other, but
had not fallen out openly, and whereas in reality they were alienated
they tried to disguise the fact so far as appearances went. As a result
all other interests in the city were in a most undecided state and
condition of turmoil. People were still at peace and yet already at war.
Liberty led but a shadow existence, and the deeds done were the deeds
of royalty. To a casual observer Antony, since he held the consulship,
seemed to be getting the best of it, but the enthusiasm of the masses was
for Caesar. This was partly on his father's account, partly on account of
the hopes he held out to them, but above all because they were displeased
at the considerable power of Antony and were inclined to assist Caesar
while he was yet devoid of strength. Neither man had their affection, but
they were always eager for a change of administration, and it was their
nature to try to overthrow every superior force and to help any party
that was being oppressed. Consequently they made use of the two to suit
their own desires. After they had at this period humbled Antony through
the instrumentality of Caesar they next undertook to destroy the latter
also. Their irritation toward the men temporarily in power and their
liking for the weaker side made them attempt to overthrow the former.
Later they became estranged from the weaker also. Thus they showed
dislike for each of them in turn and the same men experienced their
affection and their hatred, their support and their active opposition.
[-12-] While they were maintaining the above attitude toward Caesar and
Antony, the war began as follows. Antony had set out for Brundusium to
meet the soldiers who had crossed over from Macedonia. Caesar sent some
persons to that city with money, who were to arrive there before Antony
and win over the men, and himself went to Campania, where he collected
a large crowd of men, chiefly from Capua because the people there had
received their land and city from his father, whom he said he was
avenging. He made them many promises and gave them on the spot five
hundred denarii apiece. These men usually constituted the corps of
evocati, whom one might term in Greek "the recalled", because having
ended their service they have been recalled to it again. Caesar took
charge of them, hastened to Rome before Antony could make his way back,
and came before the people, who had been made ready for him by Cannutius.
There he called to their minds in detail all the excellent works his
father had done, made a considerable, though moderate, defence of
himself, and brought accusations against Antony. He also praised
the soldiers who had accompanied him, saying that they were present
voluntarily to lend aid to the city, that they had elected him to preside
over the State and that through his mouth they made known these facts to
all. For this speech he received the approbation of his following and of
the throng that stood by, after which he departed for Etruria with a view
to obtaining an accession to his forces from that country.
[-13-] While he was doing this Antony had been at first kindly received
in Brundusium by the soldiers, because they expected they would secure
more from him than was offered them by Caesar. This belief was based
on the idea that he had possession of much more than his rival. When,
however, he promised to give each of them a hundred denarii, they raised
an outcry, but he reduced them to submission by ordering centurions as
well as others to be slain before the eyes of himself and his wife. For
the time being the soldiers were quiet, but on the way toward Gaul when
they arrived opposite the capital they revolted, and many of them,
despising the lieutenants that had been set over them, arrayed themselves
on Caesar's side. The so-called Martian and the fourth legion went over to
him in a body. He took charge of them and won their attachment by giving
money to all alike,--an act which added many more to his troops. He also
captured all the elephants of Antony, by confronting the train suddenly
as they were being conducted along. Antony stopped in Rome only long
enough to arrange a few affairs and to bind by oath all the rest of the
soldiers and the senators who were in their company; then he set out for
Gaul, fearing that that country too might indulge in an uprising. Caesar
without delay followed behind him.
[-14-] Decimus Brutus was at this time governor of that province, and
Antony set great hopes upon him, because he had been a slayer of Caesar.
But it turned out as follows. Decimus did not look askance particularly
at Caesar, for the latter had uttered no threats against the assassins: on
the other hand, he saw that Antony was no more formidable a foe than his
rival, or, indeed, than himself or any of the rest who were in power as
a result of natural acquisitiveness; therefore he refused to give ground
before him. Caesar, when he heard this decision, was for some time at a
loss what course to adopt. The young man hated both Decimus and Antony
but saw no way in which he could contend against them both at once. He
was by no means yet a match for either one of the two, and he was further
afraid that if he risked such a move he should throw them into each
other's arms and face the united opposition of the two. After stopping to
reflect that the struggle with Antony was already begun and was urgent,
but that it was not yet a fitting season for taking vengeance for his
father, he decided to make a friend of Decimus. He understood well that
he should find no great difficulty in fighting against the latter, if
with his aid he could first overcome his adversaries, but that Antony
would be a powerful antagonist on any subsequent occasion. So much did
they differ from each other. [-15-] Accordingly he sent a messenger to
Decimus, proposing friendship and promising alliance, if he would refuse
to receive Antony. This proposal caused the people in the city likewise
to join in expressing their gratitude to Caesar. Just at this time the
year was drawing to a close and no consul was on the ground, Dolabella
having been previously sent by Antony to Syria. Eulogies, however, were
delivered in the senate by the members themselves and by the soldiers who
had abandoned Antony,--with the concurrence also of the tribunes. When
they entered upon the new year they decided, in order that they might
discuss freely existing conditions, to employ a guard of soldiers
at their meetings. This pleased nearly all who were in Rome at the
time,--for they cordially detested Antony,--but particularly Cicero. He,
on account of his bitter and long-standing hostility toward the man, paid
court to Caesar, and so far as he could, by speech and action, strove to
assist him in every way and to injure Antony. It was for this reason
that, when he had left the city to escort his son to Athens for the
benefit of his education, he had returned on ascertaining that the two
were publicly estranged.
[-16-] Besides these events which took place that year Servilius
Isauricus died at a very advanced age. I have mentioned him both for that
fact and to show how the Romans of that period respected men who were
prominent through merit and hated those who behaved insolently, even on
the very slightest grounds. This Servilius while walking had once met on
the road a man on horseback, who so far from dismounting on his approach
spurned him violently aside. Later he recognized the fellow in a
defendant of a case in court, and when he mentioned the affair to the
judge, they paid no further attention to the man's plea, but unanimously
condemned him.
[B.C. 43 (_a u_. 711)]
[-17-] In the consulship of Aldus Hirtius (who was now appointed consul
in spite of the fact that his father's name had been posted on the
tablets of Sulla), with his colleague Gaius Vibius, a meeting of the
senate was held and votes were taken for three successive days, including
the first of the month itself. As a result of the war which was upon them
and the portents, very numerous and extremely unfavorable, which took
place, they were so excited that they failed to pass over these _dies
nefasti_ on which they ought not to deliberate on any matter touching
their interests. Ominous had been the falling of great numbers of
thunderbolts, some of which descended on the shrine sacred to Capitoline
Jupiter, that stood in the temple of Victory. Also a great wind arose
which snapped and scattered the columns erected about the temple of
Saturn and the shrine of Fides, and likewise knocked down and shattered
the statue of Minerva the Protectress, which Cicero had set up on the
Capitol before his exile. This portended, of course, the death of Cicero
himself. Another thing that frightened the rest of the population was
a great earthquake which occurred, and the fact that a bull which was
sacrificed on account of it in the temple of Vesta leaped up after the
ceremony. In addition to these clear indications of danger a flash darted
across from the place of the rising sun to the place of its setting and a
new star was seen for several days. Then the light of the sun seemed to
be diminished and even extinguished, and at times to appear in three
circles, one of which was surmounted by a fiery crown of sheaves. This,
if anything, proved as clear a sign as possible to them. For three men
were in power,--I mean Caesar and Lepidus and Antony,--and of them Caesar
subsequently secured the victory. At the same time that these things
occurred all sorts of oracles tending to the downfall of the democracy
were recited. Crows, moreover, flew into the temple of the Dioscuri and
pecked out the names of the consuls and of Antony and of Dolabella, which
were inscribed there somewhere on a tablet. And by night dogs in large
numbers gathered throughout the city and especially near the house of the
high priest, Lepidus, and set up howls. Again, the Po, which had flooded
a large portion of the surrounding territory, suddenly receded and left
behind on the dry land a vast number of snakes. Countless fish were cast
up from the sea on the shore near the mouth of the Tiber. Succeeding
these terrors a plague spread over nearly the whole of Italy in a
malignant form, and in view of this the senate voted that the Curia
Hostilia[7] should be rebuilt and the spot where the naval battle had
taken place be filled up. However, the curse did not appear disposed to
rest even at this point, especially when during Vibius's conduct of the
initial sacrifices on the first of the month one of his lictors suddenly
fell down and died. Because of these events many men in the course of
those days took one side or the other in their speeches and advice, and
among the deliverances was the following, of Cicero:--[-18-] "You have
heard recently, Conscript Fathers, when I made a statement to you about
the matter, why I made preparations for my departure as if I were going
to be absent from the city a very long time and then returned rapidly
with the idea that I could benefit you greatly. I would not endure an
existence under a sovereignty or a tyranny, since under such forms of
government I can not enjoy the rights of free[8] citizenship nor speak
my mind safely nor die in a way that is of service to you; and again, if
opportunity is afforded to obey any of duty's calls, I would not shrink
from action, though it involved danger. I deem it the task of an upright
man equally to keep watch over himself for his country's interests
(guarding himself that he may not perish uselessly), and in this course
of action not to fail to say or do whatever is requisite, even if it be
necessary to suffer some harm in preserving his native land.