A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents - Edited by James D. Richardson
And if the said vessels, or any of them, shall fail to depart as
aforesaid, or shall reenter the harbors or waters aforesaid, I do
in that case forbid all intercourse with the said armed vessels the
_Leander_, the _Cambrian_, and the _Driver_, or with any of them, and
the officers and crews thereof, and do prohibit all supplies and aid
from being furnished them, or any of them. And I do declare and make
known that if any person from or within the jurisdictional limits of the
United States shall afford any aid to either of the said armed vessels
contrary to the prohibition contained in this proclamation, either in
repairing such vessel or in furnishing her, her officers or crew, with
supplies of any kind or in any manner whatever; or if any pilot shall
assist in navigating any of the said armed vessels, unless it be for
the purpose of carrying them in the first instance beyond the limits
and jurisdiction of the United States, such person or persons shall on
conviction suffer all the pains and penalties by the laws provided for
such offenses. And I do hereby enjoin and require all persons bearing
office, civil or military, within the United States, and all others
citizens or inhabitants thereof, or being within the same, with
vigilance and promptitude to exert their respective authorities and
to be aiding and assisting to the carrying this proclamation and every
part thereof into full effect.
[SEAL.]
In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be
affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand.
Given at the city of Washington, the 3d day of May, A.D. 1806, and of
the Sovereignty and Independence of the United States the thirtieth.
TH. JEFFERSON.
By the President:
JAMES MADISON,
_Secretary of State_.
[From Annals of Congress, Ninth Congress, second session, 686.]
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas information has been received that sundry persons, citizens of
the United States or residents within the same, are conspiring and
confederating together to begin and set on foot, provide, and prepare
the means for a military expedition or enterprise against the dominions
of Spain; that for this purpose they are fitting out and arming vessels
in the western waters of the United States, collecting provisions,
arms, military stores, and means; are deceiving and seducing honest
and well-meaning citizens, under various pretenses, to engage in their
criminal enterprises; are organizing, officering, and arming themselves
for the same, contrary to the laws in such cases made and provided:
I have therefore thought proper to issue this my proclamation, warning
and enjoining all faithful citizens who have been led without due
knowledge or consideration to participate in the said unlawful
enterprises to withdraw from the same without delay, and commanding all
persons whatsoever engaged or concerned in the same to cease all further
proceedings therein, as they will answer the contrary at their peril and
incur prosecution with all the rigors of the law. And I hereby enjoin
and require all officers, civil and military, of the United States, or
of any of the States or Territories, and especially all governors and
other executive authorities, all judges, justices, and other officers
of the peace, all military officers of the Army or Navy of the United
States, or officers of the militia, to be vigilant, each within his
respective department and according to his functions, in searching out
and bringing to condign punishment all persons engaged or concerned in
such enterprise, in seizing and detaining, subject to the disposition of
the law, all vessels, arms, military stores, or other means provided or
providing for the same, and, in general, in preventing the carrying on
such expedition or enterprise by all lawful means within their power;
and I require all good and faithful citizens and others within the
United States to be aiding and assisting herein, and especially in the
discovery, apprehension, and bringing to justice of all such offenders,
in preventing the execution of their unlawful designs, and in giving
information against them to the proper authorities.
In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to
be affixed to these presents, and have signed the same with my hand.
[SEAL.]
Given at the city of Washington on the 27th day of November, 1806, and
in the year of the Sovereignty of the United States the thirty-first.
TH. JEFFERSON.
By the President:
JAMES MADISON,
_Secretary of State_.
SIXTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.
DECEMBER 2, 1806.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled_:
It would have given me, fellow-citizens, great satisfaction to announce
in the moment of your meeting that the difficulties in our foreign
relations existing at the time of your last separation had been amicably
and justly terminated. I lost no time in taking those measures which
were most likely to bring them to such a termination--by special
missions charged with such powers and instructions as in the event
of failure could leave no imputation on either our moderation or
forbearance. The delays which have since taken place in our negotiations
with the British Government appear to have proceeded from causes which
do not forbid the expectation that during the course of the session I
may be enabled to lay before you their final issue. What will be that of
the negotiations for settling our differences with Spain nothing which
had taken place at the date of the last dispatches enables us to
pronounce. On the western side of the Mississippi she advanced in
considerable force, and took post at the settlement of Bayou Pierre, on
the Red River. This village was originally settled by France, was held
by her as long as she held Louisiana, and was delivered to Spain only
as a part of Louisiana. Being small, insulated, and distant, it was not
observed at the moment of redelivery to France and the United States
that she continued a guard of half a dozen men which had been stationed
there. A proposition, however, having been lately made by our commander
in chief to assume the Sabine River as a temporary line of separation
between the troops of the two nations until the issue of our
negotiations shall be known, this has been referred by the Spanish
commandant to his superior, and in the meantime he has withdrawn his
force to the western side of the Sabine River. The correspondence on
this subject now communicated will exhibit more particularly the present
state of things in that quarter.
The nature of that country requires indispensably that an unusual
proportion of the force employed there should be cavalry or mounted
infantry. In order, therefore, that the commanding officer might be
enabled to act with effect, I had authorized him to call on the
governors of Orleans and Mississippi for a corps of 500 volunteer
cavalry. The temporary arrangement he has proposed may perhaps render
this unnecessary; but I inform you with great pleasure of the
promptitude with which the inhabitants of those Territories have
tendered their services in defense of their country. It has done honor
to themselves, entitled them to the confidence of their fellow-citizens
in every part of the Union, and must strengthen the general
determination to protect them efficaciously under all circumstances
which may occur.
Having received information that in another part of the United States
a great number of private individuals were combining together, arming
and organizing themselves contrary to law, to carry on a military
expedition against the territories of Spain, I thought it necessary,
by proclamation as well as by special orders, to take measures for
preventing and suppressing this enterprise, for seizing the vessels,
arms, and other means provided for it, and for arresting and bringing
to justice its authors and abettors. It was due to that good faith
which ought ever to be the rule of action in public as well as in
private transactions, it was due to good order and regular government,
that while the public force was acting strictly on the defensive and
merely to protect our citizens from aggression the criminal attempts
of private individuals to decide for their country the question of
peace or war by commencing active and unauthorized hostilities should
be promptly and efficaciously suppressed.
Whether it will be necessary to enlarge our regular force will depend on
the result of our negotiations with Spain; but as it is uncertain when
that result will be known, the provisional measures requisite for that,
and to meet any pressure intervening in that quarter, will be a subject
for your early consideration.
The possession of both banks of the Mississippi reducing to a single
point the defense of that river, its waters, and the country adjacent,
it becomes highly necessary to provide for that point a more adequate
security. Some position above its mouth, commanding the passage of the
river, should be rendered sufficiently strong to cover the armed vessels
which may be stationed there for defense, and in conjunction with them
to present an insuperable obstacle to any force attempting to pass. The
approaches to the city of New Orleans from the eastern quarter also will
require to be examined and more effectually guarded. For the internal
support of the country the encouragement of a strong settlement on the
western side of the Mississippi, within reach of New Orleans, will be
worthy the consideration of the Legislature.
The gunboats authorized by an act of the last session are so advanced
that they will be ready for service in the ensuing spring. Circumstances
permitted us to allow the time necessary for their more solid
construction. As a much larger number will still be wanting to place
our seaport towns and waters in that state of defense to which we are
competent and they entitled, a similar appropriation for a further
provision for them is recommended for the ensuing year.
A further appropriation will also be necessary for repairing
fortifications already established and the erection of such other works
as may have real effect in obstructing the approach of an enemy to our
seaport towns, or their remaining before them.
In a country whose constitution is derived from the will of the people,
directly expressed by their free suffrages; where the principal
executive functionaries and those of the legislature are renewed by them
at short periods; where under the character of jurors they exercise in
person the greatest portion of the judiciary powers; where the laws are
consequently so formed and administered as to bear with equal weight and
favor on all, restraining no man in the pursuits of honest industry and
securing to everyone the property which that acquires, it would not be
supposed that any safeguards could be needed against insurrection or
enterprise on the public peace or authority. The lawrs, however, aware
that these should not be trusted to moral restraints only, have wisely
provided punishment for these crimes when committed. But would it not be
salutary to give also the means of preventing their commission? Where an
enterprise is meditated by private individuals against a foreign nation
in amity with the United States, powers of prevention to a certain
extent are given by the laws. Would they not be as reasonable and useful
where the enterprise preparing is against the United States? While
adverting to this branch of law it is proper to observe that in
enterprises meditated against foreign nations the ordinary process of
binding to the observance of the peace and good behavior, could it
be extended to acts to be done out of the jurisdiction of the United
States, would be effectual in some cases where the offender is able to
keep out of sight every indication of his purpose which could draw on
him the exercise of the powers now given by law.
The States on the coast of Barbary seem generally disposed at present
to respect our peace and friendship; with Tunis alone some uncertainty
remains. Persuaded that it is our interest to maintain our peace with
them on equal terms or not at all, I propose to send in due time a
reen-forcement into the Mediterranean unless previous information shall
shew it to be unnecessary.
We continue to receive proofs of the growing attachment of our Indian
neighbors and of their disposition to place all their interests under
the patronage of the United States. These dispositions are inspired by
their confidence in our justice and in the sincere concern we feel for
their welfare; and as long as we discharge these high and honorable
functions with the integrity and good faith which alone can entitle us
to their continuance we may expect to reap the just reward in their
peace and friendship.
The expedition of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke for exploring the river
Missouri and the best communication from that to the Pacific Ocean has
had all the success which could have been expected. They have traced the
Missouri nearly to its source, descended the Columbia to the Pacific
Ocean; ascertained with accuracy the geography of that interesting
communication across our continent, learnt the character of the country,
of its commerce and inhabitants; and it is but justice to say that
Messrs. Lewis and Clarke and their brave companions have by this arduous
service deserved well of their country.
The attempt to explore the Red River, under the direction of Mr.
Freeman, though conducted with a zeal and prudence meriting entire
approbation, has not been equally successful. After proceeding up it
about 600 miles, nearly as far as the French settlements had extended
while the country was in their possession, our geographers were obliged
to return without completing their work.
Very useful additions have also been made to our knowledge of the
Mississippi by Lieutenant Pike, who has ascended it to its source, and
whose journal and map, giving the details of his journey, will shortly
be ready for communication to both Houses of Congress. Those of Messrs.
Lewis, Clarke, and Freeman will require further time to be digested
and prepared. These important surveys, in addition to those before
possessed, furnish materials for commencing an accurate map of the
Mississippi and its western waters. Some principal rivers, however,
remain still to be explored, toward which the authorization of Congress
by moderate appropriations will be requisite.
I congratulate you, fellow-citizens, on the approach of the period at
which you may interpose your authority constitutionally to withdraw
the citizens of the United States from all further participation in
those violations of human rights which have been so long continued on
the unoffending inhabitants of Africa, and which the morality, the
reputation, and the best interests of our country have long been eager
to proscribe. Although no law you may pass can take prohibitory effect
till the first day of the year 1808, yet the intervening period is
not too long to prevent by timely notice expeditions which can not
be completed before that day.
The receipts at the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th day of
September last have amounted to near $15,000,000, which have enabled us,
after meeting the current demands, to pay $2,700,000 of the American
claims in part of the price of Louisiana; to pay of the funded debt
upward of three millions of principal and nearly four of interest, and,
in addition, to reimburse in the course of the present month near two
millions of 5-1/2 per cent stock. These payments and reimbursements of
the funded debt, with those which had been made in the four years and a
half preceding, will at the close of the present year have extinguished
upward of twenty-three millions of principal.
The duties composing the Mediterranean fund will cease by law at the
end of the present session. Considering, however, that they are levied
chiefly on luxuries and that we have an impost on salt, a necessary
of life, the free use of which otherwise is so important, I recommend
to your consideration the suppression of the duties on salt and the
continuation of the Mediterranean fund instead thereof for a short time,
after which that also will become unnecessary for any purpose now within
contemplation.
When both of these branches of revenue shall in this way be relinquished
there will still ere long be an accumulation of moneys in the Treasury
beyond the installments of public debt which we are permitted by
contract to pay. They can not then, without a modification assented to
by the public creditors, be applied to the extinguishment of this debt
and the complete liberation of our revenues, the most desirable of all
objects. Nor, if our peace continues, will they be wanting for any other
existing purpose. The question therefore now comes forward, To what
other objects shall these surpluses be appropriated, and the whole
surplus of impost, after the entire discharge of the public debt, and
during those intervals when the purposes of war shall not call for them?
Shall we suppress the impost and give that advantage to foreign over
domestic manufactures? On a few articles of more general and necessary
use the suppression in due season will doubtless be right, but the great
mass of the articles on which impost is paid are foreign luxuries,
purchased by those only who are rich enough to afford themselves the
use of them. Their patriotism would certainly prefer its continuance
and application to the great purposes of the public education, roads,
rivers, canals, and such other objects of public improvement as it may
be thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of Federal
powers. By these operations new channels of communication will be opened
between the States, the lines of separation will disappear, their
interests will be identified, and their union cemented by new and
indissoluble ties. Education is here placed among the articles of public
care, not that it would be proposed to take its ordinary branches out
of the hands of private enterprise, which manages so much better all
the concerns to which it is equal, but a public institution can alone
supply those sciences which though rarely called for are yet necessary
to complete the circle, all the parts of which contribute to the
improvement of the country and some of them to its preservation. The
subject is now proposed for the consideration of Congress, because if
approved by the time the State legislatures shall have deliberated on
this extension of the Federal trusts, and the laws shall be passed and
other arrangements made for their execution, the necessary funds will
be on hand and without employment. I suppose an amendment to the
Constitution, by consent of the States, necessary, because the objects
now recommended are not among those enumerated in the Constitution, and
to which it permits the public moneys to be applied.
The present consideration of a national establishment for education
particularly is rendered proper by this circumstance also, that if
Congress, approving the proposition, shall yet think it more eligible
to found it on a donation of lands, they have it now in their power to
endow it with those which will be among the earliest to produce the
necessary income. This foundation would have the advantage of being
independent of war, which may suspend other improvements by requiring
for its own purposes the resources destined for them.
This, fellow-citizens, is the state of the public interests at the
present moment and according to the information now possessed. But such
is the situation of the nations of Europe and such, too, the predicament
in which we stand with some of them that we can not rely with certainty
on the present aspect of our affairs, that may change from moment
to moment during the course of your session or after you shall have
separated. Our duty is, therefore, to act upon things as they are and
to make a reasonable provision for whatever they may be. Were armies to
be raised whenever a speck of war is visible in our horizon, we never
should have been without them. Our resources would have been exhausted
on dangers which have never happened, instead of being reserved for
what is really to take place. A steady, perhaps a quickened, pace in
preparations for the defense of our seaport towns and waters; an early
settlement of the most exposed and vulnerable parts of our country; a
militia so organized that its effective portions can be called to any
point in the Union, or volunteers instead of them to serve a sufficient
time, are means which may always be ready, yet never preying on our
resources until actually called into use. They will maintain the
public interests while a more permanent force shall be in course of
preparation. But much will depend on the promptitude with which these
means can be brought into activity. If war be forced upon us, in spite
of our long and vain appeals to the justice of nations, rapid and
vigorous movements in its outset will go far toward securing us in its
course and issue, and toward throwing its burthens on those who render
necessary the resort from reason to force.
The result of our negotiations, or such incidents in their course as may
enable us to infer their probable issue; such further movements also
on our western frontiers as may shew whether war is to be pressed there
while negotiation is protracted elsewhere, shall be communicated to
you from time to time as they become known to me, with whatever other
information I possess or may receive, which may aid your deliberations
on the great national interests committed to your charge.
TH. JEFFERSON.
SPECIAL MESSAGES.
DECEMBER 3, 1806.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I have the satisfaction to inform you that the negotiation depending
between the United States and the Government of Great Britain is
proceeding in a spirit of friendship and accommodation which promises a
result of mutual advantage. Delays, indeed, have taken place, occasioned
by the long illness and subsequent death of the British minister charged
with that duty. But the commissioners appointed by that Government
to resume the negotiation have shewn every disposition to hasten its
progress. It is, however, a work of time, as many arrangements are
necessary to place our future harmony on stable grounds. In the meantime
we find by the communications of our plenipotentiaries that a temporary
suspension of the act of the last session prohibiting certain
importations would, as a mark of candid disposition on our part and of
confidence in the temper and views with which they have been met, have
a happy effect on its course. A step so friendly will afford further
evidence that all our proceedings have flowed from views of justice and
conciliation, and that we give them willingly that form which may best
meet corresponding dispositions.
Add to this that the same motives which produced the postponement of
the act till the 15th of November last are in favor of its further
suspension, and as we have reason to hope that it may soon yield to
arrangements of mutual consent and convenience, justice seems to require
that the same measure may be dealt out to the few cases which may fall
within its short course as to all others preceding and following it.
I can not, therefore, but recommend the suspension of this act for a
reasonable time, on considerations of justice, amity, and the public
interests.
TH. JEFFERSON.
DECEMBER 15, 1806,
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
I lay before Congress a report of the surveyor of the public buildings,
stating the progress made on them during the last season and what is
proposed for the ensuing one.
I took every measure within my power for carrying into effect the
request of the House of Representatives of the 17th of April last
to cause the south wing of the Capitol to be prepared for their
accommodation by the commencement of the present session. With great
regret I found it was not to be accomplished. The quantity of freestone
necessary, with the size and quality of many of the blocks, was
represented as beyond what could be obtained from the quarries by any
exertions which could be commanded. The other parts of the work, which
might all have been completed in time, were necessarily retarded by the
insufficient progress of the stonework.
TH. JEFFERSON.
JANUARY 5, 1807.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I transmit to each House of Congress a copy of the laws of the Territory
of Michigan passed by the governor and judges of the Territory during
the year 1805.
TH. JEFFERSON.
JANUARY 22, 1807.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
Agreeably to the request of the House of Representatives communicated
in their resolution of the 16th instant, I proceed to state, under the
reserve therein expressed, information received touching an illegal
combination of private individuals against the peace and safety of the
Union, and a military expedition planned by them against the territories
of a power in amity with the United States, with the measures I have
pursued for suppressing the same.