A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents - Edited by James D. Richardson
These views, however, of reducing our burthens are formed on the
expectation that a sensible and at the same time a salutary reduction
may take place in our habitual expenditures. For this purpose those of
the civil Government, the Army, and Navy will need revisal.
When we consider that this Government is charged with the external, and
mutual relations only of these States; that the States themselves have
principal care of our persons, our property, and our reputation,
constituting the great field of human concerns, we may well doubt
whether our organization is not too complicated, too expensive; whether
offices and officers have not been multiplied unnecessarily and
sometimes injuriously to the service they were meant to promote. I will
cause to be laid before you an essay toward a statement of those who,
under public employment of various kinds, draw money from the Treasury
or from our citizens. Time has not permitted a perfect enumeration, the
ramifications of office being too multiplied and remote to be completely
traced in a first trial. Among those who are dependent on Executive
discretion I have begun the reduction of what was deemed unnecessary.
The expenses of diplomatic agency have been considerably diminished. The
inspectors of internal revenue who were found to obstruct the
accountability of the institution have been discontinued. Several
agencies created by Executive authority, on salaries fixed by that also,
have been suppressed, and should suggest the expediency of regulating
that power by law, so as to subject its exercises to legislative
inspection and sanction. Other reformations of the same kind will be
pursued with that caution which is requisite in removing useless things,
not to injure what is retained. But the great mass of public offices is
established by law, and therefore by law alone can be abolished. Should
the Legislature think it expedient to pass this roll in review and try
all its parts by the test of public utility, they may be assured of
every aid and light which Executive information can yield. Considering
the general tendency to multiply offices and dependencies and to
increase expense to the ultimate term of burthen which the citizen can
bear, it behooves us to avail ourselves of every occasion which presents
itself for taking off the surcharge, that it never may be seen here that
after leaving to labor the smallest portion of its earnings on which it
can subsist, Government shall itself consume the whole residue of what
it was instituted to guard.
In our care, too, of the public contributions intrusted to our direction
it would be prudent to multiply barriers against their dissipation by
appropriating specific sums to every specific purpose susceptible of
definition; by disallowing all applications of money varying from the
appropriation in object or transcending it in amount; by reducing the
undefined field of contingencies and thereby circumscribing
discretionary powers over money, and by bringing back to a single
department all accountabilities for money, where the examinations may be
prompt, efficacious, and uniform.
An account of the receipts and expenditures of the last year, as
prepared by the Secretary of the Treasury, will, as usual, be laid
before you. The success which has attended the late sales of the public
lands shews that with attention they may be made an important source of
receipt. Among the payments those made in discharge of the principal and
interest of the national debt will shew that the public faith has been
exactly maintained. To these will be added an estimate of appropriations
necessary for the ensuing year. This last will, of course, be affected
by such modifications of the system of expense as you shall think proper
to adopt.
A statement has been formed by the Secretary of War, on mature
consideration, of all the posts and stations where garrisons will be
expedient and of the number of men requisite for each garrison. The
whole amount is considerably short of the present military
establishment. For the surplus no particular use can be pointed out. For
defense against invasion their number is as nothing, nor is it conceived
needful or safe that a standing army should be kept up in time of peace
for that purpose. Uncertain as we must ever be of the particular point
in our circumference where an enemy may choose to invade us, the only
force which can be ready at every point and competent to oppose them is
the body of neighboring citizens as formed into a militia. On these,
collected from the parts most convenient in numbers proportioned to the
invading force, it is best to rely not only to meet the first attack,
but if it threatens to be permanent to maintain the defense until
regulars may be engaged to relieve them. These considerations render it
important that we should at every session continue to amend the defects
which from time to time shew themselves in the laws for regulating the
militia until they are sufficiently perfect. Nor should we now or at any
time separate until we can say we have done everything for the militia
which we could do were an enemy at our door.
The provision of military stores on hand will be laid before you, that
you may judge of the additions still requisite.
With respect to the extent to which our naval preparations should be
carried some difference of opinion may be expected to appear, but just
attention to the circumstances of every part of the Union will doubtless
reconcile all. A small force will probably continue to be wanted for
actual service in the Mediterranean. Whatever annual sum beyond that you
may think proper to appropriate to naval preparations would perhaps be
better employed in providing those articles which may be kept without
waste or consumption, and be in readiness when any exigence calls them
into use. Progress has been made, as will appear by papers now
communicated, in providing materials for 74-gun ships as directed by
law.
How far the authority given by the Legislature for procuring and
establishing sites for naval purposes has been perfectly understood and
pursued in the execution admits of some doubt. A statement of the
expenses already incurred on that subject is now laid before you. I have
in certain cases suspended or slackened these expenditures, that the
Legislature might determine whether so many yards are necessary as have
been contemplated. The works at this place are among those permitted to
go on, and five of the seven frigates directed to be laid up have been
brought and laid up here, where, besides the safety of their position,
they are under the eye of the Executive Administration, as well as of
its agents, and where yourselves also will be guided by your own view in
the legislative provisions respecting them which may from time to time
be necessary. They are preserved in such condition, as well the vessels
as whatever belongs to them, as to be at all times ready for sea on a
short warning. Two others are yet to be laid up so soon as they shall
have received the repairs requisite to put them also into sound
condition. As a superintending officer will be necessary at each yard,
his duties and emoluments, hitherto fixed by the Executive, will be a
more proper subject for legislation. A communication will also be made
of our progress in the execution of the law respecting the vessels
directed to be sold.
The fortifications of our harbors, more or less advanced, present
considerations of great difficulty. While some of them are on a scale
sufficiently proportioned to the advantages of their position, to the
efficacy of their protection, and the importance of the points within
it, others are so extensive, will cost so much in their first erection,
so much in their maintenance, and require such a force to garrison them
as to make it questionable what is best now to be done. A statement of
those commenced or projected, of the expenses already incurred, and
estimates of their future cost, as far as can be foreseen, shall be laid
before you, that you may be enabled to judge whether any alteration is
necessary in the laws respecting this subject.
Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the four pillars of
our prosperity, are then most thriving when left most free to individual
enterprise. Protection from casual embarrassments, however, may
sometimes be seasonably interposed. If in the course of your
observations or inquiries they should appear to need any aid within the
limits of our constitutional powers, your sense of their importance is a
sufficient assurance they will occupy your attention. We can not,
indeed, but all feel an anxious solicitude for the difficulties under
which our carrying trade will soon be placed. How far it can be
relieved, otherwise than by time, is a subject of important
consideration.
The judiciary system of the United States, and especially that portion
of it recently erected, will of course present itself to the
contemplation of Congress, and, that they may be able to judge of the
proportion which the institution bears to the business it has to
perform, I have caused to be procured from the several States and now
lay before Congress an exact statement of all the causes decided since
the first establishment of the courts, and of those which were depending
when additional courts and judges were brought in to their aid.
And while on the judiciary organization it will be worthy your
consideration whether the protection of the inestimable institution of
juries has been extended to all the cases involving the security of our
persons and property. Their impartial selection also being essential to
their value, we ought further to consider whether that is sufficiently
secured in those States where they are named by a marshal depending on
Executive will or designated by the court or by officers dependent on
them.
I can not omit recommending a revisal of the laws on the subject of
naturalization. Considering the ordinary chances of human life, a denial
of citizenship under a residence of fourteen years is a denial to a
great proportion of those who ask it, and controls a policy pursued from
their first settlement by many of these States, and still believed of
consequence to their prosperity; and shall we refuse to the unhappy
fugitives from distress that hospitality which the savages of the
wilderness extended to our fathers arriving in this land? Shall
oppressed humanity find no asylum on this globe? The Constitution indeed
has wisely provided that for admission to certain offices of important
trust a residence shall be required sufficient to develop character and
design. But might not the general character and capabilities of a
citizen be safely communicated to everyone manifesting a bona fide
purpose of embarking his life and fortunes permanently with us, with
restrictions, perhaps, to guard against the fraudulent usurpation of our
flag, an abuse which brings so much embarrassment and loss on the
genuine citizen and so much danger to the nation of being involved in
war that no endeavor should be spared to detect and suppress it?
These, fellow-citizens, are the matters respecting the state of the
nation which I have thought of importance to be submitted to your
consideration at this time. Some others of less moment or not yet ready
for communication will be the subject of separate messages. I am happy
in this opportunity of committing the arduous affairs of our Government
to the collected wisdom of the Union. Nothing shall be wanting on my
part to inform as far as in my power the legislative judgment, nor to
carry that judgment into faithful execution. The prudence and temperance
of your discussions will promote within your own walls that conciliation
which so much befriends rational conclusion, and by its example will
encourage among our constituents that progress of opinion which is
tending to unite them in object and in will. That all should be
satisfied with any one order of things is not to be expected; but I
indulge the pleasing persuasion that the great body of our citizens will
cordially concur in honest and disinterested efforts which have for
their object to preserve the General and State Governments in their
constitutional form and equilibrium; to maintain peace abroad, and order
and obedience to the laws at home; to establish principles and practices
of administration favorable to the security of liberty and property, and
to reduce expenses to what is necessary for the useful purposes of
Government.
TH. JEFFERSON.
SPECIAL MESSAGES.
DECEMBER 11, 1801.
_Gentlemen of the Senate_:
Early in the last month I received the ratification by the First Consul
of France of the convention between the United States and that nation.
His ratification not being pure and simple in the ordinary form, I have
thought it my duty, in order to avoid all misconception, to ask a second
advice and consent of the Senate before I give it the last sanction by
proclaiming it to be a law of the land.
TH. JEFFERSON.
DECEMBER 22, 1801.
_Gentlemen of the Senate_:
The States of Georgia and Tennessee being peculiarly interested in our
carrying into execution the two acts passed by Congress on the 19th of
February, 1799 (chapter 115), and 13th May, 1800 (chapter 62),
commissioners were appointed early in summer and other measures taken
for the purpose. The objects of these laws requiring meetings with the
Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, and Creeks, the inclosed instructions
were prepared for the proceedings with the three first nations. Our
applications to the Cherokees failed altogether. Those to the Chickasaws
produced the treaty now laid before you for your advice and consent,
whereby we obtained permission to open a road of communication with the
Mississippi Territory. The commissioners are probably at this time in
conference with the Choctaws. Further information having been wanting
when these instructions were, formed to enable us to prepare those
respecting the Creeks, the commissioners were directed to proceed with
the others. We have now reason to believe the conferences with the
Creeks can not take place till the spring.
The journals and letters of the commissioners relating to the subject of
the treaty now inclosed accompany it.
TH. JEFFERSON.
DECEMBER 22, 1801.
_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:
I now inclose sundry documents supplementary to those communicated to
you with my message at the commencement of the session. Two others of
considerable importance--the one relating to our transactions with the
Barbary Powers, the other presenting a view of the offices of the
Government--shall be communicated as soon as they can be completed.
TH. JEFFERSON.
DECEMBER 23, 1801.
_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:
Another return of the census of the State of Maryland is just received
from the marshal of that State, which he desires may be substituted as
more correct than the one first returned by him and communicated by me
to Congress. This new return, with his letter, is now laid before you.
TH. JEFFERSON.
JANUARY 11, 1802.
_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_.
I now communicate to you a memorial of the commissioners of the city of
Washington, together with a letter of later date, which, with their
memorial of January 28, 1801, will possess the Legislature fully of the
state of the public interests and of those of the city of Washington
confided to them. The moneys now due, and soon to become due, to the
State of Maryland on the loan guaranteed by the United States call for
an early attention. The lots in the city which are chargeable with the
payment of these moneys are deemed not only equal to the indemnification
of the public, but to insure a considerable surplus to the city to be
employed for its improvement, provided they are offered for sale only in
sufficient numbers to meet the existing demand. But the act of 1796
requires that they shall be positively sold in such numbers as shall be
necessary for the punctual payment of the loans. Nine thousand dollars
of interest are lately become due, $3,000 quarter yearly will continue
to become due, and $50,000, an additional loan, are reimbursable on the
1st day of November next. These sums would require sales so far beyond
the actual demand of the market that it is apprehended that the whole
property may be thereby sacrificed, the public security destroyed, and
the residuary interest of the city entirely lost. Under these
circumstances I have thought it my duty before I proceed to direct a
rigorous execution of the law to submit the subject to the consideration
of the Legislature. Whether the public interest will be better secured
in the end and that of the city saved by offering sales commensurate
only to the demand at market, and advancing from the Treasury in the
first instance what these may prove deficient, to be replaced by
subsequent sales, rests for the determination of the Legislature. If
indulgence for the funds can be admitted, they will probably form a
resource of great and permanent value; and their embarrassments have
been produced only by overstrained exertions to provide accommodations
for the Government of the Union
TH. JEFFERSON.
JANUARY 12, 1802.
_Gentlemen of the Senate_:
I now communicate to you a letter from the Secretary of State inclosing
an estimate of the expenses which appear at present necessary for
carrying into effect the convention between the United States of America
and the French Republic, which has been prepared at the request of the
House of Representatives.
TH. JEFFERSON.
JANUARY 27, 1802.
_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:
I lay before you the accounts of our Indian trading houses, as rendered
up to the 1st day of January, 1801, with a report of the Secretary of
War thereon, explaining the effects and the situation of that commerce
and the reasons in favor of its further extension. But it is believed
that the act authorizing this trade expired so long ago as the 3d of
March, 1799. Its revival, therefore, as well as its extension, is
submitted to the consideration of the Legislature.
The act regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes will
also expire on the 3d day of March next. While on the subject of its
continuance it will be worthy the consideration of the Legislature
whether the provisions of the law inflicting on Indians, in certain
cases, the punishment of death by hanging might not permit its
commutation into death by military execution, the form of the punishment
in the former way being peculiarly repugnant to their ideas and
increasing the obstacles to the surrender of the criminal.
These people are becoming very sensible of the baneful effects produced
on their morals, their health, and existence by the abuse of ardent
spirits, and some of them earnestly desire a prohibition of that article
from being carried among them. The Legislature will consider whether the
effectuating that desire would not be in the spirit of benevolence and
liberality which they have hitherto practiced toward these our
neighbors, and which has had so happy an effect toward conciliating
their friendship. It has been found, too, in experience that the same
abuse gives frequent rise to incidents tending much to commit our peace
with the Indians.
It is now become necessary to run and mark the boundaries between them
and us in various parts. The law last mentioned has authorized this to
be done, but no existing appropriation meets the expense.
Certain papers explanatory of the grounds of this communication are
herewith inclosed.
TH. JEFFERSON.
FEBRUARY 2, 1802.
_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:
I now lay before you--
1. A return of ordnance, arms, and military stores the property of the
United States.
2. Returns of muskets and bayonets fabricated at the armories of the
United States at Springfield and Harpers Ferry, and of the expenditures
at those places; and
3. An estimate of expenditures which may be necessary for fortifications
and barracks for the present year.
Besides the permanent magazines established at Springfield, West Point,
and Harpers Ferry, it is thought one should be established in some point
convenient for the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, and
Georgia. Such a point will probably be found near the border of the
Carolinas, and some small provision by the Legislature preparatory to
the establishment will be necessary for the present year.
We find the United States in possession of certain iron mines and works
in the county of Berkeley and State of Virginia, purchased, as is
presumable, on the idea of establishing works for the fabrication of
cannon and other military articles by the public. Whether this method of
supplying what may be wanted will be most advisable or that of
purchasing at market where competition brings everything to its proper
level of price and quality is for the Legislature to decide, and if the
latter alternative be preferred, it will rest for their further
consideration in what way the subjects of this purchase may be best
employed or disposed of. The Attorney-General's opinion on the subject
of the title accompanies this.
There are in various parts of the United States small parcels of land
which have been purchased at different times for cantonments and other
military purposes. Several of them are in situations not likely to be
accommodated to future purposes. The loss of the records prevents a
detailed statement of these until they can be supplied by inquiry. In
the meantime, one of them, containing 88 acres, in the county of Essex,
in New Jersey, purchased in 1799 and sold the following year to
Cornelius Vermule and Andrew Codmas, though its price has been received,
can not be conveyed without authority from the Legislature.
I inclose herewith a letter from the Secretary of War on the subject of
the islands in the lakes and rivers of our northern boundary, and of
certain lands in the neighborhood of some of our military posts, on
which it may be expedient for the Legislature to make some provisions.
TH. JEFFERSON.
FEBRUARY 16, 1802.
_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:
I now transmit a statement of the expenses incurred by the United States
in their transactions with the Barbary Powers, and a roll of the persons
having office or employment under the United States, as was proposed in
my messages of December 7 and 22. Neither is as perfect as could have
been wished, and the latter not so much so as further time and inquiry
may enable us to make it.
The great volume of these communications and the delay it would produce
to make out a second copy will, I trust, be deemed a sufficient reason
for sending one of them to the one House, and the other to the other,
with a request that they may be interchanged for mutual information
rather than to subject both to further delay.
TH. JEFFERSON.
FEBRUARY 18, 1802.
_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:
In a message of the 2d instant I inclosed a letter from the Secretary of
War on the subject of certain lands in the neighborhood of our military
posts on which it might be expedient for the Legislature to make some
provisions. A letter recently received from the governor of Indiana
presents some further views of the extent to which such provision may be
needed, I therefore now transmit it for the information of Congress.
TH. JEFFERSON.
FEBRUARY 24, 1802.
_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:
I communicate to both Houses of Congress a report of the Secretary of
the Treasury on the subject of our marine hospitals, which appear to
require legislative attention.
As connected with the same subject, I also inclose information
respecting the situation of our seamen and boatmen frequenting the port
of New Orleans and suffering there from sickness and the want of
accommodation. There is good reason to believe their numbers greater
than stated in these papers. When we consider how great a proportion of
the territory of the United States must communicate with that port
singly, and how rapidly that territory is increasing its population and
productions, it may perhaps be thought reasonable to make hospital
provisions there of a different order from those at foreign ports
generally.
TH. JEFFERSON.
FEBRUARY 25, 1802.
_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:
No occasion having arisen since the last account rendered by my
predecessor of making use of any part of the moneys heretofore granted
to defray the contingent charges of the Government, I now transmit to
Congress an official statement thereof to the 31st day of December last,
when the whole unexpended balance, amounting to $20,911.80, was carried
to the credit of the surplus fund, as provided for by law, and this
account consequently becomes finally closed,