A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents - James D. Richardson
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JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON _January 7, 1822_.
_To the Congress of the United States_:
I transmit a report of the Secretary of the Navy, together with a survey
of the coast of North Carolina, made in pursuance of a resolution of
Congress of the 19th January, 1819.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 8, 1822_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
In pursuance of a joint resolution of the two Houses of Congress of the
3d of March, 1821, authorizing the President to cause such number of
astronomical observations to be made by methods which might, in his
judgment, be best adapted to insure a correct determination of the
longitude of the Capitol, in the city of Washington, from Greenwich or
some other known meridian in Europe, and that he cause the data, with
accurate calculations on statements founded thereon, to be laid before
them at their present session, I herewith transmit to Congress the
report made by William Lambert, who was selected by me on the 10th
of April last to perform the service required by that resolution.
As no compensation is authorized by law for the execution of the duties
assigned to Mr. Lambert, it is submitted to the discretion of Congress
to make the necessary provision for an adequate allowance to him and to
the assistant whom he employed to aid him in his observations.
JAMES MONROE.
JANUARY 17, 1822.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
I nominate the persons whose names are stated in the inclosed letter
from the Secretary of War for the appointments therein respectively
proposed for them.
The changes in the Army growing out of the act of the 2d of March, 1821,
"to reduce and fix the military peace establishment of the United
States," are exhibited in the Official Register for the year 1822,
herewith submitted for the information of the Senate.
Under the late organization of the artillery arm, with the exception of
the colonel of the regiment of light artillery, there were no grades
higher than lieutenant-colonel recognized. Three of the four colonels of
artillery provided for by the act of Congress of the 2d of March, 1821,
were considered, therefore, as original vacancies, to be filled, as the
good of the service might dictate, from the Army corps.
The Pay Department being considered as a part of the military
establishment, and, within the meaning of the above-recited act,
constituting one of the corps of the Army, the then Pay master-General
was appointed colonel of one of the regiments. A contrary construction,
which would have limited the corps specified in the twelfth section of
the act to the line of the Army, would equally have excluded all the
other branches of the staff, as well that of the Pay Department,
which was expressly comprehended among those to be reduced. Such a
construction did not seem to be authorized by the act, since by its
general terms it was inferred to have been intended to give a power
of sufficient extent to make the reduction by which so many were to
be disbanded operate with as little inconvenience as possible to the
parties. Acting on these views and on the recommendation of the board of
general officers, who were called in on account of their knowledge and
experience to aid the Executive in so delicate a service, I thought
it proper to appoint Colonel Towson to one of the new regiments of
artillery, it being a corps in which he had eminently distinguished
himself and acquired great knowledge and experience in the late war.
In reconciling conflicting claims provision for four officers of
distinction could only be made in grades inferior to those which they
formerly held. Their names are submitted, with the nomination for the
brevet rank of the grades from which they were severally reduced.
It is proper also to observe that as it was found difficult in executing
the act to retain each officer in the corps to which he belonged, the
power of transferring officers from one corps to another was reserved
in the general orders, published in the Register, till the 1st day of
January last, in order that upon vacancies occurring those who had been
put out of their proper corps might as far as possible be restored to
it. Under this reservation, and in conformity to the power vested in
the Executive by the first section of the seventy-fifth article of
the general regulations of the Army, approved by Congress at the last
session, on the resignation of Lieutenant-Colonel Mitchell, of the corps
of artillery, Lieutenant-Colonel Lindsay, who had belonged to this corps
before the late reduction, was transferred back to it in the same grade.
As an additional motive to the transfer, it had the effect of preventing
Lieutenant-Colonel Taylor and Major Woolley being reduced to lower
grades than those which they held before the reduction, and Captain Cobb
from being disbanded under the act. These circumstances were considered
as constituting an extraordinary case within the meaning of the section
already referred to of the Regulations of the Army. It is, however,
submitted to the Senate whether this is a case requiring their
confirmation; and in case that such should be their opinion, it is
submitted to them for their constitutional confirmation.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 20, 1822_.
_To the House of Representatives_:
In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives
"requesting the President of the United States to cause to be laid
before this House an account of the expenditures made under the act to
provide for the civilization of the Indian tribes, specifying the times
when, the persons to whom, and the particular purpose for which such
expenditures have been made," I herewith transmit a report from the
Secretary of War.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 28, 1822_.
_To the House of Representatives_:
In compliance with the resolution of the 2d instant, I transmit a report
of the Secretary of State, with all the documents relating to the
misunderstanding between Andrew Jackson, while acting as governor of
the Floridas, and Eligius Fromentin, judge of a court therein; and also
of the correspondence between the Secretary of State and the minister
plenipotentiary of His Catholic Majesty on certain proceedings in that
Territory in execution of the powers vested in the governor by the
Executive under the law of the last session for carrying into effect the
late treaty between the United States and Spain. Being always desirous
to communicate to Congress, or to either House, all the information in
the possession of the Executive respecting any important interest of our
Union which may be communicated without real injury to our constituents,
and which can rarely happen except in negotiations pending with foreign
powers, and deeming it more consistent with the principles of our
Government in cases submitted to my discretion, as in the present
instance, to hazard error by the freedom of the communication rather
than by withholding any portion of information belonging to the subject,
I have thought proper to communicate every document comprised within
this call.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 30, 1822_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
In pursuance of a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
16th instant, requesting information with regard to outrages and abuses
committed upon the persons of the officers and crews of American vessels
at The Havannah and other Spanish ports in America, and whether the
Spanish authorities have taken any measures to punish, restrain, or
countenance such outrages, I herewith transmit to that House a report
from the Secretary of State, containing the information called for.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 30, 1822_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
In pursuance of a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
8th instant, I transmit to the House of Representatives a report of the
Secretary of State, containing all the information procured by him in
relation to commissions of bankruptcy in certain districts of the United
States under the act of 4th of April, 1800, "to establish an uniform
system of bankruptcy in the United States."
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 7, 1822_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives
requesting the President to "cause that House to be informed whether the
commissioners appointed to lay out the continuation of the Cumberland
road from Wheeling, in the State of Virginia, through the States of
Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois to the Mississippi River, have completed
the same, and, if not completed, the reason why their duties have been
suspended," I transmit a report from the Secretary of the Treasury,
which furnishes the information desired.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 10, 1822_.
_To the House of Representatives_:
In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives
"requesting the President of the United States to cause to be laid
before this House any information which he may have of the condition
of the several Indian tribes within the United States and the measures
hitherto devised and pursued for their civilization," I now transmit
a report from the Secretary of War.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 23, 1822_.
_To the House of Representatives_:
In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives
"requesting the President of the United States to cause to be reported
to this House whether the Indian title has been extinguished by the
United States to any lands the right of soil in which has been or is
claimed by any particular State, and, if so, the conditions upon which
the same has been extinguished," I herewith transmit a report from the
Secretary of War, furnishing all the information in the possession of
that Department embraced by the resolution,
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 23, 1822_.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 14th instant,
requesting the President of the United States "to make known to the
Senate the annual disposition which has been made of the sum of $15,000
appropriated by an act of Congress of the year 1802 to promote
civilization among friendly Indian tribes, showing to what tribes that
evidence of the national bounty has been extended, the names of the
agents who have been intrusted with the application of the money, the
several amounts by them received, and the manner in which they have
severally applied it to accomplish the objects of the act," I herewith
transmit a report from the Secretary of War, furnishing all the
information upon this subject in the possession of that Department.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 25, 1822_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
Under the appropriation made by the act of Congress of the 11th of
April, 1820, for holding treaties with the Creek and Cherokee nations of
Indians for the extinguishment of the Indian title to lands within the
State of Georgia, pursuant to the fourth condition of the first article
of the articles of agreement and cession concluded between the United
States and the State of Georgia on the 24th day of April, 1802, a treaty
was held with the Creek Nation, the expense of which upon the settlement
of the accounts of the commissioners who were appointed to conduct the
negotiation was ascertained to amount to the sum of $24,695, leaving an
unexpended balance of the sum appropriated of $5,305, a sum too small
to negotiate a treaty with the Cherokees, as was contemplated by the
act making the appropriation. The legislature of Georgia being still
desirous that a treaty should be held for further extinguishment of the
Indian title to lands within that State, and to obtain an indemnity to
the citizens of that State for property of considerable value, which has
been taken from them by the Cherokee Indians, I submit the subject to
the consideration of Congress, that a further sum, which, in addition
to the balance of the former appropriation, will be adequate to the
expenses attending a treaty with them, may be appropriated should
Congress deem it expedient.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _March 4, 1822_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
22d ultimo, requesting the President of the United States "to cause to
be laid before this House a statement showing the amount of woolens
purchased for the use of the Army during the years 1820 and 1821,
comprising a description of the articles, of whom the purchases were
made, at what prices, and what proportion thereof was of American
manufacture," I herewith transmit a report from the Secretary of War.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _March 8, 1822_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
In transmitting to the House of Representatives the documents called for
by the resolution of that House of the 30th January, I consider it my
duty to invite the attention of Congress to a very important subject,
and to communicate the sentiments of the Executive on it, that, should
Congress entertain similar sentiments, there may be such cooperation
between the two departments of the Government as their respective rights
and duties may require.
The revolutionary movement in the Spanish Provinces in this hemisphere
attracted the attention and excited the sympathy of our fellow-citizens
from its commencement. This feeling was natural and honorable to
them, from causes which need not be communicated to you. It has been
gratifying to all to see the general acquiescence which has been
manifested in the policy which the constituted authorities have deemed
it proper to pursue in regard to this contest. As soon as the movement
assumed such a steady and consistent form as to make the success of the
Provinces probable, the rights to which they were entitled by the law
of nations as equal parties to a civil war were extended to them. Each
party was permitted to enter our ports with its public and private
ships, and to take from them every article which was the subject of
commerce with other nations. Our citizens, also, have carried on
commerce with both parties, and the Government has protected it with
each in articles not contraband of war. Through the whole of this
contest the United States have remained neutral, and have fulfilled with
the utmost impartiality all the obligations incident to that character.
This contest has now reached such a stage and been attended with such
decisive success on the part of the Provinces that it merits the most
profound consideration whether their right to the rank of independent
nations, with all the advantages incident to it in their intercourse
with the United States, is not complete. Buenos Ayres assumed that rank
by a formal declaration in 1816, and has enjoyed it since 1810 free from
invasion by the parent country. The Provinces composing the Republic
of Colombia, after having separately declared their independence, were
united by a fundamental law of the 17th of December, 1819. A strong
Spanish force occupied at that time certain parts of the territory
within their limits and waged a destructive war. That force has since
been repeatedly defeated, and the whole of it either made prisoners
or destroyed or expelled from the country, with the exception of an
inconsiderable portion only, which is blockaded in two fortresses.
The Provinces on the Pacific have likewise been very successful. Chili
declared independence in 1818, and has since enjoyed it undisturbed; and
of late, by the assistance of Chili and Buenos Ayres, the revolution
has extended to Peru. Of the movement in Mexico our information is less
authentic, but it is, nevertheless, distinctly understood that the new
Government has declared its independence, and that there is now no
opposition to it there nor a force to make any. For the last three years
the Government of Spain has not sent a single corps of troops to any
part of that country, nor is there any reason to believe it will send
any in future. Thus it is manifest that all those Provinces are not only
in the full enjoyment of their independence, but, considering the state
of the war and other circumstances, that there is not the most remote
prospect of their being deprived of it.
When the result of such a contest is manifestly settled, the new
governments have a claim to recognition by other powers which ought not
to be resisted. Civil wars too often excite feelings which the parties
can not control. The opinion entertained by other powers as to the
result may assuage those feelings and promote an accommodation between
them useful and honorable to both. The delay which has been observed in
making a decision on this important subject will, it is presumed, have
afforded an unequivocal proof to Spain, as it must have done to other
powers, of the high respect entertained by the United States for her
rights and of their determination not to interfere with them. The
Provinces belonging to this hemisphere are our neighbors, and have
successively, as each portion of the country acquired its independence,
pressed their recognition by an appeal to facts not to be contested, and
which they thought gave them a just title to it. To motives of interest
this Government has invariably disclaimed all pretension, being resolved
to take no part in the controversy or other measure in regard to it
which should not merit the sanction of the civilized world. To other
claims a just sensibility has been always felt and frankly acknowledged,
but they in themselves could never become an adequate cause of action.
It was incumbent on this Government to look to every important fact and
circumstance on which a sound opinion could be formed, which has been
done. When we regard, then, the great length of time which this war has
been prosecuted, the complete success which has attended it in favor
of the Provinces, the present condition of the parties, and the utter
inability of Spain to produce any change in it, we are compelled to
conclude that its fate is settled, and that the Provinces which have
declared their independence and are in the enjoyment of it ought to
be recognized.
Of the views of the Spanish Government on this subject no particular
information has been recently received. It may be presumed that the
successful progress of the revolution through such a long series of
years, gaining strength and extending annually in every direction, and
embracing by the late important events, with little exception, all the
dominions of Spain south of the United States on this continent, placing
thereby the complete sovereignty over the whole in the hands of the
people, will reconcile the parent country to an accommodation with them
on the basis of their unqualified independence. Nor has any authentic
information been recently received of the disposition of other powers
respecting it. A sincere desire has been cherished to act in concert
with them in the proposed recognition, of which several were some time
past duly apprised; but it was understood that they were not prepared
for it. The immense space between those powers, even those which border
on the Atlantic, and these Provinces makes the movement an affair
of less interest and excitement to them than to us. It is probable,
therefore, that they have been less attentive to its progress than we
have been. It may be presumed, however, that the late events will dispel
all doubt of the result.
In proposing this measure it is not contemplated to change thereby in
the slightest manner our friendly relations with either of the parties,
but to observe in all respects, as heretofore, should the war be
continued, the most perfect neutrality between them. Of this friendly
disposition an assurance will be given to the Government of Spain,
to whom it is presumed it will be, as it ought to be, satisfactory.
The measure is proposed under a thorough conviction that it is in
strict accord with the law of nations, that it is just and right as
to the parties, and that the United States owe it to their station
and character in the world, as well as to their essential interests,
to adopt it. Should Congress concur in the view herein presented, they
will doubtless see the propriety of making the necessary appropriations
for carrying it into effect.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _March 9, 1822_.
_To the House of Representatives_:
I transmit a report from the Secretary of War, together with the annual
return of the militia of the United States, and an exhibit of the arms,
accouterments, and ammunition of the several States and Territories of
the United States, prepared in conformity with the militia laws on that
subject.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _March 12, 1822_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I lay before the Senate the copy of a supplementary report, made by
William Lambert, in relation to the longitude of the Capitol from
Greenwich, in pursuance of a joint resolution of the two Houses of
Congress of the 3d of March, 1821, and I subjoin an extract from the
letter of Mr. Lambert submitting that report.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _March 26, 1822_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
Congress having suspended the appropriation, at the last session,
for the fortification at Dauphine Island, in consequence of a doubt
which was entertained of the propriety of that position, the further
prosecution of the work was suspended, and an order given, as intimated
in the message of the 3d of December, to the Board of Engineers and
Naval Commissioners to examine that part of the coast, and particularly
that position, as also the position at Mobile Point, with which it is
connected, and to report their opinion thereon, which has been done,
and which report is herewith communicated.
By this report it appears to be still the opinion of the Board that the
construction of works at both these positions is of great importance to
the defense of New Orleans and of all that portion of our Union which is
connected with and dependent on the Mississippi and on the other waters
which empty into the Gulf of Mexico between that river and Cape Florida.
That the subject may be fully before Congress, I transmit also a copy
of the former report of the Board, being that on which the work was
undertaken and has been in part executed. Approving as I do the opinion
of the Board, I consider it my duty to state the reasons on which I
adopted the first report, especially as they were in part suggested by
the occurrences of the late war.
The policy which induced Congress to decide on and provide for the
defense of the coast immediately after the war was founded on the marked
events of that interesting epoch. The vast body of men which it was
found necessary to call into the field through the whole extent of our
maritime frontier, and the number who perished by exposure, with the
immense expenditure of money and waste of property which followed, were
to be traced in an eminent degree to the defenseless condition of the
coast. It was to mitigate these evils in future wars, and even for the
higher purpose of preventing war itself, that the decision was formed to
make the coast, so far as it might be practicable, impregnable, and that
the measures necessary to that great object have been pursued with so
much zeal since.
It is known that no part of our Union is more exposed to invasion by the
numerous avenues leading to it, or more defenseless by the thinness of
the neighboring population, or offers a greater temptation to invasion,
either as a permanent acquisition or as a prize to the cupidity of
grasping invaders from the immense amount of produce deposited there,
than the city of New Orleans. It is known also that the seizure of no
part of our Union could affect so deeply and vitally the immediate
interests of so many States and of so many of our fellow-citizens,
comprising all that extensive territory and numerous population which
are connected with and dependent on the Mississippi, as the seizure of
that city. Strong works, well posted, were therefore deemed absolutely
necessary for its protection.
It is not, however, by the Mississippi only, or the waters which
communicate directly with or approach nearest to New Orleans, that the
town is assailable. It will be recollected that in the late war the
public solicitude was excited not so much by the danger which menaced it
in those directions as by the apprehension that, while a feint might be
made there, the main force, landing either in the bay of Mobile or other
waters between that bay and the Rigolets, would be thrown above the town
in the rear of the army which had been collected there for its defense.
Full confidence was entertained that that gallant army, led by the
gallant and able chief who commanded it, would repel any attack to which
it might be exposed in front. But had such a force been thrown above the
town, and a position taken on the banks of the river, the disadvantage
to which our troops would have been subjected, attacked in front and
rear as they might have been, may easily be conceived. As their supplies
would have been cut off, they could not long have remained in the city,
and, withdrawing from it, it must have fallen immediately into the hands
of the force below. In ascending the river to attack the force above,
the attack must have been made to great disadvantage, since it must have
been on such ground and at such time as the enemy preferred. These
considerations shew that defenses other than such as are immediately
connected with the city are of great importance to its safety.