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Thrilling Holiday Gift Book: A Controversial, True Story - One Man Caught in U.S. Government Psychic Spy Experiments
SACRAMENTO, Calif. -- The ideal Christmas gift for those intrigued by governmental conspiracy, OPERATION BLUE LIGHT: My Secret Life Among Psychic Spies (Cherubim Publishing, ISBN 978-0-9816024-0-0), is one of the most scintillating memoirs ever to be written. A true story of deception and subterfuge, it took Philip Chabot 40 years to tell us about his amazing experience.

New Children's Book from Jeremy Zilber Lets Kids Know 'Mama Voted for Obama!'
MADISON, Wis. -- Building on the success of 'Why Mommy is a Democrat,' author and political activist Jeremy Zilber announces the release of his third self-published children's book, 'Mama Voted for Obama!' (ISBN: 978-0-9786688-2-2). With its Seuss-like use of repetition, rhythm, and rhyme, Mama Voted for Obama offers a whimsical celebration of Obama's historic presidential campaign while providing his supporters an entertaining way to let their kids know how they voted in 2008.

Epic Fantasy Book Series Website Honored in 2008 National Best Books Awards
LANCASTER, Texas -- The Green Stone of Healing(R) epic fantasy website is among the finalists of the 2008 National Best Books Awards sponsored by USABookNews, HealingStone Books announced today. The award-winning website is honored in the Best Website Design category. The site provides much-needed background for a complex saga packed with romance, intrigue, mysticism, and adventure.

A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents - James D. Richardson

J >> James D. Richardson >> A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents

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Nothing appears to be more reasonable and proper than that convenient
accommodation should be provided on a well-digested plan for the
heads of the several Departments and for the Attorney-General, and
it is believed that the public ground in the city applied to these
objects will be found amply sufficient. I submit this subject to the
consideration of Congress, that such further provision may be made in
it as to them may seem proper.

In contemplating the happy situation of the United States, our attention
is drawn with peculiar interest to the surviving officers and soldiers
of our Revolutionary army, who so eminently contributed by their
services to lay its foundation. Most of those very meritorious citizens
have paid the debt of nature and gone to repose. It is believed that
among the survivors there are some not provided for by existing laws,
who are reduced to indigence and even to real distress. These men have a
claim on the gratitude of their country, and it will do honor to their
country to provide for them. The lapse of a few years more and the
opportunity will be forever lost; indeed, so long already has been the
interval that the number to be benefited by any provision which may be
made will not be great.

It appearing in a satisfactory manner that the revenue arising from
imposts and tonnage and from the sale of the public lands will be fully
adequate to the support of the civil Government, of the present military
and naval establishments, including the annual augmentation of the
latter to the extent provided for, to the payment of the interest of the
public debt, and to the extinguishment of it at the times authorized,
without the aid of the internal taxes, I consider it my duty to
recommend to Congress their repeal. To impose taxes when the public
exigencies require them is an obligation of the most sacred character,
especially with a free people. The faithful fulfillment of it is among
the highest proofs of their virtue and capacity for self-government.
To dispense with taxes when it may be done with perfect safety is
equally the duty of their representatives. In this instance we have
the satisfaction to know that they were imposed when the demand was
imperious, and have been sustained with exemplary fidelity. I have to
add that however gratifying it may be to me regarding the prosperous and
happy condition of our country to recommend the repeal of these taxes at
this time, I shall nevertheless be attentive to events, and, should any
future emergency occur, be not less prompt to suggest such measures and
burdens as may then be requisite and proper.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 2, 1817.




SPECIAL MESSAGES.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I submit to the Senate, for their consideration and advice, the
following treaties entered into with several of the Indian tribes,
to wit:

A treaty of peace and friendship made and concluded by William Clark,
Ninian Edwards, and Auguste Choteau, commissioners on the part of the
United States of America, and the chiefs and warriors of the Menomene
tribe or nation of Indians, on the 30th of March, 1817, at St. Louis.

A treaty of peace and friendship made and concluded on the 4th June,
1817, at St. Louis, by William Clark, Ninian Edwards, and Auguste
Choteau, commissioners on the part of the United States of America,
and the chiefs and warriors of the Ottoes tribe of Indians.

A treaty of peace and friendship made and concluded on the 5th June,
1817, at St. Louis, by William Clark, Ninian Edwards, and Auguste
Choteau, commissioners on the part of the United States of America,
and the chiefs and warriors of the Poncarar tribe of Indians.

A treaty concluded at the Cherokee Agency on the 8th of July, 1817,
between Major-General Andrew Jackson, Joseph McMinn, governor of the
State of Tennessee, and General David Meriwether, commissioners of the
United States of America, of the one part, and the chiefs, headmen, and
warriors of the Cherokee Nation east of the Mississippi River and the
chiefs, headmen, and warriors of the Cherokees on the Arkansas River,
and their deputies, John D. Chisholm and James Rogers.

A treaty concluded on the 29th day of September, 1817, at the foot of
the Rapids of the Miami of Lake Erie, between Lewis Cass and Duncan
McArthur, commissioners of the United States, and the sachems, chiefs,
and warriors of the Wyandot, Seneca, Delaware, Shawnese, Potawatamies,
Ottawas, and Chippewa tribes of Indians.

The Wyandots and other tribes parties to the treaty lately concluded
with them have, by a deputation to this city, requested permission to
retain possession of such lands as they actually cultivate and reside
on, for the ensuing year. They have also expressed a desire that the
reservations made in their favor should be enlarged, representing that
they had entered into the treaty in full confidence that that would be
done, preferring a reliance on the justice of the United States for such
extension rather than that the treaty should fail.

The Wyandots claim an extension of their reservation to 16 miles square,
and the other tribes in a proportional degree. Sufficient information is
not now in the possession of the Executive to enable it to decide how
far it may be proper to comply with the wishes of these tribes in the
extent desired. The necessary information may be obtained in the course
of the next year, and if they are permitted to remain in the possession
of the lands they cultivate during that time such further extension of
their reservations may be made by law at the next session as justice and
a liberal policy toward these people may require. It is submitted to the
consideration of the Senate whether it may not be proper to annex to
their advice and consent for the ratification of the treaty a
declaration providing for the above objects.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 11, 1817.



WASHINGTON, _December 15, 1817_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of
the 8th of this month, I transmit, for the information of the House, a
report from the Secretary of State, with the documents referred to in it,
containing all the information in the possession of the Executive which
it is proper to disclose, relative to certain persons who lately took
possession of Amelia Island and Galvezton.

JAMES MONROE.



DECEMBER 18, 1817.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 11th of this
month, I transmit, for the information of the Senate, a report from the
Secretary of the Treasury, relating to the progress made in surveying
the several tracts of military bounty lands appropriated by Congress for
the late army of the United States, and the time at which such survey
will probably be completed.

JAMES MONROE.



DECEMBER 22, 1817.

_To the House of Representatives_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
11th of this month, requesting to be informed of the present strength
of the Army of the United States, its distribution among the several
military posts which it is designed to protect, and its competency to
preserve and defend the fortifications amongst which it is distributed,
and to aid in constructing such other military works, if any, as it may
be deemed proper to erect for the more effectual security of the United
States and of the Territories thereof, I now transmit a report from the
Secretary of War which contains the information desired.

JAMES MONROE.



DECEMBER 29, 1817.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 16th of this month,
requesting information touching the execution of so much of the first
article of the treaty of Ghent as relates to the restitution of slaves,
which has not heretofore been communicated, I now transmit a report of
the Secretary of State on that subject.

JAMES MONROE.



DECEMBER 29, 1817.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
12th of this month, requesting to be informed whether any, and which, of
the Representatives in a list thereto annexed have held offices since
the 4th of March last, designating the offices, the times of appointment
and acceptance, and whether they were at that time so held or when they
had been resigned, I now transmit a report from the Secretary of State
which contains the information desired.

JAMES MONROE.



WASHINGTON, _January 12, 1818_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

The claim of the representatives of the late Caron de Beaumarchais
having been recommended to the favorable consideration of the
Legislature by my predecessor in his message to Congress of the 31st of
January last, and concurring in the sentiments therein expressed, I now
transmit copies of a new representation relative to it received by the
Secretary of State from the minister of France, and of a correspondence
on the subject between the minister of the United States at Paris and
the Duke of Richelieu, inclosed with that representation.

JAMES MONROE.



_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I have the satisfaction to inform Congress that the establishment at
Amelia Island has been suppressed, and without the effusion of blood.
The papers which explain this transaction I now lay before Congress.

By the suppression of this establishment and of that at Galveztown,
which will soon follow; if it has not already ceased to exist, there is
good cause to believe that the consummation of a project fraught with
much injury to the United States has been prevented.

When we consider the persons engaged in it, being adventurers from
different countries, with very few, if any, of the native inhabitants
of the Spanish colonies; the territory on which the establishments were
made--one on a portion of that claimed by the United States westward
of the Mississippi, the other on a part of East Florida, a Province
in negotiation between the United States and Spain; the claim of their
leader as announced by his proclamation on taking possession of Amelia
Island, comprising the whole of both the Floridas, without excepting
that part of West Florida which is incorporated into the State of
Louisiana; their conduct while in the possession of the island making it
instrumental to every species of contraband, and, in regard to slaves,
of the most odious and dangerous character, it may fairly be concluded
that if the enterprise had succeeded on the scale on which it was formed
much annoyance and injury would have resulted from it to the United
States.

Other circumstances were thought to be no less deserving of attention.
The institution of a government by foreign adventurers in the island,
distinct from the colonial governments of Buenos Ayres, Venezuela, or
Mexico, pretending to sovereignty and exercising its highest offices,
particularly in granting commissions to privateers, were acts which
could not fail to draw after them the most serious consequences. It was
the duty of the Executive either to extend to this establishment all the
advantages of that neutrality which the United States had proclaimed,
and have observed in favor of the colonies of Spain who, by the strength
of their own population and resources, had declared their independence
and were affording strong proof of their ability to maintain it, or of
making the discrimination which circumstances required.

Had the first course been pursued, we should not only have sanctioned
all the unlawful claims and practices of this pretended Government
in regard to the United States, but have countenanced a system of
privateering in the Gulf of Mexico and elsewhere the ill effects of
which might, and probably would, have been deeply and very extensively
felt.

The path of duty was plain from the commencement, but it was painful to
enter upon it while the obligation could be resisted. The law of 1811,
lately published, and which it is therefore proper now to mention, was
considered applicable to the case from the moment that the proclamation
of the chief of the enterprise was seen, and its obligation was daily
increased by other considerations of high importance already mentioned,
which were deemed sufficiently strong in themselves to dictate the
course which has been pursued.

Early intimation having been received of the dangerous purposes of these
adventurers, timely precautions were taken by the establishment of a
force near the St. Marys to prevent their effect, or it is probable that
it would have been more sensibly felt.

To such establishments, made so near to our settlements in the
expectation of deriving aid from them, it is particularly gratifying
to find that very little encouragement was given. The example so
conspicuously displayed by our fellow-citizens that their sympathies
can not be perverted to improper purposes, but that a love of country,
the influence of moral principles, and a respect for the laws are
predominant with them, is a sure pledge that all the very flattering
anticipations which have been formed of the success of our institutions
will be realized. This example has proved that if our relations with
foreign powers are to be changed it must be done by the constituted
authorities, who alone, acting on a high responsibility, are competent
to the purpose, and until such change is thus made that our
fellow-citizens will respect the existing relations by a faithful
adherence to the laws which secure them.

Believing that this enterprise, though undertaken by persons some
of whom may have held commissions from some of the colonies, was
unauthorized by and unknown to the colonial governments, full confidence
is entertained that it will be disclaimed by them, and that effectual
measures will be taken to prevent the abuse of their authority in all
cases to the injury of the United States.

For these injuries, especially those proceeding from Amelia Island,
Spain would be responsible if it was not manifest that, though committed
in the latter instance through her territory, she was utterly unable to
prevent them. Her territory, however, ought not to be made instrumental,
through her inability to defend it, to purposes so injurious to the
United States. To a country over which she fails to maintain her
authority, and which she permits to be converted to the annoyance of her
neighbors, her jurisdiction for the time necessarily ceases to exist.
The territory of Spain will nevertheless be respected so far as it may
be done consistently with the essential interests and safety of the
United States. In expelling these adventurers from these posts it was
not intended to make any conquest from Spain or to injure in any degree
the cause of the colonies. Care will be taken that no part of the
territory contemplated by the law of 1811 shall be occupied by a
foreign government of any kind, or that injuries of the nature of
those complained of shall be repeated; but this, it is expected, will
be provided for with every other interest in a spirit of amity in the
negotiation now depending with the Government of Spain.

JAMES MONROE.

JANUARY 13, 1818.



WASHINGTON, _January 23, 1818_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
9th of December last, requesting information of what roads have been
made or are in progress under the authority of the Executive of the
United States, the States and Territories through which they pass or are
intended to pass, the periods when they were ordered to be made, and
how far they have been executed, I now communicate a report from the
Secretary of the Treasury, and likewise a report from the Secretary
of War, containing the information which is desired.

JAMES MONROE.



WASHINGTON, _January 28, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 22d of this month,
requesting to be informed "in what manner the troops in the service of
the United States now operating against the Seminole tribe of Indians
have been subsisted, whether by contract or otherwise, and whether they
have been furnished regularly with rations," I now transmit a report
from the Secretary of War containing the information required.

JAMES MONROE.



WASHINGTON, _January 29, 1818_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of
the 23d of December last, requesting information relative to the
imprisonment and detention in confinement of Richard W. Meade, a
citizen of the United States, I now transmit to the House a report
from the Secretary of State containing the information required.

JAMES MONROE.



_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 8th of last month,
requesting me to cause to be laid before it the proceedings which may
have been had under an act entitled "An act for the gradual increase of
the Navy of the United States," specifying the number of ships put on
the stocks and of what class; the quantity of materials procured for
shipbuilding, and also the sums of money which may have been paid out
of the fund created by said act, and for what objects; and likewise
the contracts which may have been entered into in execution of the act
aforesaid on which moneys may not yet have been advanced, I now transmit
a report of the Secretary of the Navy, accompanied by a report from the
Board of Commissioners of the Navy, with documents which contain the
information desired.

JAMES MONROE.

FEBRUARY 2, 1818.



WASHINGTON, _February 6, 1818_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

I transmit to the House of Representatives a report of the Secretary
of State, in compliance with the resolution of said House requesting
information respecting the ratification of the thirteenth article of
the amendments to the Constitution of the United States.

JAMES MONROE.



WASHINGTON, _February 10, 1818_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

As the house appropriated for the President of the United States will be
finished this year, it is thought to merit the attention of the Congress
in what manner it should be furnished and what measures ought to be
adopted for the safe-keeping of the furniture in future. All the public
furniture provided before 1814 having been destroyed with the public
buildings in that year, and little afterwards procured, owing to the
inadequacy of the appropriation, it has become necessary to provide
almost every article requisite for such an establishment, whence the
sum to be expended will be much greater than at any former period. The
furniture in its kind and extent is thought to be an object not less
deserving attention than the building for which it is intended. Both
being national objects, each seems to have an equal claim to legislative
sanction. The disbursement of the public money, too, ought, it is
presumed, to be in like manner provided for by law. The person who may
happen to be placed by the suffrage of his fellow-citizens in the high
trust, having no personal interest in these concerns, should be exempted
from undue responsibility respecting them.

For a building so extensive, intended for a purpose exclusively
national, in which in the furniture provided for it a mingled regard
is due to the simplicity and purity of our institutions and to the
character of the people who are represented in it, the sum already
appropriated has proved altogether inadequate, The present is therefore
a proper time for Congress to take the subject into consideration, with
a view to all the objects claiming attention, and to regulate it by law.
On a knowledge of the furniture procured and the sum expended for it
a just estimate may be formed regarding the extent of the building of
what will still be wanting to furnish the house. Many of the articles,
being of a durable nature, may be handed down through a long series of
service, and being of great value, such as plate, ought not to be left
altogether and at all times to the care of servants alone. It seems to
be advisable that a public agent Should be charged with it during the
occasional absences of the President, and have authority to transfer
it from one President to another, and likewise to make reports of
occasional deficiencies, as the basis on which further provision should
be made.

It may also merit consideration whether it may not be proper to commit
the care of the public buildings, particularly the President's house and
the Capitol, with the grounds belonging to them, including likewise the
furniture of the latter, in a more special manner to a public agent.
Hitherto the charge of this valuable property seems to have been
connected with the structure of the buildings and committed to those
employed in it. This guard will necessarily cease when the buildings
are finished, at which time the interest in them will be proportionably
augmented. It is presumed that this trust is, in a certain degree at
least, incidental to the other duties of the superintendent of the
public buildings, but it may merit consideration whether it will not be
proper to charge him with it more explicitly, and to give him authority
to employ one or more persons under him for these purposes.

JAMES MONROE.



WASHINGTON, _February 12, 1818_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I lay before the House of Representatives copies of two communications
received at the Department of State from the minister of Great Britain,
and submit to their consideration the propriety of making such
legislative provisions as may be necessary for a compliance with the
representations contained in them.

By the express terms of that compact it was, when ratified by the two
Governments, to be in force for the term of four years _from the day of
its signature_. The revocation of all the discriminating duties became,
therefore, the obligation of both Governments _from that day_, and it
is conceived that every individual who has been required to pay, and
who has paid, any of the extra duties revoked by the convention has a
just and lawful claim upon the respective Governments for its return.
From various accidents it has happened that both here and in Great
Britain the cessation of the extra duties has been fixed to commence
at different times. It is desirable that Congress should pass an act
providing for the return of _all_ the extra duties _incompatible with
the terms of the convention_ which have been levied upon British vessels
or merchandise after the 3d of July, 1815. The British Parliament have
already set the example of fixing that day for the cessation of the
extra duties of export by their act of 30th of June last, and the
minister of the United States in London is instructed to require the
extension of the same principle to _all_ the extra duties levied on
vessels and merchandise of the United States in the ports of Great
Britain since that day. It is not doubted that the British Government
will comply with this requisition, and that the act suggested may be
passed by Congress with full confidence that the reciprocal measure
will receive the sanction of the British Parliament.

JAMES MONROE.



WASHINGTON, _February 23, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate requesting me to cause to
be laid before them a statement of all the arms and accouterments which
have been manufactured at the different armories of the United States,
with the cost of each stand, and the number delivered to each State,
respectively, under the act for arming the whole body of militia, I now
transmit a report from the Secretary of War, with the documents marked
A, B, and C, which, together with a report to him from the Ordnance
Department, contains the information required.

JAMES MONROE.



WASHINGTON, _February 23, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 19th of January,
1818, requesting information of measures which have been taken in
pursuance of so much of the act to authorize the appointment of a
surveyor for lands in the northern part of the Mississippi Territory,
passed the 3d of March, 1817, as relates to the reservation of certain
sections for the purpose of laying out and establishing towns thereon,
I now transmit a report from the Secretary of the Treasury, which, with
the letters and charts referred to in it, contains all the information
which is desired.

JAMES MONROE.



WASHINGTON, _February 25, 1818_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

The commissioners of the two Governments, under the fourth article
of the treaty of Ghent, having come to a decision upon the questions
submitted to them, I lay before Congress copies of that decision,
together with copies of the declaration signed and reported by the
commissioners of this Government.


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