A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents - James D. Richardson
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Other considerations of high importance urge the adoption of this
convention. We have at this moment pending with Great Britain sundry
other negotiations intimately connected with the welfare and even the
peace of our Union. In one of them nearly a third part of the territory
of the State of Maine is in contestation. In another the navigation of
the St. Lawrence, the admission of consuls into the British islands, and
a system of commercial intercourse between the United States and all the
British possessions in this hemisphere are subjects of discussion. In a
third our territorial and other rights upon the northwest coast are to
be adjusted, while a negotiation on the same interest is opened with
Russia. In a fourth all the most important controvertible points of
maritime law in time of war are brought under consideration, and in
the fifth the whole system of South American concerns, connected with
a general recognition of South American independence, may again from
hour to hour become, as it has already been, an object of concerted
operations of the highest interest to both nations and to the peace
of the world.
It can not be disguised that the rejection of this convention can not
fail to have a very injurious influence on the good understanding
between the two Governments on all these points. That it would place
the Executive Administration under embarrassment, and subject it, the
Congress, and the nation to the charge of insincerity respecting the
great result of the final suppression of the slave trade, and that
its first and indispensable consequence will be to constrain the
Executive to suspend all further negotiation with every European and
American power to which overtures have been made in compliance with the
resolution of the House of Representatives of 28th February, 1823, must
be obvious. To invite all nations, with the statute of piracy in our
hands, to adopt its principles as the law of nations and yet to deny
to all the common right of search for the pirate, whom it would be
impossible to detect without entering and searching the vessel, would
expose us not simply to the charge of inconsistency.
It must be obvious that the restriction of search for pirates to the
African coast is incompatible with the idea of such a crime. It is
not doubted also if the convention is adopted that no example of the
commission of that crime by the citizens or subjects of either power
will ever occur again. It is believed, therefore, that this right as
applicable to piracy would not only extirpate the trade, but prove
altogether innocent in its operation.
In further illustration of the views of Congress on this subject, I
transmit to the Senate extracts from two resolutions of the House of
Representatives, one of the 9th February, 1821, the other of 12th April,
1822. I transmit also a letter from the charge d'affaires of the British
Government, which shows the deep interest which that Government takes
in the ratification of the treaty.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON CITY, _May 22, 1824_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
I transmit to the House of Representatives a report of the Secretary of
the Navy, in compliance with their resolution of the 14th of April last,
respecting prize agents, which report contains the information
requested.
JAMES MONROE.
MAY 24, 1824.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
13th instant, requesting the President to communicate any information
he may possess in relation to the intercourse and trade now carried on
between the people of the United States (and particularly the people
of the State of Missouri) and the Mexican Provinces, how and by what
route that trade or intercourse is carried on, in what it consists, the
distances, etc., the nations of Indians through which it passes, their
dispositions, whether pacific or otherwise, the advantages resulting or
likely to result from that trade or intercourse, I herewith transmit
a communication from the Department of State, which contains all the
information which has yet been collected in relation to those subjects.
JAMES MONROE.
MAY 24, 1824.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
In compliance with a resolution of the 20th instant, I transmit
herewith to the House of Representatives a report of David Shriver,
superintendent of the Cumberland road, stating the manner in which the
appropriation made at the last session for the repair of that road has
been expended, and also the present condition of the road.
JAMES MONROE.
EIGHTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.
WASHINGTON, _December 7, 1824_.
_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:
The view which I have now to present to you of our affairs, foreign and
domestic, realizes the most sanguine anticipations which have been
entertained of the public prosperity. If we look to the whole, our
growth as a nation continues to be rapid beyond example; if to the
States which compose it, the same gratifying spectacle is exhibited.
Our expansion over the vast territory within our limits has been
great, without indicating any decline in those sections from which the
emigration has been most conspicuous. We have daily gained strength by
a native population in every quarter--a population devoted to our happy
system of government and cherishing the bond of union with fraternal
affection. Experience has already shewn that the difference of climate
and of industry, proceeding from that cause, inseparable from such vast
domains, and which under other systems might have a repulsive tendency,
can not fail to produce with us under wise regulations the opposite
effect. What one portion wants the other may supply; and this will be
most sensibly felt by the parts most distant from each other, forming
thereby a domestic market and an active intercourse between the extremes
and throughout every portion of our Union. Thus by a happy distribution
of power between the National and State Governments, Governments which
rest exclusively on the sovereignty of the people and are fully adequate
to the great purposes for which they were respectively instituted,
causes which might otherwise lead to dismemberment operate powerfully
to draw us closer together. In every other circumstance a correct view
of the actual state of our Union must be equally gratifying to our
constituents. Our relations with foreign powers are of a friendly
character, although certain interesting differences remain unsettled
with some. Our revenue under the mild system of impost and tonnage
continues to be adequate to all the purposes of the Government Our
agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and navigation flourish. Our
fortifications are advancing in the degree authorized by existing
appropriations to maturity, and due progress is made in the augmentation
of the Navy to the limit prescribed for it by law. For these blessings
we owe to Almighty God, from whom we derive them, and with profound
reverence, our most grateful and unceasing acknowledgments.
In adverting to our relations with foreign powers, which are always
an object of the highest importance, I have to remark that of the
subjects which have been brought into discussion with them during the
present Administration some have been satisfactorily terminated, others
have been suspended, to be resumed hereafter under circumstances more
favorable to success, and others are still in negotiation, with the hope
that they may be adjusted with mutual accommodation to the interests
and to the satisfaction of the respective parties. It has been the
invariable object of this Government to cherish the most friendly
relations with every power, and on principles and conditions which might
make them permanent. A systematic effort has been made to place our
commerce with each power on a footing of perfect reciprocity, to settle
with each in a spirit of candor and liberality all existing differences,
and to anticipate and remove so far as it might be practicable all
causes of future variance.
It having been stipulated by the seventh article of the convention of
navigation and commerce which was concluded on the 24th of June, 1822,
between the United States and France, that the said convention should
continue in force for two years from the 1st of October of that year,
and for an indefinite term afterwards, unless one of the parties should
declare its intention to renounce it, in which event it should cease
to operate at the end of six months from such declaration, and no
such intention having been announced, the convention having been
found advantageous to both parties, it has since remained, and still
remains, in force. At the time when that convention was concluded many
interesting subjects were left unsettled, and particularly our claim to
indemnity for spoliations which were committed on our commerce in the
late wars. For these interests and claims it was in the contemplation
of the parties to make provision at a subsequent day by a more
comprehensive and definitive treaty. The object has been duly attended
to since by the Executive, but as yet it has not been accomplished. It
is hoped that a favorable opportunity will present itself for opening
a negotiation which may embrace and arrange all existing differences
and every other concern in which they have a common interest upon the
accession of the present King of France, an event which has occurred
since the close of the last session of Congress.
With Great Britain our commercial intercourse rests on the same footing
that it did at the last session. By the convention of 1815 the commerce
between the United States and the British dominions in Europe and the
East Indies was arranged on a principle of reciprocity. That convention
was confirmed and continued in force, with slight exceptions, by a
subsequent treaty for the term of ten years from the 20th of October,
1818, the date of the latter. The trade with the British colonies in the
West Indies has not as yet been arranged, by treaty or otherwise, to our
satisfaction. An approach to that result has been made by legislative
acts, whereby many serious impediments which had been raised by the
parties in defense of their respective claims were removed. An earnest
desire exists, and has been manifested on the part of this Government,
to place the commerce with the colonies, likewise, on a footing of
reciprocal advantage, and it is hoped that the British Government,
seeing the justice of the proposal and its importance to the colonies,
will ere long accede to it.
The commissioners who were appointed for the adjustment of the boundary
between the territories of the United States and those of Great Britain,
specified in the fifth article of the treaty of Ghent, having disagreed
in their decision, and both Governments having agreed to establish that
boundary by amicable negotiation between them, it is hoped that it may
be satisfactorily adjusted in that mode. The boundary specified by the
sixth article has been established by the decision of the commissioners.
From the progress made in that provided for by the seventh, according to
a report recently received, there is good cause to presume that it will
be settled in the course of the ensuing year.
It is a cause of serious regret that no arrangement has yet been finally
concluded between the two Governments to secure by joint cooperation
the suppression of the slave trade. It was the object of the British
Government in the early stages of the negotiation to adopt a plan for
the suppression which should include the concession of the mutual right
of search by the ships of war of each party of the vessels of the other
for suspected offenders. This was objected to by this Government on
the principle that as the right of search was a right of war of a
belligerent toward a neutral power it might have an ill effect to extend
it by treaty, to an offense which had been made comparatively mild, to
a time of peace. Anxious however, for the suppression of this trade,
it was thought advisable, in compliance with a resolution of the House
of Representatives, founded on an act of Congress, to propose to the
British Government an expedient which should be free from that objection
and more effectual for the object, by making it piratical. In that
mode the enormity of tho crime would place the offenders out of the
protection of their Government, and involve no question of search or
other question between the parties touching their respective rights.
It was believed, also, that it would completely suppress the trade
in the vessels of both parties, and by their respective citizens and
subjects in those of other powers, with whom it was hoped that the odium
which would thereby be attached to it would produce a corresponding
arrangement, and by means thereof its entire extirpation forever. A
convention to this effect was concluded and signed in London on the
13th day of March, 1824, by plenipotentiaries duly authorized by both
Governments, to the ratification of which certain obstacles have arisen
which are not yet entirely removed. The difference between the parties
still remaining has been reduced to a point not of sufficient magnitude,
as is presumed, to be permitted to defeat an object so near to the heart
of both nations and so desirable to the friends of humanity throughout
the world. As objections, however, to the principle recommended by the
House of Representatives, or at least to the consequences inseparable
from it, and which are understood to apply to the law, have been raised,
which may deserve a reconsideration of the whole subject, I have thought
it proper to suspend the conclusion of a new convention until the
definitive sentiments of Congress may be ascertained. These documents
relating to the negotiation are with that intent submitted to your
consideration.
Our commerce with Sweden has been placed on a footing of perfect
reciprocity by treaty, and with Russia, the Netherlands, Prussia,
the free Hanseatic cities, the Dukedom of Oldenburg, and Sardinia by
internal regulations on each side, founded on mutual agreement between
the respective Governments.
The principles upon which the commercial policy of the United States
is founded are to be traced to an early period. They are essentially
connected with those upon which their independence was declared, and
owe their origin to the enlightened men who took the lead in our
affairs at that important epoch. They are developed in their first
treaty of commerce with France of 6th February, 1778, and by a formal
commission which was instituted immediately after the conclusion of
their Revolutionary struggle, for the purpose of negotiating treaties
of commerce with every European power. The first treaty of the United
States with Prussia, which was negotiated by that commission, affords
a signal illustration of those principles. The act of Congress of the
3d March. 1815. adopted immediately after the return of a general peace,
was a new overture to foreign nations to establish our commercial
relations with them on the basis of free and equal reciprocity. That
principle has pervaded all the acts of Congress and all the negotiations
of the Executive on the subject since.
A convention for the settlement of important questions in relation
to the northwest coast of this continent and its adjoining seas was
concluded and signed at St. Petersburg on the 5th day of April last by
the minister plenipotentiary of the United States and plenipotentiaries
of the Imperial Government of Russia. It will immediately be laid before
the Senate for the exercise of the constitutional authority of that body
with reference to its ratification. It is proper to add that the manner
in which this negotiation was invited and conducted on the part of the
Emperor has been very satisfactory.
The great and extraordinary changes which have happened in the
Governments of Spain and Portugal within the last two years, without
seriously affecting the friendly relations which under all of them
have been maintained with those powers by the United States, have been
obstacles to the adjustment of the particular subjects of discussion
which have arisen with each. A resolution of the Senate adopted at their
last session called for information as to the effect produced upon our
relations with Spain by the recognition on the part of the United States
of the independent South American Governments. The papers containing
that information are now communicated to Congress.
A charge d'affaires has been received from the independent Government of
Brazil. That country, heretofore a colonial possession of Portugal, had
some years since been proclaimed by the Sovereign of Portugal himself an
independent Kingdom. Since his return to Lisbon a revolution in Brazil
has established a new Government there with an imperial title, at the
head of which is placed a prince, in whom the regency had been vested by
the King at the time of his departure. There is reason to expect that by
amicable negotiation the independence of Brazil will ere long be
recognized by Portugal herself.
With the remaining powers of Europe, with those on the coast of Barbary,
and with all the new South American States our relations are of a
friendly character. We have ministers plenipotentiary residing with the
Republics of Colombia and Chile, and have received ministers of the same
rank from Colombia, Guatemala, Buenos Ayres, and Mexico. Our commercial
relations with all those States are mutually beneficial and increasing.
With the Republic of Colombia a treaty of commerce has been formed, of
which a copy is received and the original daily expected. A negotiation
for a like treaty would have been commenced with Buenos Ayres had it not
been prevented by the indisposition and lamented decease of Mr. Rodney,
our minister there, and to whose memory the most respectful attention
has been shewn by the Government of that Republic. An advantageous
alteration in our treaty with Tunis has been obtained by our consular
agent residing there, the official document of which when received will
be laid before the Senate.
The attention of the Government has been drawn with great solicitude
to other subjects, and particularly to that relating to a state of
maritime war, involving the relative rights of neutral and belligerent
in such wars. Most of the difficulties which we have experienced and of
the losses which we have sustained since the establishment of our
independence have proceeded from the unsettled state of those rights and
the extent to which the belligerent claim has been carried against the
neutral party. It is impossible to look back on the occurrences of the
late wars in Europe, and to behold the disregard which was paid to our
rights as a neutral power, and the waste which was made of our commerce
by the parties to those wars by various acts of their respective
Governments, and under the pretext by each that the other had set the
example, without great mortification and a fixed purpose never to submit
to the like in future. An attempt to remove those causes of possible
variance by friendly negotiation and on just principles which should
be applicable to all parties could, it was presumed, be viewed by none
other than as a proof of an earnest desire to preserve those relations
with every power. In the late war between France and Spain a crisis
occurred in which it seemed probable that all the controvertible
principles involved in such wars might be brought into discussion and
settled to the satisfaction of all parties. Propositions having this
object in view have been made to the Governments of Great Britain,
France, Russia, and of other powers, which have been received in a
friendly manner by all, but as yet no treaty has been formed with either
for its accomplishment. The policy will, it is presumed, be persevered
in, and in the hope that it may be successful.
It will always be recollected that with one of the parties to those
wars, and from whom we received those injuries, we sought redress by
war. From the other, by whose then reigning Government our vessels
were seized in port as well as at sea and their cargoes confiscated,
indemnity has been expected, but has not yet been tendered. It was under
the influence of the latter that our vessels were likewise seized by
the Governments of Spain, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, and Naples, and
from whom indemnity has been claimed and is still expected, with the
exception of Spain, by whom it has been rendered. With both parties we
had abundant cause of war, but we had no alternative but to resist that
which was most powerful at sea and pressed us nearest at home. With this
all differences were settled by a treaty, founded on conditions fair and
honorable to both, and which has been so far executed with perfect good
faith. It has been earnestly hoped that the other would of its own
accord, and from a sentiment of justice and conciliation, make to our
citizens the indemnity to which they are entitled, and thereby remove
from our relations any just cause of discontent on our side.
It is estimated that the receipts into the Treasury during the current
year, exclusive of loans, will exceed $18,500,000, which, with the sum
remaining in the Treasury at the end of the last year, amounting to
$9.463,922.81, will, after discharging the current disbursements of the
year, the interest on the public debt, and upward of $11,633,011.52 of
the principal, leave a balance of more than $3,000,000 in the Treasury
on the 1st day of January next.
A larger amount of the debt contracted during the late war, bearing an
interest of 6 per cent, becoming redeemable in the course of the ensuing
year than could be discharged by the ordinary revenue, the act of the
26th of May authorized a loan of $5,000,000 at 4-1/2 per cent to meet
the same. By this arrangement an annual saving will accrue to the public
of $75,000.
Under the act of the 24th of May last a loan of $5,000,000 was
authorized, in order to meet the awards under the Florida treaty,
which was negotiated at par with the Bank of the United States at 4-1/2
percent, the limit of interest fixed by the act. By this provision the
claims of our citizens who had sustained so great a loss by spoliations,
and from whom indemnity had been so long withheld, were promptly paid.
For these advances the public will be amply repaid at no distant day by
the sale of the lands in Florida. Of the great advantages resulting from
the acquisition of the Territory in other respects too high an estimate
can not be formed.
It is estimated that the receipts into the Treasury during the year
1825 will be sufficient to meet the disbursements of the year,
including the sum of $10,000,000, which is annually appropriated by
the act constituting the sinking fund to the payment of the principal
and interest of the public debt.
The whole amount of the public debt on the 1st of January next may be
estimated at $86,000,000, inclusive of $2,500,000 of the loan authorized
by the act of the 26th of May last. In this estimate is included a stock
of $7,000,000, issued for the purchase of that amount of the capital
stock of the Bank of the United States, and which, as the stock of the
bank still held by the Government will at least be fully equal to its
reimbursement, ought not to be considered as constituting a part of the
public debt. Estimating, then, the whole amount of the public debt at
$79,000,000 and regarding the annual receipts and expenditures of the
Government, a well-founded hope may be entertained that, should no
unexpected event occur, the whole of the public debt may be discharged
in the course of ten years, and the Government be left at liberty
thereafter to apply such portion of the revenue as may not be necessary
for current expenses to such other objects as may be most conducive
to the public security and welfare. That the sums applicable to these
objects will be very considerable may be fairly concluded when it is
recollected that a large amount of the public revenue has been applied
since the late war to the construction of the public buildings in this
city; to the erection of fortifications along the coast and of arsenals
in different parts of the Union; to the augmentation of the Navy; to the
extinguishment of the Indian title to large tracts of fertile territory;
to the acquisition of Florida; to pensions to Revolutionary officers and
soldiers, and to invalids of the late war. On many of these objects the
expense will annually be diminished and cease at no distant period on
most of them. On the 1st of January, 1817, the public debt amounted
to $123,491,965.16, and, notwithstanding the large sums which have
been applied to these objects, it has been reduced since that period
$37,446,961.78. The last portion of the public debt will be redeemable
on the 1st of January, 1835, and while there is the best reason to
believe that the resources of the Government will be continually
adequate to such portions of it as may become due in the interval, it
is recommended to Congress to seize every opportunity which may present
itself to reduce the rate of interest on every part thereof. The high
state of the public credit and the great abundance of money are at this
time very favorable to such a result. It must be very gratifying to our
fellow-citizens to witness this flourishing state of the public finances
when it is recollected that no burthen whatever has been imposed upon
them.