A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents - James D. Richardson
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Other considerations appear to me to operate with great force in
favor of the measure which I now propose. A citizen who has long served
his country in its highest trusts has a right, if he has served with
fidelity, to enjoy undisturbed tranquillity and peace in his retirement.
This he can not expect to do unless his conduct in all pecuniary
concerns shall be placed by severe scrutiny on a basis not to be shaken.
This, therefore, forms a strong motive with me for the inquiry which I
now invite. The public may also derive considerable advantage from the
precedent in the future movement of the Government. It being known that
such scrutiny was made in my case, it may form a new and strong barrier
against the abuse of the public confidence in future.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 10, 1825_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
I should hasten to communicate to you the documents called for by the
resolution of the House of Representatives of the 4th instant, relating
to the conduct of the officers of the Navy of the United States on the
Pacific Ocean and of other public agents in South America, if such a
communication might now be made consistently with the public interest or
with justice to the parties concerned. In consequence of several charges
which have been alleged against Commodore Stewart, touching his conduct
while commanding the squadron of the United States on that sea, it has
been deemed proper to suspend him from duty and to subject him to trial
on these charges. It appearing also that some of those charges have been
communicated to the Department by Mr. Prevost, political agent at this
time of the United States at Peru, and heretofore at Buenos Ayres and
Chile, and apparently with his sanction, and that charges have likewise
been made against him by citizens of the United States engaged in
commerce in that quarter, it has been thought equally just and proper
that he should attend here, as well to furnish the evidence in his
possession applicable to the charges exhibited against Commodore
Stewart as to answer such as have been exhibited against himself.
In this stage the publication of those documents might tend to excite
prejudices which might operate to the injury of both. It is important
that the public servants in every station should perform their duty with
fidelity, according to the injunctions of the law and the orders of the
Executive in fulfillment thereof. It is peculiarly so that this should
be done by the commanders of our squadrons, especially on distant seas,
and by political agents who represent the United States with foreign
powers, for reasons that are obvious in both instances. It is due to
their rights and to the character of the Government that they be not
censured without just cause, which can not be ascertained until, on
a view of tho charges, they are heard in their defense, and after a
thorough and impartial investigation of their conduct. Under these
circumstances it is thought that a communication at this time of those
documents would not comport with the public interest nor with what is
due to the parties concerned.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 13, 1825_.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
In compliance with two resolutions of the Senate, the first of the
21st and the second of the 23d December last, requesting information
respecting the injuries which have been sustained by our citizens by
piratical depredations, and other details connected therewith, and
requesting also information of the measures which have been adopted for
the suppression of piracy, and whether in the opinion of the Executive
it will not be necessary to adopt other means for the accomplishment
of the object, and, in that event, what other means it will be most
advisable to recur to, I herewith transmit a report from the Secretary
of State, and likewise a report from the Secretary of the Navy, with
the documents referred to in each.
On the very important question submitted to the Executive as to the
necessity of recurring to other more effectual means for the suppression
of a practice so destructive of the lives and property of our citizens,
I have to observe that three expedients occur--one by the pursuit of the
offenders to the settled as well as the unsettled parts of the island
from whence they issue, another by reprisal on the property of the
inhabitants, and a third by the blockade of the ports of those islands.
It will be obvious that neither of these measures can be resorted to
in a spirit of amity with Spain otherwise than in a firm belief that
neither the Government of Spain nor the government of either of the
islands has the power to suppress that atrocious practice, and that the
United States interposed their aid for the accomplishment of an object
which is of equal importance to them as well as to us. Acting on this
principle, the facts which justify the proceeding being universally
known and felt by all engaged in commerce in that sea, it may fairly be
presumed that neither will the Government of Spain nor the government
of either of those islands complain of a resort to either of those
measures, or to all of them, should such resort be necessary. It is
therefore suggested that a power commensurate with either resource be
granted to the Executive, to be exercised according to his discretion
and as circumstances may imperiously require. It is hoped that the
manifestation of a policy so decisive will produce the happiest result;
that it will rid these seas and this hemisphere of this practice. This
hope is strengthened by the belief that the Government of Spain and the
governments of the islands, particularly of Cuba, whose chief is known
here, will faithfully cooperate in such measures as may be necessary
for the accomplishment of this very important object. To secure such
cooperation will be the earnest desire and, of course, the zealous
and persevering effort of the Executive.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 17, 1825_.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
I transmit to the Senate, for its advice and consent as to the
ratification, a treaty which has been concluded by a commissioner duly
authorized for the purpose with the Quapaw Indians in Arkansas for the
cession of their claim to the lands in that Territory. I transmit also
a report from the Secretary of War, with other documents, relating to
this subject.
JAMES MONROE.
JANUARY 17, 1825.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
Agreeably to the resolution of the Senate of 19th May last, requesting
the President to cause to be laid before the Senate a report "shewing
the amount of duties which shall have accrued on importations into the
United States for the three quarters of a year ending June 30, 1824;
also the amount of duties which would have accrued on the same
importations at such higher rates of duty as may be imposed by any act
of the present session of Congress," I herewith transmit a report from
the Secretary of the Treasury, which contains the information required.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 18, 1825_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I communicate herewith to both Houses of Congress copies of the
convention between the United States and His Majesty the Emperor of
all the Russias, concluded at St. Petersburg on the 5th (17th) of April
last, which has been duly ratified on both sides, and the ratifications
of which were exchanged on the 11th instant.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 20, 1825_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
19th of December, 1822, requesting the President to communicate "what
progress has been made in the execution of the act of the last session
entitled 'An act to abolish the Indian trading establishments,' with
a report from the factories, respectively, as the same may be made to
him," I herewith transmit a report from the Secretary of the Treasury,
with documents, which contains the information requested.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 27, 1825_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
Being deeply impressed with the opinion that the removal of the Indian
tribes from the lands which they now occupy within the limits of the
several States and Territories to the country lying westward and
northward thereof, within our acknowledged boundaries, is of very
high importance to our Union, and may be accomplished on conditions and
in a manner to promote the interest and happiness of those tribes, the
attention of the Government has been long drawn with great solicitude
to the object. For the removal of the tribes within the limits of the
State of Georgia the motive has been peculiarly strong, arising from
the compact with that State whereby the United States are bound to
extinguish the Indian title to the lands within it whenever it may
be done peaceably and on reasonable conditions. In the fulfillment of
this compact, I have thought that the United States should act with a
generous spirit; that they should omit nothing which should comport with
a liberal construction of the instrument and likewise be in accordance
with the just rights of those tribes. From the view which I have taken
of the subject I am satisfied that in the discharge of these important
duties in regard to both the parties alluded to the United States will
have to encounter no conflicting interests with either. On the contrary,
that the removal of the tribes from the territory which they now inhabit
to that which was designated in the message at the commencement of
the session, which would accomplish the object for Georgia, under a
well-digested plan for their government and civilization, which should
be agreeable to themselves, would not only shield them from impending
ruin, but promote their welfare and happiness. Experience has clearly
demonstrated that in their present state it is impossible to incorporate
them in such masses, in any form whatever, into our system. It has also
demonstrated with equal certainty that without a timely anticipation
of and provision against the dangers to which they are exposed, under
causes which it will be difficult, if not impossible, to control, their
degradation and extermination will be inevitable.
The great object to be accomplished is the removal of these tribes to
the territory designated on conditions which shall be satisfactory to
themselves and honorable to the United States. This can be done only by
conveying to each tribe a good title to an adequate portion of land to
which it may consent to remove, and by providing for it there a system
of internal government which shall protect their property from invasion,
and, by the regular progress of improvement and civilization, prevent
that degeneracy which has generally marked the transition from the one
to the other state.
I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of War, which presents
the best estimate which can be formed, from the documents in that
Department, of the number of Indians within our States and Territories
and of the amount of lands held by the several tribes within each; of
the state of the country lying northward and westward thereof, within
our acknowledged boundaries; of the parts to which the Indian title has
already been extinguished, and of the conditions on which other parts,
in an amount which may be adequate to the object contemplated, may be
obtained. By this report it appears that the Indian title has already
been extinguished to extensive tracts in that quarter, and that other
portions maybe acquired to the extent desired on very moderate
conditions. Satisfied I also am that the removal proposed is not only
practicable, but that the advantages attending it to the Indians may be
made so apparent to them that all the tribes, even those most opposed,
may be induced to accede to it at no very distant day.
The digest of such a government, with the consent of the Indians,
which should be endowed with sufficient power to meet all the objects
contemplated--to connect the several tribes together in a bond of amity
and preserve order in each; to prevent intrusions on their property;
to teach them by regular instruction the arts of civilized life and make
them a civilized people--is an object of very high importance. It is
the powerful consideration which we have to offer to these tribes as
an inducement to relinquish the lands on which they now reside and
to remove to those which are designated. It is not doubted that this
arrangement will present considerations of sufficient force to surmount
all their prejudices in favor of the soil of their nativity, however
strong they may be. Their elders have sufficient intelligence to discern
the certain progress of events in the present train, and sufficient
virtue, by yielding to momentary sacrifices, to protect their families
and posterity from inevitable destruction. They will also perceive that
they may thus attain an elevation to which as communities they could not
otherwise aspire.
To the United States the proposed arrangement offers many important
advantages in addition to those which have been already enumerated.
By the establishment of such a government over these tribes with
their consent we become in reality their benefactors. The relation of
conflicting interests which has heretofore existed between them and our
frontier settlements will cease. There will be no more wars between them
and the United States. Adopting such a government, their movement will
be in harmony with us, and its good effect be felt throughout the whole
extent of our territory to the Pacific. It may fairly be presumed that,
through the agency of such a government, the condition of all the tribes
inhabiting that vast region may be essentially improved; that permanent
peace may be preserved with them, and our commerce be much extended.
With a view to this important object I recommend it to Congress to
adopt, by solemn declaration, certain fundamental principles in accord
with those above suggested, as the basis of such arrangements as may
be entered into with the several tribes, to the strict observance of
which the faith of the nation shall be pledged, I recommend it also to
Congress to provide by law for the appointment of a suitable number
of commissioners who shall, under the direction of the President, be
authorized to visit and explain to the several tribes the objects of
the Government, and to make with them, according to their instructions,
such arrangements as shall be best calculated to carry those objects
into effect.
A negotiation is now depending with the Creek Nation for the cession of
lands held by it within the limits of Georgia, and with a reasonable
prospect of success. It is presumed, however, that the result will not
be known during the present session of Congress. To give effect to this
negotiation and to the negotiations which it is proposed to hold with
all the other tribes within the limits of the several States and
Territories on the principles and for the purposes stated, it is
recommended that an adequate appropriation be now made by Congress.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 27, 1825_.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
I transmit to the Senate a treaty concluded in this city with a
deputation from the Choctaw Indians, accompanied with the report from
the Secretary of War, with a copy of the correspondence connected with
the negotiations, for the advice and consent of the Senate.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 2, 1825_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I communicate herewith to both Houses of Congress copies of the
alterations in the treaty of peace and friendship of August, 1797,
between the United States and the Bashaw Bey of Tunis, concluded at
the Palace of Bardo, near Tunis, on the 24th of February last, and
of treaties between the United States and the Sock and Fox tribes of
Indians and the Ioway tribe of Indians, concluded at the city of
Washington on the 4th of August last, which have been duly ratified.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 4, 1825_.
The PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE OF THE SENATE:
It appearing by certain provisions contained in a late act of the
general assembly of Virginia, entitled "An act incorporating the
Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company," that the assent of Congress will
be necessary to carry the said act into effect, I herewith transmit
a copy thereof, that it may be considered with a view to the object
contemplated.
JAMES MONROE.
[The same message was sent to the House of Representatives.]
WASHINGTON, _February 7, 1825_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
I transmit herewith to the House a report from the Secretary of State,
with copies of the correspondence relating to the claims of the citizens
of the United States upon the Government of the Netherlands, requested
by a resolution of the House of the 18th of January last.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 11, 1825_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of
January 5, I herewith transmit a report from the Secretary of the Navy,
with copies of the proceedings of the courts-martial in the cases of
Lieutenants Weaver and Conner.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 14, 1825_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I herewith transmit a report from the Secretary of War, with a report
to him by the Chief Engineer, of the examination which has been made by
the Board of Engineers for Internal Improvement, in obedience to their
instructions, of the country between the Potomac and Ohio rivers,
between the latter and Lake Erie, between the Allegheny and Schuylkill
rivers, the Delaware and the Raritan, between Buzzards and Barnstable
bays, and the Narraganset roads and Boston Harbor, with explanatory
observations on each route. From the view which I have taken of these
reports I contemplate results of incalculable advantage to our Union,
because I see in them the most satisfactory proof that certain
impediments which had a tendency to embarrass the intercourse between
some of its most important sections may be removed without serious
difficulty, and that facilities may be afforded in other quarters which
will have the happiest effect. Of the right in Congress to promote these
great results by the appropriation of the public money, in harmony
with the States to be affected by them, having already communicated
my sentiments fully and on mature consideration, I deem it unnecessary
to enlarge at this time.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 16, 1825_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
I transmit to the House of Representatives a report from the Secretary
of State, containing the information called for by their resolution of
the 1st of this month, touching the capture and detention of American
fishermen during the last season.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 17, 1825_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
I herewith transmit to the House a report from the Secretary of State,
with copies of the correspondence with the Government of France,
requested by the resolution of the House of the 25th of January last.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 17, 1825_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I invite the attention of Congress to the peculiar situation of this
District in regard to the exposure of its inhabitants to contagious
diseases from abroad, against which it is thought that adequate
provision should now be made. The exposure being common to the whole
District, the regulation should apply to the whole, to make which
Congress alone possesses the adequate power. That the regulation should
be made by Congress is the more necessary from the consideration that
this being the seat of the Government, its protection against such
diseases must form one of its principal objects.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 21, 1825_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of War, with a report
to him from the Third Auditor, of the settlement in the amount stated
of the claims of the State of Massachusetts for services rendered by
the militia of that State in the late war, the payment of which has
hitherto been prevented by causes which are well known to Congress.
Having communicated my sentiments on this subject fully in a message
bearing date on the 23d of February, 1824, it is unnecessary to repeat
in detail here what I there advanced. By recurring to that message and
to the documents referred to in it it will be seen that the conduct of
the executive of that State in refusing to place the militia thereof at
that difficult conjuncture under the direction of the Executive of the
United States, as it was bound to do by a fair construction of the
Constitution, and as the other States did, is the great cause to which
the difficulty adverted to is to be ascribed. It will also be seen on a
view of those documents that the executive of the State was warned at
the time if it persevered in the refusal that the consequences which
have followed would be inevitable; that the attitude assumed by the
State formed a case which was not contemplated by the existing laws
of the United States relating to militia services; that the payment
of the claims of the State for such services could be provided for by
Congress only and by a special law for the purpose. Having made this
communication while acting in the Department of War to the governor
of Massachusetts, with the sanction and under the direction of my
enlightened and virtuous predecessor, it would be improper in any view
which may be taken of the subject for me to change the ground then
assumed, to withdraw this great question from the consideration of
Congress, and to act on it myself. Had the Executive been in error,
it is entitled to censure, making a just allowance for the motive which
guided it. If its conduct was correct, the ground then assumed ought
to be maintained by it. It belongs to Congress alone to terminate this
distressing incident on just principles, with a view to the highest
interests of our Union.
From the view which I have taken of the subject I am confirmed in the
opinion that Congress should now decide on the claim and allow to the
State such portions thereof as are founded on the principles laid down
in the former message. If those principles are correct, as on great
consideration I am satisfied they are, it appears to me to be just
in itself and of high importance that the sums which may be due in
conformity therewith should no longer be withheld from the State.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 21, 1825_.
The PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE PRO TEMPORE:
I transmit to the Senate a convention, signed by the plenipotentiaries
of the United States and of the Republic of Colombia at Bogota on the
10th of December, 1824, together with the documents appertaining to the
negotiation of the same, for the constitutional consideration of the
Senate with regard to its ratification,
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 21, 1825_.
The PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE PRO TEMPORE:
I transmit to the Senate a convention of general peace, amity,
navigation, and commerce, signed by the plenipotentiaries of the United
States and of the Republic of Colombia at Bogota on the 3d of October,
1824, together with the documents appertaining to the negotiation of the
same, for the constitutional consideration of the Senate with regard to
its ratification.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 23, 1825_.
_To the House of Representatives_:
I transmit to the House of Representatives a further report from the
Secretary of State, in pursuance of their resolution of the 1st instant,
with the papers to which it refers, upon the subject of the capture and
detention of American fishermen the past season in the Bay of Fundy.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 25, 1825_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:
I communicate herewith to both Houses of Congress copies of the treaties
between the United States and the Quapaw Nation of Indians, concluded at
Harringtons, in the Territory of Arkansas, on the 15th day of November
last, and between the United States and the Choctaw Nation of Indians,
concluded at the city of Washington on the 20th day of January last,
which have been duly ratified.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 26, 1825_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
Just before the termination of the last session an act entitled "An
act concerning wrecks on the coast of Florida," which then passed,
was presented to me with many others and approved, and, as I thought,
signed. A report to that effect was then made to Congress. It appeared,
however, after the adjournment that the evidence of such approbation
had not been attached to it. Whether the act may be considered in
force under such circumstances is a point on which it belongs not
to me to decide. To remove all doubt on the subject, I submit to the
consideration of Congress the propriety of passing a declaratory act
to that effect.