A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents - James D. Richardson
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JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _December 24, 1819_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
On the 23d of February. 1803, a message from the President of the United
States was transmitted to both Houses of Congress, together with the
report of the then Secretary of State, Mr. Madison, upon the case of
the Danish brigantine _Henrick_ and her cargo, belonging to citizens
of Hamburg, recommending the claim to the favorable consideration of
Congress. In February, 1805, it was again presented by a message from
the President to the consideration of Congress, but has not since been
definitively acted upon.
The minister resident from Denmark and the consul-general from Hamburg
having recently renewed applications in behalf of the respective
owners of the vessel and cargo, I transmit herewith copies of their
communications for the further consideration of the Legislature, upon
whose files all the documents relating to the claim are still existing.
JAMES MONROE.
DECEMBER 31, 1819.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
I transmit to the Senate, for its advice and consent as to the
ratification, three treaties which have been concluded in the course of
the present year with the Kickapoos, the Chippaways, and the Kickapoos
of the Vermillion by commissioners who were duly authorized for the
purpose.
With the Chippaways there is a supplementary article stipulating certain
advantages in their favor on condition that the same shall be ratified
by the Executive, with the advice and consent of the Senate, which I
likewise submit to your consideration.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 8, 1820_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
14th December, 1819, requesting me to cause to be laid before it any
information I may possess respecting certain executions which have been
inflicted in the Army of the United States since the year 1815 contrary
to the laws and regulations provided for the government of the same,
I transmit a report from the Secretary of War containing a detailed
account in relation to the object of the said resolution.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 8, 1820_.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 20th of January,
1819, requesting me "to cause a report to be laid before them at their
next session of such facts as may be within the means of the Government
to obtain shewing how far it may be expedient or not to provide by
law for clothing the Army with articles manufactured in the United
States," I transmit a report from the Secretary of War, which, with
the accompanying documents, comprehends all the information required
by the Senate in their resolution aforesaid.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _January 19, 1820_.
_To the House of Representatives_:
In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives
requesting me "to lay before it at as early a day as may be convenient
an account of the expenditure of the several sums appropriated for
building fortifications from the year 1816 to the year 1819, inclusive,
indicating the places at which works of defense have been begun, the
magnitude of the works contemplated at each place, their present
condition, the amount already expended, and the estimated amount
requisite for the completion of each, also the mode by which the
fortifications are built, by contract or otherwise," I now transmit
to the House a report from the Secretary of War, to whom the said
resolution was referred, which, with the documents accompanying it,
contains all the information required.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _February 8, 1820_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
In conformity with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
24th January, 1820, requesting me "to inform the House what loans, if
any, have been made since the peace, to private citizens, of powder,
lead, and other munitions belonging to the Government by officers of any
department of the Army or Navy, specifying the times, terms, objects,
and extent of such loans, the names of the persons by whom and to
whom made, the different times of repayment, and also the amount of
the ultimate loss, if any, likely to be incurred by the Government in
consequence thereof," I now transmit a report from the Secretary of War,
which, with the accompanying documents, contains all the information
that can be furnished on the subject.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _March 1, 1820_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
4th of February last, requesting to be informed what progress has been
made in surveying certain parts of the coast of North Carolina and in
ascertaining the latitude and longitude of the extreme points of Cape
Hatteras, Cape Look Out, and Cape Fear, according to a resolution of the
19th of January, 1819, I have to state that it is intended to carry the
resolution of the 19th of March into effect in the present year. The
cooperation of the Board of Engineers with Naval Commissioners being
necessary in executing that duty, and the Board having been engaged
last year in surveying the eastern coast of our Union, it would have
interfered with previous arrangements and been attended with increased
expense had they been withdrawn from it. The Board will, however, be
employed during the present summer in the regular execution of its
duties in the survey of the coast of North Carolina, when instructions
will be given it to afford the necessary aid to carry the resolution of
the 19th of January of the last year into effect.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _March 4, 1820_.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
I transmit to the Senate, in pursuance of their resolution of the 4th of
January last, a report from the Secretary of State, with a list of fines
incurred under the act of Congress entitled "An act in addition to the
act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States,"
which appear from the records of the Department of State to have been
remitted by the Executive authority of the United States.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _March 8, 1820_.
The PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE OF THE SENATE:
I transmit to the Senate copies of sundry papers having relation to the
treaty of 22d February, 1819, between the United States and Spain, which
have been received at the Department of State, and have not before been
communicated to the Senate.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _March 8, 1820_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I transmit to Congress a report from the Secretary of the Treasury,
which, with the accompanying documents, will shew that the act of the
20th May, 1812, respecting the northern and western boundaries of the
State of Ohio, has been executed.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _March 17, 1820_.
_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:
It being stipulated by the fourth article of the articles of agreement
and cession entered into on the 24th of April, 1802, with the State of
Georgia that the United States should at their own expense extinguish
for the use of that State, as soon as it might be done on reasonable
terms, the Indian title to all the lands within its limits, and the
legislature of Georgia being desirous to make a further acquisition of
said lands at this time, presuming that it may be done on reasonable
terms; and it being also represented that property of considerable value
which had been taken by the Creek and Cherokee Indians from citizens of
Georgia, the restoration of which had been provided for by different
treaties, but which has never been made, it is proposed to hold a treaty
with those nations, and more particularly with the Creeks, in the course
of this summer. For the attainment of these objects I submit the subject
to the consideration of Congress, that a sum adequate to the expenses
attending such treaty may be appropriated should Congress deem it
expedient.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _March 20, 1820_.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 16th of February,
1820, requesting me to cause to be laid before it "abstracts of the
bonds or other securities given under the laws of the United States by
the collectors of the customs, receivers of public moneys for lands, and
registers of public lands, paymasters in the Army, and pursers in the
Navy, who are now in office, or who have heretofore been in office, and
whose accounts remain unsettled, together with a statement of such other
facts as may tend to shew the expediency or inexpediency of so far
altering the laws respecting such officers that they may hereafter
be appointed for limited periods, subject to removal as heretofore,"
I transmit to the Senate a report from the Secretary of the Treasury,
which, with the documents accompanying it, will afford all the
information required.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _March 27, 1820_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I transmit to Congress an extract of a letter from the minister
plenipotentiary of the United States at St. Petersburg, of the 1st of
November last, on the subject of our relations with Spain, indicating
the sentiments of the Emperor of Russia respecting the nonratification
by His Catholic Majesty of the treaty lately concluded between the
United States and Spain, and the strong interest which His Imperial
Majesty takes in promoting the ratification of that treaty. Of this
friendly disposition the most satisfactory assurance has been since
given directly to this Government by the minister of Russia residing
here.
I transmit also to Congress an extract of a letter from the minister
plenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid of a later date than
those heretofore communicated, by which it appears that, at the instance
of the charge d'affaires of the Emperor of Russia, a new pledge had been
given by the Spanish Government that the minister who had been lately
appointed to the United States should set out on his mission without
delay, with full power to settle all differences in a manner
satisfactory to the parties.
I have further to state that the Governments of France and Great Britain
continue to manifest the sentiments heretofore communicated respecting
the nonratification of the treaty by Spain, and to interpose their good
offices to promote its ratification.
It is proper to add that the Governments of France and Russia have
expressed an earnest desire that the United States would take no steps
for the present on the principle of reprisal which might possibly tend
to disturb the peace between the United States and Spain. There is good
cause to presume from the delicate manner in which this sentiment has
been conveyed that it is founded in a belief as well as a desire that
our just objects may be accomplished without the hazard of such an
extremity.
On full consideration of all these circumstances, I have thought it my
duty to submit to Congress whether it will not be advisable to postpone
a decision on the questions now depending with Spain until the next
session. The distress of that nation at this juncture affords a motive
for this forbearance which can not fail to be duly appreciated. Under
such circumstances the attention of the Spanish Government may be
diverted from its foreign concerns, and the arrival of a minister here
be longer delayed. I am the more induced to suggest this course of
proceeding from a knowledge that, while we shall thereby make a just
return to the powers whose good offices have been acknowledged, and
increase by a new and signal proof of moderation our claims on Spain,
our attitude in regard to her will not be less favorable at the next
session than it is at the present.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _May 9, 1820_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
I communicate to Congress a correspondence which has taken place
between the Secretary of State and the envoy extraordinary and
minister plenipotentiary of His Catholic Majesty since the message
of the 27th March last, respecting the treaty which was concluded
between the United States and Spain on the 22d February, 1819.
After the failure of His Catholic Majesty for so long a time to ratify
the treaty, it was expected that this minister would have brought with
him the ratification, or that he would have been authorized to give
an order for the delivery of the territory ceded by it to the United
States. It appears, however, that the treaty is still unratified and
that the minister has no authority to surrender the territory. The
object of his mission has been to make complaints and to demand
explanations respecting an imputed system of hostility on the part of
citizens of the United States against the subjects and dominions of
Spain, and an unfriendly policy in their Government, and to obtain new
stipulations against these alleged injuries as the condition on which
the treaty should be ratified.
Unexpected as such complaints and such a demand were under existing
circumstances, it was thought proper, without compromising the
Government as to the course to be pursued, to meet them promptly and to
give the explanations that were desired on every subject with the utmost
candor. The result has proved what was sufficiently well known before,
that the charge of a systematic hostility being adopted and pursued by
citizens of the United States against the dominions and subjects of
Spain is utterly destitute of foundation, and that their Government in
all its branches has maintained with the utmost rigor that neutrality in
the civil war between Spain and the colonies which they were the first
to declare. No force has been collected nor incursions made from within
the United States against the dominions of Spain, nor have any naval
equipments been permitted in favor of either party against the other.
Their citizens have been warned of the obligations incident to the
neutral condition of their country; their public officers have been
instructed to see that the laws were faithfully executed, and severe
examples have been made of some who violated them.
In regard to the stipulation proposed as the condition of the
ratification of the treaty, that the United States shall abandon the
right to recognize the revolutionary colonies in South America, or to
form other relations with them when in their judgment it may be just and
expedient so to do, it is manifestly so repugnant to the honor and even
to the independence of the United States that it has been impossible
to discuss it. In making this proposal it is perceived that His
Catholic Majesty has entirely misconceived the principles on which
this Government has acted in being a party to a negotiation so long
protracted for claims so well founded and reasonable, as he likewise has
the sacrifices which the United States have made, comparatively, with
Spain in the treaty to which it is proposed to annex so extraordinary
and improper a condition.
Had the minister of Spain offered an unqualified pledge that the treaty
should be ratified by his Sovereign on being made acquainted with the
explanations which had been given by this Government, there would have
been a strong motive for accepting and submitting it to the Senate for
their advice and consent, rather than to resort to other measures for
redress, however justifiable and proper; but he gives no such pledge;
oil the contrary, he declares explicitly that the refusal of this
Government to relinquish the right of judging and acting for itself
hereafter, according to circumstances, in regard to the Spanish
colonies, a right common to all nations, has rendered it impossible for
him under his instructions to make such engagement. He thinks that his
Sovereign will be induced by his communications to ratify the treaty,
but still he leaves him free either to adopt that measure or to decline
it. He admits that the other objections are essentially removed and will
not in themselves prevent the ratification, provided the difficulty on
the third point is surmounted. The result, therefore, is that the treaty
is declared to have no obligation whatever; that its ratification is
made to depend not on the considerations which led to its adoption and
the conditions which it contains, but on a new article unconnected with
it, respecting which a new negotiation must be opened, of indefinite
duration and doubtful issue.
Under this view of the subject the course to be pursued would appear to
be direct and obvious if the affairs of Spain had remained in the state
in which they were when this minister sailed. But it is known that an
important change has since taken place in the Government of that country
which can not fail to be sensibly felt in its intercourse with other
nations. The minister of Spain has essentially declared his inability to
act in consequence of that change. With him, however, under his present
powers nothing could be done. The attitude of the United States must now
be assumed on full consideration of what is due to their rights, their
interest and honor, without regard to the powers or incidents of the
late mission. We may at pleasure occupy the territory which was intended
and provided by the late treaty as an indemnity for losses so long
since sustained by our citizens; but still, nothing could be settled
definitively without a treaty between the two nations. Is this the time
to make the pressure? If the United States were governed by views of
ambition and aggrandizement, many strong reasons might be given in its
favor; but they have no objects of that kind to accomplish, none which
are not founded in justice and which can be injured by forbearance.
Great hope is entertained that this change will promote the happiness of
the Spanish nation. The good order, moderation, and humanity which have
characterized the movement are the best guaranties of its success.
The United States would not be justified in their own estimation should
they take any step to disturb its harmony. When the Spanish Government
is completely organized on the principles of this change, as it is
expected it soon will be, there is just ground to presume that our
differences with Spain will be speedily and satisfactorily settled.
With these remarks I submit it to the wisdom of Congress whether it will
not still be advisable to postpone any decision on this subject until
the next session.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _May 11, 1820_.
_To the Senate of the United States_:
I transmit herewith to the Senate a report from the Secretary of State,
together with the returns of causes depending in the courts of the
United States, collected conformably to a resolution of the Senate of
the 18th of January, 1819.
JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, _May 12, 1820_.
The SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
I transmit to the House of Representatives a report from the Secretary
of State, with the document prepared in pursuance of a resolution of the
House of the 14th ultimo, on the subject of claims of citizens of the
United States for Spanish spoliations upon their property and commerce.
JAMES MONROE.
PROCLAMATION.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas by an act of the Congress of the United States of the 3d of
March, 1815, so much of the several acts imposing duties on the ships
and vessels and on goods, wares, and merchandise imported into the
United States as imposed a discriminating duty of tonnage between
foreign vessels and vessels of the United States and between goods
imported into the United States in foreign vessels and vessels of the
United States were repealed so far as the same respected the produce
or manufacture of the nation to which such foreign ship or vessel
might belong, such repeal to take effect in favor of any foreign
nation whenever the President of the United States should be satisfied
that the discriminating or countervailing duties of such foreign nation
so far as they operate to the disadvantage of the United States have
been abolished; and
Whereas satisfactory proof has been received by me from the
burgo-masters and senate of the free and Hanseatic city of Lubeck that
from and after the 30th day of October, 1819, all discriminating or
countervailing duties of the said city so far as they operated to
the disadvantage of the United States have been and are abolished:
Now, therefore, I, James Monroe, President of the United States of
America, do hereby declare and proclaim that so much of the several
acts imposing duties on the tonnage of ships and vessels and on goods,
wares, and merchandise imported into the United States as imposed a
discriminating duty of tonnage between vessels of the free and Hanseatic
city of Lubeck and vessels of the United States and between goods
imported into the United States in vessels of Lubeck and vessels of
the United States are repealed so far as the same respect the produce
or manufacture of the said free Hanseatic city of Lubeck.
[SEAL.]
Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 4th day of May,
A.D. 1820, and forty-fourth year of the Independence of the United
states.
JAMES MONROE.
By the President:
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,
_Secretary of State_.
FOURTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.
WASHINGTON, _November 14, 1820_.
_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:
In communicating to you a just view of public affairs at the
commencement of your present labors, I do it with great satisfaction,
because, taking all circumstances into consideration which claim
attention, I see much cause to rejoice in the felicity of our situation.
In making this remark I do not wish to be understood to imply that
an unvaried prosperity is to be seen in every interest of this great
community. In the progress of a nation inhabiting a territory of such
vast extent and great variety of climate, every portion of which is
engaged in foreign commerce and liable to be affected in some degree
by the changes which occur in the condition and regulations of foreign
countries, it would be strange if the produce of our soil and the
industry and enterprise of our fellow-citizens received at all times
and in every quarter an uniform and equal encouragement. This would be
more than we would have a right to expect under circumstances the most
favorable. Pressures on certain interests, it is admitted, have been
felt; but allowing to these their greatest extent, they detract but
little from the force of the remarks already made. In forming a just
estimate of our present situation it is proper to look at the whole in
the outline as well as in the detail. A free, virtuous, and enlightened
people know well the great principles and causes on which their
happiness depends, and even those who suffer most occasionally in their
transitory concerns find great relief under their sufferings from the
blessings which they otherwise enjoy and in the consoling and animating
hope which they administer. From whence do these pressures come? Not
from a government which is founded by, administered for, and supported
by the people. We trace them to the peculiar character of the epoch
in which we live, and to the extraordinary occurrences which have
signalized it. The convulsions with which several of the powers of
Europe have been shaken and the long and destructive wars in which
all were engaged, with their sudden transition to a state of peace,
presenting in the first instance unusual encouragement to our commerce
and withdrawing it in the second even within its wonted limit, could not
fail to be sensibly felt here. The station, too, which we had to support
through this long conflict, compelled as we were finally to become
a party to it with a principal power, and to make great exertions,
suffer heavy losses, and to contract considerable debts, disturbing
the ordinary course of affairs by augmenting to a vast amount the
circulating medium, and thereby elevating at one time the price of
every article above a just standard and depressing it at another below
it, had likewise its due effect.
It is manifest that the pressures of which we complain have proceeded
in a great measure from these causes. When, then, we take into view
the prosperous and happy condition of our country in all the great
circumstances which constitute the felicity of a nation--every
individual in the full enjoyment of all his rights, the Union blessed
with plenty and rapidly rising to greatness under a National Government
which operates with complete effect in every part without being felt
in any except by the ample protection which it affords, and under
State governments which perform their equal share, according to
a wise distribution of power between them, in promoting the public
happiness--it is impossible to behold so gratifying, so glorious a
spectacle without being penetrated with the most profound and grateful
acknowledgments to the Supreme Author of All Good for such manifold and
inestimable blessings. Deeply impressed with these sentiments, I can not
regard the pressures to which I have adverted otherwise than in the
light of mild and instructive admonitions, warning us of dangers to
be shunned in future, teaching us lessons of economy corresponding
with the simplicity and purity of our institutions and best adapted
to their support, evincing the connection and dependence which the
various parts of our happy Union have on each other, thereby augmenting
daily our social incorporation and adding by its strong ties new strength
and vigor to the political; opening a wider range, and with new
encouragement, to the industry and enterprise of our fellow-citizens at
home and abroad, and more especially by the multiplied proofs which it
has accumulated of the great perfection of our most excellent system of
government, the powerful instrument in the hands of our All-merciful
Creator in securing to us these blessings.