Select Speeches of Kossuth - Kossuth
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If you ask, _how soon_ is such an exclusion of your produce from
Europe by Russian influence possible? I reply: possibly within a single
year; for within a year, if we cannot recommence the struggle, Russia
may accomplish the partition of Europe. Principles can only be balanced
by principles--absolutism by republican institutions--unrighteous
interference by the law of nations--despotism by civil and religious
liberty. This is the cause which I advocate. It is not the cause of
Hungary alone; it is yours--it is the world's. It has a determination
as absolute and extreme as despotism.
Hungary would have been too content, if Russia had not interfered,
merely to defend herself against Austria, the immediate instrument of
her oppression. Now the independence of Europe, and the independence of
Hungary with it, can only be secured on the Moskwa, and on the Neva, in
the Kremlin, and in the great Hall of St. George.
For this purpose, in which you yourselves are so vitally interested, we
do not claim for you to fight our battles for us. Look to the nations of
Europe, groaning under Russia's weight. Look, in the first line to
Sweden, and from Sweden, across Poland to Hungary, and from Hungary to
Turkey, and to brave Circassia. Pronounce in favor of the law of
nations, with the determination which shows that you mean to act, and I
say, Russia _will_ respect your declaration, or else it will have a
war from Sweden down to Turkey and Circassia. So soon as it moves with
160,000 to 200,000 men against Hungary (and with less it could not), all
those nations will be aware that there is the last opportunity afforded
to them by Providence to shake off Russia's yoke, and they will avail
themselves of this opportunity--be sure of it. The momentary fall of
Hungary was too painful a lesson to them.
But again I am answered, "in case of such a war you will be entangled in
it." To this I say that you will have to fight a war single-handed and
alone, within less than five years against Russia and all Europe, if you
do not take the position which I humbly claim. But if you take this
position, the necessity of this war will be averted from you, and
Russian preponderance will be checked and your protestation respected,
without having to go to war. Because there is another sanction which you
may add to your protestation--a sanction powerful as a threat of war,
and yet no war at all. That sanction will be the declaration of
Congress, that, as the intervention of a foreign power in the domestic
affairs of any nation is a violation of the laws of nations, by the fact
of such intervention your neutrality laws of 1818 are suspended in as
far as the interfering or interference-claiming power is concerned. In
other words, that the citizens of the United States are at liberty to
follow their own inclination in respect to such a foreign power which
violates the laws of nations.
This sanction would be sufficient, because the enterprizing spirit of
your high-minded people is too well known not to be feared by all the
despots of the world.
Your laws, which forbid your citizens to partake in an armed expedition
abroad, are founded upon the sentiment, that to a foreign power with
which you are on terms of _amity_ the regards of friendship are
due. But you, without becoming inconsistent with your own fundamental
principles, cannot consider yourself to be in good friendship with a
power which violates the laws of nations: so you may well withdraw the
regards of friendship from it without resorting to war. Between
friendship and hostility there is yet a middle position--that of being
neither friend nor enemy--therefore permitting to every private
individual to act as he pleases.
Thus the conditional recall of your neutrality laws would enforce the
respect to your protestation without bringing your country into the
moral obligation to maintain your protestation by war. I hope those who
share my principles but hesitate to pronounce on account of the
possibility of a war, will be pleased to consider this humble
suggestion, and will see, that with my principles war will be averted
from the United States, and by opposing my principles the United States
will soon be forced into dangerous difficulties, out of which they
cannot be extricated but by a war, which they will have to fight
single-handed and alone.
[After this, Kossuth proceeded to speak on _Catholicism;_ but this
subject is treated afterwards more amply in his speech at St. Louis
against the Jesuits.]
* * * * *
While Kossuth was addressing his audience at Pittsburg, a special envoy
from Massachusetts arrived, Mr. Erastus Hopkins of Northampton, one of
the Representatives of the State Legislature. At the vote of the
Legislature, the Governor (Jan. 15th) deputed Mr. Hopkins to convey to
Kossuth a solemn public invitation; and at the close of Kossuth's speech
(Jan. 27th) permission was granted by the President of the evening to
allow Mr. Hopkins' credentials to be read; upon which that gentleman
said:--
"Mr. President, after the soul-stirring proceedings of this afternoon, I
dare hardly venture to obtrude upon your attention. It was indeed very
far from my expectation, when I came a pilgrim on a toilsome journey at
this inclement season of the year, that I would be enabled to mingle the
congratulations of the citizens of the 'Old Bay State' to Governor
Kossuth with those of the people of Alleghany County. But Sir, my
message, although not addressed to this meeting, is addressed to one,
whom we, in common with you, love, and whom we all delight to honour."
Turning to Kossuth, Mr. Hopkins then addressed him as follows:
"Governor Kossuth: I am directed by his Excellency the Governor of
Massachusetts to present to you the accompanying resolve of the
Legislature, inviting you to visit their capital during the present
session. The resolve is _in fact_, no less than in its terms, _in
the name and in behalf of the people of the commonwealth_.
"Having with this announcement delivered to you the documents entrusted
to my charge, I must be considered as having exhausted my official
functions. Yet, sir, having had the honour of introducing the resolve to
the Legislature of Massachusetts [cheers], and witnessing with pleasure
the unanimous and instant concurrence of her four hundred
representatives [renewed cheers], I will venture to add a few words
beyond the record--only such words, however, as cannot fail to be
consonant with the sentiment and hearts of her people.
"The people of Massachusetts would have you accept this act of her
constituted authorities as _no unmeaning compliment._ Never, in her
history as an independent State, with one single and illustrious
exception, has Massachusetts tendered such a mark of respect to any
other than the chief magistrates of these United States. And even in the
present instance, much as she admires your patriotism, your eloquence,
your untiring devotedness and zeal,--deeply as she is moved by your
plaintive appeals and supplications in behalf of your native and
oppressed land--greatly as she is amazed by the irrepressible elasticity
with which you rise from under the heel of oppression, with fortitude
increased under sufferings, with assurance growing stronger as the
darkness grows deeper [cheers], still, it is not one or all these
qualities combined that can lead her to swerve from her dignity as an
independent State to the mere worship of man. [Applause.] No! But it is
because she views you as the advocate and representative of certain
great _principles_ which constitute her own vitality as a
State;--because she views you as the representative of human rights and
freedom in another and far distant land,--it is because she views you as
the rightful but exiled Governor of a people, whose past history and
whose recent deeds show them to be worthy of some better future than
that of Russian tyranny and Austrian oppression,--that she seeks to
welcome you to her borders: that she seeks to attest to a gazing world
that to the cause of freedom she is not insensible, and that to the
oppression of tyrants she is not indifferent."
Mr. Hopkins then proceeded to recount the public glories of
Massachusetts, which he summed up in "Religion, Education, and
Freedom,--a tricolour for the world." He avowed Massachusetts to be "the
birth-place of American liberty;" and stated that her government is
carried on in 322 cities and townships, literally democratic assemblies,
which levy their own taxes, sustain their own schools, police, tribunals
&c., and receive and pay local funds four or five times larger than
those of the State treasury. "The seat of Government," said he, "is a
fiction in Massachusetts, save as it signifies the hearts of the people.
Come to her borders; witness the truth of all and more than I have
uttered; as you shall find it attested by our institutions, by the
plenitude of our hospitality, and by the acclamations of one million
souls."
Kossuth replied briefly, with thanks and cordial assent.
* * * * *
XXIV.--REPLY TO THE PITTSBURG CLERGY.
[_Jan. 26th_.]
The substance of his speech is reported as follows:--
He said that he received with a thankful heart this testimonial of
respect and welcome from the reverend ministers of the Gospel, whose
hearts and minds were deeply imbued with regard and desire for
_truth_. He had been taught to reverence the Word of God, because
it guaranteed freedom to man; and there was nothing more intimately
associated with the idea of freedom than the right of every mind to
search for truth in its own way--the right of private judgment.
Therefore in receiving the approbation of so reverend and learned a
body, he felt that he received the approbation of religion itself; and
as if an angel voice from heaven had declared to him--"The cause you
plead has found favour before Heaven. You may encounter hostility; you
may be overtaken by calumny; you may endure sufferings, and trials, and
temptations; you may even suffer martyrdom;--but the cause will triumph.
Trust to Him who strengthened the arm of David against the mighty
Goliath; and learn to say in truth: Lord, thy will be done!" When he
thought thus, and felt thus, he was not weak, but strong. The sufferings
and trials which he had endured had strengthened his body, even as the
holy influences of religion had strengthened his soul. He was not left
as the fragile flower, that remained bowed and bent before the blast;
for he could now look forward with more of hope and of trust for the
future of his own beloved land, when he heard such glorious truths so
warmly proclaimed; and when he saw such evidences of real sympathy for
the cause of Hungary. They spoke of the Protestant Church. He claimed no
merit on account of his belief; but he, too, was a Protestant--not by
education merely, but from his own studied convictions. He could believe
nothing merely because he might be commanded to do so; but solely as the
result of his own convictions. Truth is as uncorruptible and
imperishable as God himself; and He will spread it throughout all the
world. But the triumph of truth cannot be achieved by persecution,
opposition, or political oppression. This glorious principle can only be
triumphant when the nations of the earth shall become free from
oppression; because it is only under the protection of free
institutions--a free press, free controversy, freedom of speech, and
free popular education,--where it is your privilege to preach and that
of the neighbour to hear,--that the political independence of a people
can be preserved. Oppression is everywhere accompanied by the
demoralization of the masses, and their adoption of infidelity or
fanaticism; while under the teachings of freedom religion becomes a
growth of the soul.
He would urge them to go on and support that cause which they believed
to be sanctified by truth. It has been said that true religion can never
cease to be republican. If this be true, he would ask what could more
promote the glorious cause, than the influence of the United States
exerted among the nations of the world, toward the general
acknowledgment of that doctrine among nations which is laid down for the
government of men,--"What ye would that men should do unto you, do ye
even so to them." This fundamental truth should be declared a part of
the international law of the world; and the Gospel would then become the
bulwark of liberty to all mankind. Thus we may see that the triumph of
genuine liberty can best be secured by recognizing religion as the true
basis of the law of nations. He who shall be instrumental in
incorporating this grand doctrine among those laws, will be equal, or
perhaps superior to, a Luther, or a Melancthon, a Calvin, or a Huss, a
Cranmer, or any other of the world's greatest reformers. The people of
this republic have all this within their grasp; and he hoped the
Almighty would hasten the day when it shall be done. He had often heard
that the people of this country loved to be called a great people, and
he had many times heard them called a great people. To _be_ a great
people, however, the people of this country must really _act_ as a
great people. He urged upon the ministers of the Gospel that they should
warn their flocks against the horrid doctrines of _Materialism_.
Nothing is more hostile to national greatness than when the poor see the
rich governed only by pecuniary considerations--leaving nothing for the
mind and the soul, or undervaluing virtue and talents. He thankfully
acknowledged the deep solemnity of his feelings, when for his humble
self, such solemn manifestations were observed; and while commending his
bleeding country to their love, he could only refer them to the
Saviour's words as the guide for their prayers and their watchfulness.
* * * * *
XXV.--HUNGARIAN LOAN.
[_Melodeum, Cleveland_.]
Kossuth having been presented at the Melodeum to the Mayor, was publicly
addressed by Mr. Starkweather in a highly energetic speech, which ended
by saluting him as "rightful Governor of Hungary."
Kossuth replied:--
Sir, if I am not mistaken it is now the 156th time [since I entered
America], I am sure that it is the 34th time since I left Washington on
the 12th of January,--that I have had the honour to address an American
audience in that tongue which I learned from Shakespeare, while confined
in an Austrian prison for having dared to claim the right of a free
press, which now, like the hundred-handed Briareus of old, pours my
words by thousands of channels into the hearts of millions of freemen,
who comprize in their national capacity a mighty Republic, destined to
enforce the Law of Nations, upon which rests the deliverance of the
world from an overwhelming despotism.
The press is nobly recompensing me. The ways of Providence are
wonderful!
May the free press never forget its living principle, "Justice and
Truth." May it always be watchful with its thousand eyes, that the
secret craft of diplomacy may never succeed to degrade one organ of the
American press into an unconscious Russian tool, acted on by blind
animosity or by exclusive predilections.
Sir--after having spoken so often, and so much; and the free press
having conveyed my principles, my arguments, and my prayers, in almost
every homestead of this great Republic; I may be well permitted to
believe, that the stage of speaking is passed, and the stage of
practical action has come.
Almost every packet brings such news of absolutist reaction in Europe,
and almost every new step of the despotic powers is accompanied by such
incidents, that it were indeed unpardonable neglect, if, when Providence
has placed so much influence in my hands by the confidence of nations
bestowed upon me, I should not use all possible energy to circumvent the
influence of evil, to combine the efforts of the good, to check the
plots of vile, and the waywardness of erring or weak characters--often
the unconscious tools of the vile, to direct the action of inconsiderate
friends, and above all, to accomplish those preparations which are
indispensable to meet the exigencies of the future--in short, to attain
that crisis, at which I humbly claim protection for principles from the
people of the United States, in their public capacity, and substantial
aid from their private generosity.
You of course are aware that all these things together present a vast
field, for which every moment of my time would scarcely suffice.
Often am I asked, what are the instrumentalities for this my activity?
But this question cannot be answered publicly, as I am quite unwilling
to let the enemy learn my secrets.
However, so much I may state, that it is not without a definite aim and
clear hope that I devote all that yet remains in me of energy and
strength. If I did not hope,--if under certain conditions I had not an
assurance of success,--I would prefer tranquillity to action, though it
were the tranquillity of the grave.
There are _two_ modes in which free nations may aid the cause of
European Independence,--namely, _politically_ and _privately_.
As to the first, I avow with intense gratitude that the great National
Jury, the PEOPLE, gave and gives incessantly its favourable verdict.
Your State Legislature is pronouncing its vote, and the cause is moved
before the High Court of your national Congress.
In regard to aid by _private funds_ I rejoice to see local
associations clustering round the central one of Northern Ohio, in
Cleveland; but I desire that such efforts may not be delayed until I
come in person: for I can possibly come only to a few.
Already in New York I started the idea of a National Hungarian Loan, in
shares of one, five and ten dollars, with the facsimile of my signature,
and of larger shares of fifty and of a hundred dollars with my
autograph. I prepared the smaller shares for generous men, who are not
rich, yet desire to help the great cause of Freedom. It is a noble
privilege of the richer to do greater good. But remember, it is not a
gift, it is a loan: for either Freedom has no name on earth, or Hungary
has a future yet; and let Hungary be once again independent, and she has
ample resources to pay that small loan, if the people of the United
States, remembering the aid received in their own dark hour, vouchsafe
to me such a loan.
Hungary has no public debt, it has fifteen millions of population, a
territory of more than one hundred thousand square English miles,
abundant in the greatest variety of nature's blessings, if the doom of
oppression be taken from it. The State of Hungary has public landed
property administered badly, worth more than a hundred millions of
dollars, even at the low price, at which it was already an established
principle of my administration to sell it in small shares to suit the
poorer classes.
Hungary has rich mines of gold, silver, copper, quicksilver, antimony,
iron, sulphur, nickel, opal, and other mines. Hungary has the richest
salt mines in the world--where the extraction of one hundred weight of
the purest stone salt, amounts to but little more than one shilling of
your money--and though that is sold by the government at the price of
two to three and a half dollars, and thus the consumption is of course
very restricted, this still yields a net revenue of five millions of
dollars a year--to the Government--but no! there is not government, it
is usurpation now! sucking out the lifeblood of the people, crushing the
spirit of freedom by soldiers, hangmen, policemen, and harassing the
people in its domestic life and the sanctuary of its family with
oppression worse than a free American can conceive.
You see by this, gentlemen, that when Hungary is once free--and free it
will be--she has ample resources to repay your generous loan within a
year without any taxation of the people itself; and pay it well, because
every shilling of your generous aid will faithfully be employed for its
restoration to freedom and independence. I may point to my whole life as
a guarantee to that purpose. I had millions at my disposal, entrusted to
me by my people's confidence, and here I stand penniless and poor, not
knowing what my children will eat to-morrow, if I die to-day; and I am
proud that I am poor, and I pledge my honour to you, that every shilling
of what your generosity gives for Hungary will be employed for Hungary's
benefit. In fact, as I have provided for the contingency of anything
befalling me, so also I am ready, if it be your people's will, to admit
any control, consistent with the necessary conditions of success.
[After this, Kossuth proceeded to speak on the aspect of republicanism
towards Catholicism and the fortunes of Ireland; a subject more fully
treated in other speeches.]
* * * * *
ADDRESS TO KOSSUTH FROM THE STATE COMMITTEE OF OHIO.
Governor Kossuth:--As Chairman of the Committee appointed for that
purpose by a resolution of the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, I
have the honour to tender to you, in the name and in behalf of the
State, a cordial welcome to the capital.
We proffer this greeting as a small tribute of that admiration which
your courage, your integrity, and above all, your self-denying devotion
to the cause of Hungarian freedom has roused in our breasts.
Wonder not, sir, at the enthusiasm which your presence excites in a
people who cherish, with fond recollection and reverence, the smallest
relic of that time, when liberty wrestled with oppression in America,
and who hail the anniversaries of her triumphs with such grateful
remembrance of those brave and patriotic men who wrought out our full
measure of national happiness.
In you we behold a living embodiment of those great principles which we
cherish with such tender affection.
You are the realization of that virtue, that courage, that civil and
military genius, which sheds such lustre on our early history.
You call to mind more freshly than poetic or historic page, song, or
speaking canvass, that glorious record which was graven more than two
centuries ago by the first exiles from European oppression upon the
granite rocks of New England,--_"Resistance to tyrants is obedience to
God."_
Our affection is warmed by the lively interest which we feel in the
spread of this cardinal principle, and the fitness for its championship
which you have evinced, revealing constantly a resemblance to that
immortal man, the impress of whose greatness you behold on every side.
When Liberty, scourged from the old, sought out a new world wherein to
raise her sacred temple, it was to his master hand she confided the
noble work.
Had he been less great, that glorious shrine might never have been
beaconed in the sky, or at least its proportions might have been uncouth
and insecure.
Now therefore, since liberty has secured the manifold blessings that
flow from human equality, and proudly flung back the taunts of tyrants,
it is a joyous reflection to the children of this her first home, that
she has at length found a man in foreign lands fitly gifted to
appreciate those blessings, industrious to search out and follow the
path by which they were attained, and virtuous to take no selfish
advantage from the thanksgiving that her mission will arouse.
Sir, it is a splendid characteristic of our national government, that
Ohioans are as keenly touched by the history of your wrongs as the
borders of the Atlantic States.
Yes, sir, the hearts of two millions of freemen at the centre of our
country's population leap fast at the shrieks of freedom in every clime,
believing in no cold, unbrother-like law of distance; and, sir, we yield
to no State in the sincerity with which the following resolution was
adopted:
Resolved,--That we declare the Russian past intervention in the affairs
of Hungary a violation of the law of nations, which, if repeated, would
not be regarded indifferently by the people of the State of Ohio.
In conclusion, sir, I present to you a copy of the resolutions of the
General Assembly, and again welcome you to the valley of the West,
trusting that the warmth of your reception in Ohio is but an earnest of
that glorious sympathy which will spring in your path should you go
still farther westward in your holy mission.
* * * * *
XXVI.--PANEGYRIC OF OHIO.
[_Speech at his Reception at Columbus, Feb. 5th_.]
Kossuth was conducted by Governor Wood to the place fitted up for his
reception, and was there addressed by the Hon. Samuel Galloway in an
ample and glowing speech, which opened by assuring him that the
enthusiasm which he now witnessed was no new creation; inasmuch as, more
than two years before, the General Assembly of the State had resolved
that Congress be requested to interpose for Kossuth's deliverance from
captivity.
Kossuth replied:--
Sir, I thank you for the information of what I owe to Ohio. I stood upon
the ruins of vanquished greatness in Asia, where tidings from young
America are so seldom heard that indeed I was not acquainted with the
fact. Still, I loved Ohio before I knew what I had yet to hear. Now I
will love her with the affection and tenderness of a child, knowing what
part she took in my restoration to liberty and life.