Select Speeches of Kossuth - Kossuth
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But as to those two who do good service to the tyrant of their and my
country, the very circumstance that they were silent when I (because a
prisoner) was not able to work much, but are trying to check my
endeavours, now that I am about to achieve something which can only
prove to be a benefit to Hungarians,--smaller or greater, but only a
benefit and in no case a harm; this very circumstance shows the nature
of their attacks. But as to the pretence, by which they try to lull to
sleep their own consciences, that was revealed to me by a copy of a
confidential communication of one of their silent associates to a
private circle of friends, where it is stated, that, as I have declared
exclusively for a republic, a party must be got up under the nominal
leadership of Bathyanyi, on a monarchical basis, _because my views
leave no hope to get home in an honourable manner, otherwise than by a
revolution_.
That is the key of the dispute. As to myself, I am a republican, and
will never be a subject to a king, any more than be a king myself. But I
love my country too sincerely to favour the course I would pursue, on my
own private sentiments alone. I know the Hapsburg, and I know my
country. I have weighed my people's revolution, wishes and will, and
weighed the condition of the only possible success. Upon this basis I
act, and am happy to say that the considerate prudence of a statesman,
and the duties of a patriot, not only act in full harmony with my own
personal republican convictions, but indeed cannot allow me in any other
course. Either freedom and our popular rights have no future, not only
in Hungary, but indeed in Europe, or that future will be, can be, and
shall be only republican for the Hungarians. It is more than foolish to
think that either an insurrectionary war can be prevented in Europe, or
that that war can terminate otherwise than either by a consolidated
despotism or republicanism. No other issue is possible. Therefore,
however mean be the private motives of the hostility of those, my very
few Hungarian enemies, I pity them. Out of too great a desire to get
home, they have made their return in every case impossible. Not all the
power of earth could afford them security at home against the
indignation of the people. Not, if I succeed to liberate my country,
for the people will consider them as traitors, who have done all they
could to prevent that liberation; not, if I should fail, because then
the people will believe that their counter-machinations are what caused
me to fail.
So much for them. But the confidence with which I look to the republican
freedom of Hungary has been confirmed, by considering how weak must the
case be of those who urge you to indifference, when they are forced to
resort to the argument that we have no chance of success.
I have often answered that objection, which in itself is a distrust in
God, in justice, in right, and in the blessings of humanity. Allow me
to-day in addition, only one remark. Two days ago the rumour was spread
that Louis Napoleon was killed. It was remarkable to see how those who
countenance despotism, grew livid by despair, and how those who doubt
about our success rose in spirits and in confidence. Some time ago a
similar false rumour caused almost a commercial crisis in the cotton
market of New Orleans. Now how can the security of that cause be
trusted, where the mere possible death of a single individual, and of
such an individual, can so crush every calculation upon the solidity of
the peace of oppression?
Allow me to draw your attention to a circumstance which one of your
countrymen, William Henry Trescott, of South Carolina, has recommended
to public attention, already in the year 1849, in his pamphlet, entitled
'A few Thoughts on the Foreign Policy of the United States.' The
position of the United States underwent an immense change, as soon as
your boundaries extended to the Pacific; extensive commercial relations
with Asia became a necessity. You feel it--the very movements now
commenced in respect to Japan bear witness to it. Let those movements be
completed, and whom will you meet? Russia. That is the old story.
Everybody who is willing to have some influence in the East must meet
Russia, whose sterling thought is to exclude all other powers from the
East.
England is to you the competitor in the commerce of the East; and
competitors may well have a fair field for them both; but Russia is not
a competitor there, she is an _enemy_. Look to the Mediterranean
Sea, and remember the everlasting thought of Russia to crush Turkey, and
to get hold of Constantinople. What is the key of this eternal fond
desire, inherited from Peter the Great? It is not the mere desire of
territorial aggrandizement; the real key is, that it is only by the
possession of Constantinople that Russia, a great territorial power
already, can become also a great maritime power. The Mediterranean is
what Russia wants, to be the mistress of Europe, Asia, of Africa, and of
the world. But the Sultan, sitting on the Bosphorus, confines the navy
of the Czar to the Black Sea, an interior lake, without any outlet but
by the beautiful Bosphorus. Constantinople taken, it is Russia which
controls the Mediterranean:--a circumstance of such immense importance,
that Mr. Trescott says, it would be a sufficient reason for direct and
positive interference--that is, for war.
There--there--_in Turkey, will be decided the fate of the world_.
Perhaps there will be not only the end, but also the beginning of the
end; and some American politicians say, the United States can do nothing
for Europe's liberty, but Turkey can,--holding only the Bosphorus
against an inroad from Sebastopol!--Turkey, with its brave four hundred
thousand men--the natural ally of all those European nations who will,
who must, struggle against Russian preponderance. How wonderful! The
Bosphorus in the hands of the Sultan, saves the world from Russian
dominion; and yet I am asked, what can America do for Europe? How many
men-of-war have you in the Mediterranean? I would you had more. Would
you had some other anchorage in the Mediterranean for your glorious
flag! Turkey has many a fine harbour, and a great deal of good will. The
Turkish Aghas now would not be afraid to see cheered, for instance, by
the inhabitants of Mytilene, the American flag, should it ever happen
that that flag were cast in protection around my humble self; nay, I am
sure they would smilingly join in the harsh but cordial "_khosh
guelden, sepa gueldin_," which is more than a thrice welcome in your
language. But the word welcome reminds me that I have to say to you
farewell--and that is a sad word in the place where I have met so warm a
welcome, but it must be done. Can I hope to have the consolation of
knowing that in bidding farewell to my namesake city, I leave
high-minded men, who, remembering that they have seen the Hungarian
exile on the Ides of March, will have faith in the future of freedom's
just cause, and make the central city of the great United Republic the
centre of numerous associations of the friends of Hungary in the Great
West, whence I confidently hope the sun of freedom will move towards the
East.
Ladies and gentlemen, I bid you farewell, a heartfelt, affectionate
farewell.
[From St. Louis, Kossuth proceeded farther south; but we do not find any
novelty in his speech at New Orleans, March 30th. The most notable thing
in that meeting, is the cordial pronouncement of the Hon. E. W. Moise,
in the name of the City Authorities and People of New Orleans, in favour
of Hungary and Governor Kossuth: thus distinctly showing that the
commercial metropolis of the South sympathizes with European liberty
equally as the North. But it is sufficient here to have indicated the
fact.]
* * * * *
XXXVII.--HISTORY OF KOSSUTH'S LIBERATION.
[_Jackson, Mississippi--(Visit to Senator Foote) April 1st_.]
Kossuth had felt it a duty of gratitude, on his return from New Orleans,
to visit Jackson, the chief city of Mississippi, in order to express his
thanks in person to Senator Foote, then Governor of the State, for
having moved a resolution in the Senate to send a steamer to
Constantinople for Kossuth, and afterwards, a resolution tendering to
him a cordial national welcome at Washington. On his proposing this
visit, he received an enthusiastic invitation from the citizens at
large, as was expounded to him by Governor Foote in a very cordial
speech, which ended with the words:
In the name of the sovereign people of Mississippi, and by the special
request of those of our citizens whom you see before you and around you,
I now bid you welcome to our own Capital, and pray that a bounteous
Providence may vouchsafe to you and the sacred cause of which you are
the advocate, its most auspicious countenance and protection.
Kossuth replied:
Your Excellency has been pleased to bestow a word of approbation upon
the manner in which I have spoken and acted since I am here in the
United States, especially as to frankness: which frankness, on another
side, has occasioned much hostility toward me. Allow me, on the present
occasion, to exercise that same frankness. If I were less frank, I
should perhaps tell you I had a fond desire to see Mississippi, and
thank the citizens for sympathy to my country. But I claim not a merit
which I do not possess. I did not come to meet the people. My only
motive was one of gratitude toward YOU, sir.
One anxiety has weighed upon my breast ever since I have been in the
United States, and that is, lest I lose the opportunity to say to you,
with a warm grasp of the hand, and in a few but heartfelt words, how
thankful I feel for the important part you have been pleased to take in
my liberation from captivity. I hope to God, you will never have reason
to regret what you have done for me. Allow me to state that there was
something Providential in the fact, and in the time of intercession in
my behalf.
The Sultan is a generous man; I can bear testimony to that. When Russia
and Austria, proudly relying upon their armies and the flush of victory,
arrogantly demanded that we should be surrendered to the hangman of my
fatherland; and when the majority of the Divan (the great Council of
Turkey) taking a shortsighted view of the case, and influenced by the
impending danger, had already consented to the arrogant demand, and
when, in consequence thereof, the abandonment of our religion was
proposed as the only means to save our lives, then the Sultan, informed
of the matter, and following the noble impulse of his generous heart,
declared that he would prefer to perish rather than dishonour his
name--he would therefore accept the dangers of war rather than disregard
the great duty of humanity--thus if he be doomed to perish, he would at
least perish in an honourable way. By that noble resolution our lives
were saved. But European diplomacy stepped in, to convert the accorded
hospitality into a prison;[*] the Sultan being left alone, not
supported, not encouraged by any one soever, but assailed by
complications, ill advised by fear, and threatened by many, yielded at
last, but yielded with the intention to restore us to our natural
rights, as soon as he could be sure that he stood not forsaken and alone
in acknowledging the right of humanity. For a long while, no
encouragement came, and we lingered in our prison, forsaken and without
hope. You, sir, moved a resolution in the Senate of the United States.
In consequence thereof, the great Republic of the West, by its generous
offer, cast a ray of consolation into my prison, and gave encouragement
to the Sublime Porte. The English and the French governments, unwilling
to appear less liberal, both approved the course of the United States.
England made even a similar offer as America, and the Sultan, glad to
see that he was no longer alone in asserting what is right, agreed to
the offer, notwithstanding all the machinations of my enemies, and I and
my countrymen became free.
[Footnote *: I am permitted to explain, that Kossuth had in view not the
action of one power only, but the total result of all the powers. While
the Sultan knew what the arms of Russia were meant for, and could not
learn whether the fleet of England was meant for anything but _a mere
show_ (for Sir Stratford Canning "had no orders" to _use_ it),
the practical advice of diplomacy was, not, to do what was just, but, to
make the least disgraceful and least dangerous compromise.]
Now suppose, sir, you had not introduced that resolution then, and the
star-spangled flag had not been cast in protection around me--suppose
that the _coup d'etat_ of Louis Napoleon had found me in prison
still--that _coup d'etat_ which caused a change of the ministry in
England,--what would have been the consequence? England would probably
have remained indifferent, and France would have certainly opposed the
proposition of the United States--or rather, supported the cause of
Austria; and the Sultan abandoned by the constitutional powers of
Europe, would have been forced to make Kutaya what the arrogant despots
desired--a physical, or at least, a moral grave for me--and instead of
the new hope and fresh resolution which my liberation inspired into
nations groaning under the weight of a common oppression, there would be
now a gloom of despondency spread over all who united with me in spirit,
in resolution, and in sentiments.
Therefore, in whatsoever I may yet be _useful through my regained
activity, it is due to you, sir_. Without the intercession of the
United States, there would have been no field of activity left me.
Allow me now to speak on another matter connected with this. Among the
calumnies perpetually thrown out at me, is one which I cannot pass in
silence, because it charges me with ingratitude to the United States,
saying that I misuse the generosity of your country, which granted me
protection and an asylum, _upon my accepting the condition not to
meddle any more with politics_, but to abandon the cause to which I
have devoted my life--to retire from public life, and to lay down my
head to rest.
Now, before God and man, this representation is entirely false. No such
condition was added to the generous offer of the United States; and I
declare, that however much I regard such an offer, had this condition
been attached, I would in no case, have accepted it. Life is of no value
to me, except inasmuch as I can do some service to my country's cause.
Therefore, under the condition of forsaking my country, I would not
accept happiness--not liberty--not life. This I have said before.
It is due from me to the honour of the Turkish Government to declare,
that the Sublime Porte not only attached no condition at all to my
liberation, but explicitly and officially intimated to me, that having
once decided to set us free, it was unwilling to do things by
halves;--we had therefore full and unrestricted liberty, on leaving
Turkey, to go and to stay where we pleased--to take such a course as we
chose, and that to that purpose, an American and an English vessel would
be ready at the Dardanelles, and it would depend on our choice, on board
of which we embarked. Indeed I have an official communication on the
part of the English Government in my hands, by which I was informed,
that the only reason why the appointed English vessel came not to the
Dardanelles was, that I and my associates had declared that we preferred
to embark on board the American ship.
But again: in respect to that embarkation, I must state that, in the
resolution of the Congress, one word being contained which might have
been subject to different interpretation, I considered it my duty to
declare frankly to the legation of the United States at Constantinople,
that I neither was, nor would be, willing to assume the character of an
_emigrant_; but would only be considered an _exile_, driven
away by foreign violence from my native land, but not without the hope
to get home again to free and independent Hungary; therefore, that I not
only would not pledge my word to go directly to the United States, or to
remove thither permanently, but, upon regaining my liberty, intended to
devote it to win back for my country its sovereign independence, which
we had achieved and proclaimed, and which was wrested from us by the
most sacrilegious violation of the laws of nations. I got an answer
fully satisfactory on the part of your legation, assuring me that the
United States would never consent to give me a new prison, instead of
liberty; and that there was, and could be, no intention on the part of
the United States to restrain my freedom or my activity, beyond the
limits of your common laws, which are equally obligatory and equally
protective to every one, so long as he chooses to stay in the United
States. Upon this. I accepted thankfully the generous offer of the
United States. I wrote a letter of thanks to His Excellency the
President, and ordered my diplomatic agent in England to write a similar
one to the Honourable Secretary of State, expressing, that I considered
the struggle for our national independence not yet finished, and that I
would devote my regained liberty to the cause of my fatherland.
_Nearly three months after these declarations_, the Mississippi
steam-ship arrived, and I embarked, having again, previously and on
board, constantly declared, that it was my fervent wish to visit the
United States, but not without previously visiting England, on board the
same frigate, if the favour should be granted to me; else on board
another ship from a Mediterranean port, if needs must be. This is the
true history of the case.
I hope you will excuse me for having answered for once a
misrepresentation which charges me with bad faith and ingratitude, such
as neither have I merited, nor can I bear * * *
* * * * *
XXXVIII.--PRONOUNCEMENT OF THE SOUTH.
[_Mobile, Alabama, April 3d_.]
Ladies and gentlemen,--I did not expect to have either the honour of a
public welcome, or the opportunity of addressing such a distinguished
assembly at Mobile--not as if I had entertained the slightest doubt
about the generous sentiments of this enlightened community, but because
I am called by pressing duties to hasten back to the east of the United
States. Indeed only the accident of not finding a vessel ready to leave
when I arrived here, has enabled me to see the fair flower of your
generosity added to the garland of sympathy which the people of your
mighty Republic has given me, and which will shine from the banner of
resistance to all-encroaching despotism, that banner which the
expectations of millions call me to raise.
But however unexpected my arrival, the congenial kindness of your warm
hearts left me not unnoticed and uncheered; and besides the joyful
consolation which I feel on this occasion, there is also important
benefit in the generous reception you honour me with.
Firstly, because one of the United States Senators of Alabama, Mr.
Clemens, was pleased to pronounce himself not only opposed to my
principles, but hostile to my own humble self. I thank God for having
well deserved the hatred of Czars and Emperors; and so may God bless me,
as I will all my life try to deserve it still more; but I cannot equally
say, that I have deserved the inclemency of Mr. Clemens, though it be
not the least passionate of all. Well, ladies and gentlemen, after the
spontaneous sympathy which I here so unexpectedly meet, I may be
permitted to believe that it is not the State of Alabama, but Mr.
Clemens only whom I have to count amongst my persecutors and my enemies.
Secondly, I must mention, that it is my good fortune not often to meet
arguments opposed to my arguments, but only personal attacks. Well, that
is the best acknowledgment which could have been paid to the justice of
my cause. For even if I were all that my enemies would like to make me
appear, would thereby the cause I plead and the principles I advocate be
less just, less righteous, and less true? Now amongst those personal
attacks there is one which says, that I am so impertinent as to dare
appeal from the government to the people: and that _I try to sow
dissension between the people and the government_. I declare in the
most solemn manner, this imputation to be entirely unfounded and
calumniatory. Who ever heard me say one single word of complaint or
dissatisfaction against your national government? When have I spoken
otherwise than in terms of gratitude, high esteem, and profound
veneration about the Congress and Government of the United States? and
how could I have spoken otherwise; being, as I am, indebted to Congress
and Government, for my liberation, for the most generous protection, and
for the highest honours a man was ever yet honoured with? And besides,
I have full reason to say that _it is entirely false to insinuate that
in political respects I had been disappointed with my visit to
Washington City_,--no, it is not respect alone, but the intensest
gratitude that I feel. The principles and sentiments of the Chief
Magistrate of your great republic, expressed to the Congress in his
official messages; the principles of your government so nobly
interpreted by the Hon. Secretary of State, at the congressional
banquet, confirming expressly the contents of his immortal letter to
Mons. Hulsemann; the further private declarations, in regard to the
practical applications of those governmental principles; all and
everything could but impress my mind with the most consoling
satisfaction and the warmest gratitude;--as may be seen in the letter of
thanks which on the eve of my departure I sent to His Excellency the
President and to both Houses of Congress.
That being my condition, who can charge me with sowing dissension
between the people and the government, when I, accepting such
opportunities, as you also have been pleased kindly to offer to me,
plead the cause of my down-trodden country (for which both people and
government of the United States have manifested the liveliest sympathy;)
and advocate principles, entirely harmonizing with the official
declarations of your government? And what is it I say to the people in
my public addresses? I say, "the exigency of circumstances has raised
the question of foreign policy to the highest standard of
importance,--the question is introduced to the Congress, it must
therefore be brought to a decision, it cannot be passed in silence any
more. Your representatives in Congress take it for their noblest glory
to follow the sovereign will of the people; but to be able to follow it,
they must know it; yet they cannot know it without the people
manifesting its opinion in a constitutional way; since they have not
been elected upon the question of foreign policy, that question being
then not yet discussed. I therefore humbly entreat the sovereign people
of the United States to consider the matter, and to pronounce its
opinion, in such a way as it is consistent with law, and with their
constitutional duties and rights." May I not be tranquillized in my
conscience, that in speaking thus I commit no disloyal act, and do in no
way offend against the high veneration due from me to your constituted
authorities?
If it be so, then the generous manifestation of your sympathy I am
honoured with in Mobile, is again a highly valuable benefit to my cause,
because it has such a character of spontaneity, that, here at least, no
misrepresentation can charge me with having even endeavoured to elicit
that high-minded manifestation from the metropolis of the State of
Alabama.
So doubly returning my thanks for it, I beg leave to state what it is I
humbly entreat.
Firstly, when the struggle which is to decide on the freedom of Europe
has once broken out, Hungary has resources to carry it on: but she wants
initial aid, because her finances are all grasped by our oppressors. You
would not refuse to me, a houseless exile, _alms_ and commiseration
if I begged for myself. Surely then you cannot refuse it for my bleeding
fatherland, when I beg of you, as individuals, trifling sums, such as
each can well spare, and the gift of which does not entangle your
country in any political obligation.
Whatever may be my personal fate, millions would thank and coming
generations bless it as a source of happiness to them, as once the
nineteen million francs, 24,000 muskets, and thirty-eight vessels of war
which France gave to the cause of your own independence, have been a
source of happiness to you. I rely in that respect upon the republican
virtue which your immortal Washington has bequeathed to you in his
memorable address to M. Adet, the first French republican minister sent
to Washington. "_My anxious recollections and my best wishes are
irresistibly attracted whensoever in any country I see an oppressed
nation unfurl the banner of freedom_."
So spoke Washington; and so much for _private_ material aid; to
which nothing is required but a little sympathy for an unfortunate
people, which even Mr. Clemens may feel, whatever his personal aversion
for the man who is pleading not his own, but his brave people's cause.