Select Speeches of Kossuth - Kossuth
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As to the _political_ part of my mission, I humbly claim that the
United States may pronounce what is or should be the law of
nations--such as they can recognize consistently with the basis upon
which their own existence is established, and consistently with their
own republican principles.
And what is the principle of such a law of nations, which you as
republicans can recognize? Your greatest man, your first President,
Washington himself, has declared in these words: "_Every nation has a
right to establish that form of government under which it conceives it
may live most happy, and no government ought to interfere with the
internal concerns of another._"
And according to this everlasting principle, proclaimed by your first
President, your last President has again proclaimed in his last message
to the Congress, that "_the United States are forbidden to remain
indifferent to a case, in which the strong arm of a foreign power is
invoiced to repress the spirit of freedom in any country."
It is this declaration that I humbly claim to be sanctioned by the
sovereign will of the people of the United States, in support of that
principle which Washington already has proclaimed. And in that respect,
I frankly confess I should feel highly astonished, if the Southern
States proved not amongst the first, and amongst the most unanimous to
join in such a declaration. Because, of all the great principles
guaranteed by your constitution, there is none to which the southern
states attach a greater importance,--there is none which they more
cherish,--than the principle of self-government; the principle that
their own affairs are to be managed by themselves, without any
interference from whatever quarter, neither from another state, though
they are all estates of the same galaxy, nor from the central
government, though it is an emanation of all the states, and represents
the south as well as the north, and the east and the west; nor from any
foreign power, though it be the mightiest on earth.
Well, gentlemen, this great principle of self-government, is precisely
the ground upon which I stand. It is for the defence of this principle
that my nation rose against a world in arms; to maintain this principle
in the code of "nature and of nature's God," the people of Hungary spilt
their blood on the battlefield and on the scaffold. It is this principle
which was trodden down in Hungary by the centralization of Austria and
the interference of Russia. It is the principle which, if Hungary is not
restored to her sovereign independence, is blotted out for ever from the
great statute book of the nations, from the common law of mankind.
Like a pestilential disease, the violation of the principle of
self-government will spread over all the earth until it is destroyed
everywhere, in order that despots may sleep in security, for they know
that this principle is the strongest stronghold of freedom, and
therefore it is hated by all despots and all ambitious men, and by all
those who have sold their souls to despotism and ambition.
Gentlemen, you know well that the principle of self-government has two
great enemies--CENTRALIZATION and FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. Hungary is a
bleeding victim to both.
You have probably perceived, gentlemen, that the great misfortune of
Europe is the spirit of centralization encroaching upon all municipal
institutions and destroying self-government, not only by open despotism,
but also under the disguise of liberty. Fascinated by this dangerous
tendency, even republican France went on to sweep away all the traces of
self-government, and this is the reason why all her revolutions could
not assert liberty for her people, and why she lies now prostrate under
the feet of a usurper, without glory, without merit, without virtue.
Blind to their interests, the nations abandoned their real liberty, the
municipal institutions, for a nominal responsibility of ministers and
for parliamentary omnipotence. Instead of clinging to the principle of
self-government--the true breakwater against the encroachments of kings,
of ministers, of parliaments--they abandoned the principle which
enforces the real responsibility of ministers and raises the parliament
to the glorious position of the people's faithful servant; they
exchanged the real liberty of self-government for the fascinating
phantom of parliamentary omnipotence, making the elected of the people
the masters of the people, which, if it is really to be free, cannot
have any master but God. The old Anglo-Saxon municipal freedom has even
in England been weakened by this tendency; parliament has not only
fought against the prerogative of the crown, but has conquered the
municipal freedom of the country and of the borough. Green Erin sighs
painfully under this pressure, and English statesmen begin to be
alarmed. Hungary, my own dear fatherland, was the only country in Europe
which, amidst all adversaries, amidst all attacks of foreign
encroachment and all inducements of false new doctrines, remained
faithful to the great principle of self-government, at which the
perjurious dynasty of Austria has never ceased to aim deadly blows. To
get rid of these incessant attacks we availed ourselves of the condition
of Europe in 1848, and got our old national self-government guarantied
in a legal way, with the sanction of our then king, by substituting
_individual_ for collective responsibility of ministers; having
experienced that a board of ministers, though responsible by law and
composed of our own countrymen, was naturally and necessarily in
practice irresponsible. When the tyrants of Austria, whom our
forefathers had elected in an ill-fated hour to be our constitutional
kings, saw that their designs of centralization were obstructed, they
forsook their honour, they broke their oath, they tore asunder the
compact by which they had become kings; the diadem had lost its
brightness for them if it was not to be despotic.
They stirred up robbers and rebels against us: and when this failed,
then with all the forces of the empire attacked Hungary unexpectedly,
not thinking to meet with a serious opposition, because we had no army,
no arms, no ammunition, no money, no friends. They therefore declared
our constitution and our self-government, which we have preserved
through the adversities of ten centuries, at once and for ever
abolished.
But my heart could not bear this sacrilege. I and my political friends,
we called our people to arms to defend the palladium of our national
existence, the privilege of self-government, and that political, civil,
and religious liberty, and those democratic institutions, which, upon
the glorious basis of self-government, we had succeeded to assert for
all the people of Hungary. And the people nobly answered my call. We
struck down the centralizing tyrant to the dust; we drove him and his
double-faced eagle out from our country; our answer to his impious
treachery was the declaration of our independence and his forfeiture of
the crown.
Were we right to do so, or not?
We were; and _we had accomplished already our lawful enterprise
victoriously_; we had taken our competent seat amongst the
independent nations on earth. But the other independent powers, and
alas! even the United States, lingered to acknowledge our dearly but
gloriously bought independence; and beaten Austria had time to take her
refuge under the shelter of the other principle, hostile to
self-government, of the sacrilegious principle of FOREIGN ARMED
INTERFERENCE.
The Czar of Russia declared that the example of Hungary is dangerous to
the interests of absolutism! He interfered, and aided by treason, he
succeeded to crush freedom and self-government in Hungary, and to
establish a centralized absolutism there, where, through all the ages of
the past, the rule of despotism never had been established, and the
United States let him silently accomplish this violation of the common
law of nations.
Gentlemen, the law of nations, upon which you have raised the lofty hall
of your independence, does not exist any more. The despots are united
and leagued against national self-government. They declare it
inconsistent with their divine (rather Satanic) rights; and upon this
basis all the nations of the European Continent are held in fetters; the
government of France is become a vanguard to Russia, St. Petersburg is
transferred to Paris, and England is forced to arm and to prepare for
self-defence at home.
These are the immediate consequences of the downfall of the principle of
self-government in Hungary, by the violence of foreign interference. But
if this great principle is not restored to its full weight by the
restoration of Hungary's sovereign independence, then you will see yet
other consequences in your own country. _Your_ freedom and
prosperity is hated as dangerous to the despots of Europe. If you do not
believe me, believe at least what the organs of your enemies openly avow
themselves. Pozzo di Borgo, the great Russian diplomatist, and
Hulsemann, the little Austrian diplomatist, repeatedly in 1817 and 1823,
published that despotism is in danger, unless yourselves become a
king-ridden people. If you study the history of the Hungarian struggle,
you can also see the way by which the despots will carry their design.
The secret power of foreign diplomacy will foster amongst you the
principle of centralization; and, as is always the case, many who are
absorbed in some special aims of your party politics will be caught by
this snare; and when you, gentlemen of the south, oppose with energy
this tendency, dangerous to your dear principle of self-government, the
despots of Europe will first foment and embitter the quarrel and kindle
the fire of domestic dissensions, and finally they will declare that
your example is dangerous to order. Then foreign armed interference
steps in for centralization here, as for monarchy in the rest of
America.
Indeed, gentlemen, if there is any place on earth where this prospect
should be considered with attention, with peculiar care, it is here in
the southern states of this great union, because their very existence is
based on the great principle of self-government.
But some say there is no danger for the United States, in whatever
condition be the rest of the world. I am astonished to hear that
objection in a country, which, by a thousand ties, is connected with and
interested in the condition of the foreign world.
It is your own government which prophetically foretold in 1827, that
_the absolutism of Europe will not be appeased until every vestige of
human freedom has been obliterated even here_.
And is it upon the ruins of Hungary that the absolutist powers are now
about to realize this prophecy?
You are aware of the fact that every former revolution in Europe was
accompanied by some constitutional concessions, promised by the kings to
appease the storm, but treacherously nullified when the storm passed.
Out of this false play constantly new revolutions arose. It is therefore
that Russian interference in Hungary was preceded by a proclamation of
the Czar,--wherein he declares "that insurrection having spread in every
nation with an audacity which has gained new force in proportion to the
concessions of the governments," every concession must be withdrawn; not
the slightest freedom, no political rights, and no constitutional
aspirations must be left, but everything levelled by the equality of
passive obedience and absolute servitude; he therefore takes the lead of
the allied despots, to crush the spirit of liberty on earth.
It is this impious work, which was begun by the interference in Hungary,
and goes on spreading in a frightful degree; it is this impious work
which my people, combined with the other oppressed nations, is resolved
to oppose. It is therefore no partial struggle which we are about to
fight; it is a struggle of principles, the issues of which, according as
we triumph or fall, must be felt everywhere, but nowhere more than here
in the United States, because no nation on earth has more to lose by the
all-overwhelming preponderance of the absolutist principle than the
United States. If we are triumphant, the progress and development of the
United States will go on peacefully, till your Republicanism becomes the
ruling principle on earth (God grant it may soon become); but if we
fail, the absolutist powers, triumphant over Europe, will and must fall
with all their weight upon you, precisely because else you would grow to
such a might as would decide the destinies of the world. And since the
absolutistical powers, with Russia at their head, desire themselves to
rule the world, it is natural for her to consider you as their most
dangerous enemy, which they must try to crush, or else be crushed sooner
or later themselves. The _Pozzo di Borgos_ tell you so: the
_Hulsemanns_ tell you so: and it were indeed strange if the people
of the United States, too proudly relying upon their power and their
good luck, should indifferently regard the gathering of danger over
their head, and hereby invite it to come home to them, forcing them to
the immense sacrifices of war, whereas we now afford to them an
opportunity to prevent that danger, without any entanglement, and
without claiming from you any moral and material aid, except such as is
not only consistent with, but necessary to your interests.
Allow me to make yet some remarks about the commercial interests as
connected with the cause I plead. Nothing astonishes me more than to see
those whose only guiding star is commerce, considering its interests
only from the narrow view of a small momentary profit, and disregarding
the threatening combination of next coming events.
Permit me to quote in this respect one part of the public letter which
Mr. Calhoun, the son of the late great leader of the South, the
inheritor of his fame, of his principles, and of his interests, has
recently published. I quote it because I hope nobody will charge him
with partiality in respect to Hungary.
Mr. Calhoun says:
"There is a universal consideration that should influence the government
of the United States. The palpable and practical agricultural,
manufacturing, commercial and navigating interests, the pecuniary
interests of this country, will be promoted by the independence of
Hungary more than by any other event that could occur in Europe. If
Hungary becomes independent it will be her interest to adopt a liberal
system of commercial policy. There are fifteen millions of people
inhabiting what is or what was Hungary, and the country between her and
the Adriatic. These people have not now, and never had, any commerce
with the United States. Hungarian trade and commerce has been stifled by
the 'fiscal barriers' of Austria that encircle her. She has used but few
of American products. Your annual shipments of cotton and cotton
manufactures to Trieste and all other Austrian ports, including the
amount sent to Hungary, as well as Austria, has never exceeded nine
hundred thousand dollars per annum. All other merchandize and produce
sent by you to Austria and Hungary do not exceed one hundred thousand
dollars a year. Hungary obtains all her foreign imports through Austrian
ports. The import and transit duties levied by Austria are exceedingly
onerous, and nearly prohibitory as to Hungary of your cotton and cotton
goods." Hungary independent, and a market is at once opened for your
cotton, rice, tobacco, and manufactures of immense value. That market
is now closed to you, and has always been, by Austrian restrictions. And
can it be doubted that besides supplying the fifteen millions of
_industrious and intelligent_ people of Hungary (_and they are,
as a people, perhaps, the most intelligent of any in Europe_), the
adjacent and neighbouring countries, will not also be tempted to
encourage trade with you? Hungary needs your cotton. She is rich in
resources--mineral, agricultural, manufacturing, and of every kind. She
is rich in products for which you can exchange your cotton, rice, &c.
Will it, I ask, injuriously affect you if the English should compete
with you and send their manufactures of cotton thither? Not, I presume,
as long as the raw material is purchased from America; but in fact, your
market will be extended through her. "If therefore those of our
statesmen (says Mr. Calhoun), who can only be influenced by the almighty
dollar, will cypher up the value of this trade--this new market for our
products, worth perhaps twenty millions of dollars yearly--they may find
an excuse for incurring even the tremendous and awful risk of a war with
Austria, but which there is less danger of than there is with Governor
Brigham Young, in Utah. They may find a substantial interest involved
that is worth taking care of. Governor Kossuth may be assured it is of
more consequence than sympathy. It is a wonderfully sensitive nerve in
this country: it controls most of the others.--Sympathy, in this case,
can take care of itself. It does not require any nursing. The interests
involved should be attended to. It seems to me that this position as to
our commerce with Hungary cannot be attacked in front, in rear, or on
either flank. It is by far more forcible and powerful than the _ex
post facto_ argument in favour of the Mexican war, that it got us
California and its gold. So far as the general welfare of the country is
concerned, free trade with independent Hungary, and its certain ultimate
results, would be more invaluable than all the cargoes of gold that may
be brought from the Pacific coast, if ten times the present amount."
That is the opinion of a distinguished American citizen, identified
chiefly with the interests of the South.
As to me, I beg permission to sketch in a few lines the reverse of the
picture. If we fail in our enterprize to check the encroaching progress
of absolutism, if the despots of Europe succeed to accomplish their
plot, the chief part of which for Russia is to get hold of
Constantinople, and thus to become the controlling power of the
Mediterranean sea, what will be the immediate result of it in respect to
your commerce?
No man of sound judgment can entertain the least doubt that the first
step of Russia will and must be, to exclude America from the markets of
Europe by the renewal of what is called the continental system. Not a
single bushel of wheat or corn, not a single pound of tobacco, not a
single bale of cotton, will you be permitted to sell on the continent of
Europe. The leagued despots must exclude you, because you are
republicans, and commerce is the conveyer of principles; they must
exclude you, because by ruining your commerce they ruin your prosperity,
and by ruining this they ruin your development, which is dangerous to
them. Russia besides must exclude you, because you are the most
dangerous rival to her in the European markets where you have already
beaten her. And it will be the more the interest of Russia to exclude
you, because by taking Constantinople, she will also become the master
of Asiatic and African regions, where also cotton is raised.
Well, you say, perhaps, though you be excluded from the European
continent, England still remains to your cotton commerce.--Who could
guarantee that the English aristocracy will not join in the absolutist
combination, if the people of the United States, by a timely
manifestation of its sentiments, does not encourage the public opinion
of England itself? But suppose England does remain a market to your
cotton, you must not forget that if English manufacture is excluded from
all the coasts of Europe and of the Mediterranean, she will not buy so
much cotton from you as now, because she will lose so large a market for
cotton goods.
Well, you say neither England nor you will submit to such a ruin of your
prosperity. Of course not; but then you will have a war, connected with
immense sacrifices; whereas now, you can prevent all that ruin, all
those sacrifices, and all that war. Is it not more prudent to prevent a
fire, than to quench it when your own house is already in flames?
Ladies and Gentlemen, let me draw to a close. I most heartily thank you
for the honours of this unlooked-for reception, and for your generous
sympathy. I feel happy that the interests, political as well as
commercial, of the United States, are in intimate connexion with the
success of the struggle of Hungary for independence and republican
principles; and I bid you a sincere and cordial farewell, recalling to
your memory, and humbly recommending to your sympathy that toast, which
the more clement Senator of Alabama, Colonel King, as President of the
United States Senate, gave me at the Congressional Banquet, on the 7th
of January, in these words:--
"Hungary having proved herself worthy to be free, by the virtue and
valour of her sons, the law of nations and the dictates of justice alike
demand that she shall have fair play in her struggle for independence."
It was the honourable Senator of Alabama who gave me this toast,
expressing his conviction that to this toast every American will
cordially respond. His colleague has not responded to it, but Mobile has
responded to it, and I take, with cordial gratitude, my leave of Mobile.
* * * * *
XXXIX.--KOSSUTH'S DEFENCE AGAINST CERTAIN MEAN IMPUTATIONS.
[_Jersey City_.]
Kossuth was here welcomed with an address by the Hon. D. S. Gregory,
whose guest he became. Great efforts had been made to prejudice the
public against him; notwithstanding which he was received with
enthusiasm. In the evening, in his speech at the Presbyterian Church, he
alluded to the attacks of his opponents as follows:
Mr. Mayor, and Ladies and Gentlemen,--There have been some who, to the
great satisfaction of despots, and their civil and religious
confederates, have moved Heaven and Hell to lower my sacred mission to
the level of a stage-play; and to ridicule the enthusiastic outburst of
popular sentiments, by defaming its object and its aim.
That was a sorrowful sight indeed. To meet opposition we must be
prepared. There is no truth yet but has been opposed: the car which
leads truth to triumph must pass over martyrs; that is the doom of
humanity. Mankind, though advanced in intellectual skill, is pretty much
the same in heart as it was thousands of years ago--if not worse; for
wealth and prosperity do not always improve the heart. It is sorrowful
to see that not even such a cause as that which I plead, can escape from
being dragged down insultingly into the mud. With the ancient Greeks,
the head of an unfortunate was held sacred even to the gods. Now-a-days,
with some,--but let us be thankful! only with some few degenerate
persons,--even calamity like ours is but an occasion for a bad joke.
Jesus Christ felt thirsty on the cross, and received vinegar and
wormwood to quench the thirst of his agony. Oh ye spirits of my
country's departed martyrs, sadden not your melancholy look at mean
insult. The soil which you watered by your blood will yet be free, and
that is enough! Ye will hear glad tidings about it when I join your
ranks.
But now, as for myself. When I was in private life, I despised to become
rich, and sacrificed thousands to the public, and often saw my own
family embarrassed by domestic cares. I refused indemnifications, and
lived poor. When raised to the highest place in my country, and provided
with an allowance four times as great as your President's, I still lived
in my old modest way. I had millions at my disposal, yet I went into
exile penniless. Who now are _ye_, or what like proof have
_ye_ given of not adoring the "Almighty Dollar," who dare to insult
my honour and call me a sturdy beggar, and ask in what brewery I will
invest the money I get from Americans? And why? because I ask a poor
alms to prepare the approaching struggle of my country; because I cannot
and may not tell the public (which is to tell my country's enemy), how I
dispose of the sums which I receive. And Americans, pretending to be
republicans, pretending to sympathize with liberty, and wield that light
artillery of Freedom,--the Press,--try to put on me mean stigmas, in
order to make it impossible for me to aid the contest of Hungary for its
own and mankind's liberty.
Indeed, it is too sad. The consul of ancient Rome, Spurius Postumius,
was once caught in a snare by the Samnites, and was ordered to pass
under the yoke with all his legions. When he hesitated to submit, a
captain cried to him: "Stoop, and lead us to disgrace for our country's
sake." And so he did. The word of the captain was true: our country may
claim of us, to submit even to degradations for its benefit. But I am
sorry that it is in America I had to learn, there are in a patriot's
life trials still bitterer than even that of exile.
Well: I can bear all this, if it be but fruitful of good for my beloved
fatherland. But I look up to Almighty God, and ask in humility, whether
unscrupulous and mean suspicion shall succeed in stopping the flow of
that public and private aid to me, from republican America and from
American republicans, without which I cannot organize and combine our
forces.