Select Speeches of Kossuth - Kossuth
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The Arch-Duke did not accept, but was rather a traitor to his country.
Such is the connection of tyrants with each other, they desire not to
prevent others from oppressing. He is now an exile like myself. If he
had accepted the proposal, no doubt the independence of Hungary would
have been recognized by even Russia, especially if he had formed a
family alliance with despotism, and then for centuries the establishment
of a Republic would have been impossible; whereas, now, as sure as there
is a God in Heaven, no King will ever rule Hungary; but it must be one
of those Republics, wherein Republicanism is not a mere romance but a
reality, founded upon the basis of municipal authorities, to which the
people are attached. We could never have such a movement as disgraced
France in December.
Excuse me, gentlemen, if I abuse your kindness. I am anxious to make
known my ideas upon the future organization of my country. The
organization which alone we could propose, is one founded upon the
sovereignty of the people, not only in a _legislative_ capacity
--for it is not enough that we know that sovereignty by casting
a vote once in three or four years: we must feel it every day,
everywhere. The sovereignty of the people asserts, that men have certain
rights, not depending on any power, but natural rights. I mean such as
religious liberty--free thought--a free press, and the right of every
family to regulate its own affairs: but not only every family; also
every town, city, and county. Our sovereignty shall be such, that the
higher government will have no power to interfere in the domestic
concerns of any town, city, or county. These are the principles upon
which our government will be founded--not only sovereignty in
Legislation, but a particular share in the executive Government.--Judge
whether such a people is worthy to meet the sympathy of Republicans like
you, who have shown to the world that a nation may be powerful without
centralization. Believe me, there is harmony in our _ancient_
principles and your _recent_ ones. Judge whether my people is
capable of self-government.
The venerable gentleman (Josiah Quincy) spoke a word about England. I
believe the Anglo-Saxon race must have a high destiny in the history of
mankind. It is the only race, the younger brother of which is free while
the elder brother has also some freedom. You, gentlemen, acknowledge
that from the mother country you obtained certain of your principles of
liberty--free thought and speech, a free press, &c.--and I am sure,
gentlemen, the English people are proud of liberty. Called to pronounce
against the league of despots, if the Republican United States and
constitutional England were in concord, what would be the consequence?
I answer, it would be exactly as when the South American Republic was
threatened--as when Russia forbade American vessels to approach within a
hundred miles of its American shores. I have often met in the United
States an objection against an alliance with England; but it is chiefly
the Irish who are opposed to being on good terms with England. In
respect to the Irish, if I could contribute to the future unity in
action of the United States and England, I should more aid the Irish
than by all exclamations against one or other. If the United States and
England were in union, the continent of Europe would be republican.
Then, though England remained monarchical, Ireland would be freer than
now. If I were an Irishman, I would not have raised the standard of
_Repeal_, which offended the people of England, but the standard of
municipal _self-government_ against parliamentary omnipotence--not
as an Irish question, but as a common question to all--and in this
movement the people of England and Scotland would have joined; and now
there would have been a Parliament in England, in Ireland, and Scotland.
Such is the geographical position of Great Britain, that its countries
should be, not one, but united; each with its own Parliament, but still
one Parliament for all. If I could contribute to get England to oppose
the encroachments of absolutism, I should be doing more to aid Ireland,
in aiding freedom, than if I so acted as to induce England to look
indifferently at the approach of absolutism. I was glad to hear the
words of that venerable gentleman (Josiah Quincy). They brought to my
mind the words of John Adams, first minister of the United States to
England. When he addressed the King, he said:--"_He would be happy
could he restore entire esteem, confidence, and affection between the
United States and England_," and King George III. replied: "_I was
the last to conform to the separation, and I am the first to meet the
friendship of the United States. Let the communities of language,
religion, and blood have their full and natural effect._"
'Let this precedent, belonging to the intelligence not of to-day
only--let those words become now considered of particular interest to
both countries, and it would be of the greatest benefit to mankind.
There is nothing more necessary to secure the freedom of Europe than
consent to act together, on the part of the United States and England.
It is not necessary to say how far they will go, but only necessary to
say they will do as much as their interests allow, and what may be
necessary that the law of nations should be protected and not abandoned.
When I was in England nothing gave me more delight than to hear
delegations addressing me, mention your Washington, and confess
themselves sorry that he had to manifest his greatness in contending
against England; but they were more proud to see the greatness of such a
man, than not to have been opposed by him. They entrusted me to bring
word to the United States, that they wished to be united to you for the
benefit of all Humanity.
I was charged particularly by one hundred men connected with commerce at
Manchester--the least wealthy of whom was _worth_, as they express
it in England, L10,000 a year--these gentlemen told me it would be a
great result of my mission in the United States, if I could convince
Americans that Englishmen thought all differences had vanished; and they
desired to go hand in hand with the people of the United States, as
regards foreign policy. Now, I have observed in New England less
objection to the policy of an alliance with England than in many other
parts of the United States, and I take it for an evidence of the
intelligence and liberality of the people.
I know, gentlemen, you have been pleased to honour me, not for myself
(for the people of Massachusetts are not man-worshippers, but reverence
principles only)--therefore I cannot better express my thanks than to
pledge my word, relying, as on another occasion of deep interest I said,
_upon the justice of our cause, the blessing of God, iron wills, stout
arms, and good swords_--and upon your generous sympathy, to do all in
my power, with my people, for my country and for humanity; for which
indeed in my heart, though, it is somewhat old, there is yet warmth.
After many other toasts, President Wilson called on Judge Hoar to speak.
The reply of the Judge had several striking sentences. He closed by
saying to Kossuth:
"It is because you, Sir, have learned the truth that _Peace is the
first interest of no people,--that there are other things more sacred
than human life,--that without Justice and Freedom life is only a
mockery, and peace a delusion and a burden,_--it is _because_,
when tyranny had terminated every duty of a subject, you too[*] have
dared to become the MOST NOTORIOUS REBEL of our time, _therefore_
does Massachusetts welcome you to the home of Hancock and of Adams, and
the majestic spirit of Washington sheds its benediction upon the scene."
[Footnote *: The Judge alludes to Hancock and Adams, who were excepted
by name as "notorious rebels," from General Gage's proclamation of
amnesty.]
* * * * *
XLIV.--RUSSIA THE ANTAGONIST OF THE U.S.
[_Salem, May 6_.]
Ladies and gentlemen,--When four years ago, the tidings of our struggle
made the scarcely before known name of Hungary familiar to you, sympathy
for a nobly defended noble cause moved your hearts to rejoice at our
victories, to feel anxiety about our dangers. Yet, so long as our
struggle was but a domestic contest, a resistance against oppression by
a perjurious king, you had no reason to think that the sympathy you felt
for us, being a generous manifestation of the affections of free men,
was at the same time an instinctive presentiment of a policy, which you
in your national capacity will be called upon by circumstances, not only
to consider, but, as I firmly believe, also to adopt.
You were far from anticipating that the issue of our struggle would
become an opportunity for your country to take that position which
Divine Providence has evidently assigned to you; I mean the position of
a power, not restricted in its influence to the Western Hemisphere, but
reaching across the earth. You had not thought that it is the struggle
of Hungary which will call on you to fulfil the prophecy of Canning; who
comprehended, that it is the destiny of the New World to redress the
balance of power in the Old.
The universal importance of our contest has been but late revealed. It
has been revealed by the interference of Russia, by our fall, and by its
more threatening results.
Now, it has become evident to all thinking men, that the balance of
power cannot be redressed unless Hungary is restored to national
independence. Consequently if it be your own necessity to weigh in the
scale of the powers on earth, if it be your destiny to redress the
balance of power, the cause of Hungary is the field where this destiny
will have to be fulfilled.
And it is indeed your destiny. Russian diplomacy could never boast of a
greater and more fatal victory than it had a right to boast, should it
succeed to persuade the United States not to care about her--Russia
accomplishing her aim to become the ruling power in Europe; the ruling
power in Asia; the ruling power of the Mediterranean sea. That would be
indeed a great triumph to Russian diplomacy, greater than her triumph
over Hungary; a triumph dreadful to all humanity, but to nobody more
dreadful than to your own future.
All sophistry is in vain, gentlemen; there can be no mistake about it.
Russian absolutism and Anglo-Saxon constitutionalism are not rival but
antagonist powers. They cannot long continue to subsist together.
Antagonists cannot hold equal position; every additional strength of the
one is a comparative weakening of the other. One or the other must
yield. One or the other must perish or become dependent on the other's
will.
You may perhaps believe that that triumph of diplomacy is impossible in
America. But I am sorry to say, that it has a dangerous ally, in the
propensity to believe, that the field of American policy is limited
geographically; that there is a field for American, and there is a field
for European policy, and that these fields are distinct, and that it is
your interest to keep them distinct.
There was a time in our struggle, when, if a man had come from America,
bringing us in official capacity the tidings of your brotherly greeting,
of your approbation and your sympathy, he would have been regarded like
a harbinger of heaven. The Hungarian nation, tired out by the hard task
of dearly but gloriously bought victories, was longing for a little
test, when the numerous hordes of Russia fell upon us in the hour of
momentary exhaustion. Indignation supplied the wanted rest, and we rose
to meet the intruding foe; but it was natural that the nation looked
around with anxiety, whether there be no power on earth raising its
protesting voice against that impious act of trampling down the law of
nations, the common property of all humanity? no power on earth to cheer
us by a word of approbation of our legitimate defence? Alas! no such
word was heard. We stood forsaken and alone! It was upon that ground of
forsakenness that treason spread its poison into our ranks. They told my
nation, "Your case is hopeless. Kossuth has assured you that if you
drive out the Austrians from your territory, and declare your
independence, it perhaps will be recognized by the French Republic,
probably by England, and certainly by America; but look! none has
recognized you; not even the United States, though with them it was from
the time of Washington always a constant principle to recognize every
government. You are not recognized. You are forsaken by the whole world.
Kossuth has assured you, that it is impossible the constitutional powers
of the world should permit without a word of protest Russia to interfere
with the domestic concerns of Hungary; and look! Russia has interfered,
the laws of nations are broken, the political balance of power is upset.
Russia has assumed the position of a despotic arbiter of the condition
of the world, and still nobody has raised a single word of protest in
favour of Hungary's just and holy cause." Such was the insinuation,
which Russian diplomacy, with its wonted subterraneous skill, instilled
drop by drop into my brave people's manly heart; and alas! I could not
say that the insinuation was false. _The French Republic_, instead
of protesting against the interference of Russia, _followed its
example and interfered itself at Rome_. _Great Britain_, instead
of protesting, _checked Turkey in her resolution to oppose that new
aggrandizement of Russia_; and _the United States of America_
remained silent, instead of protesting against the violation of those
"laws of nature and of nature's God," in the maintenance of which nobody
can be more interested than the great Republic of America.
In short, it was by our feeling forsaken, that the skill of our enemies
spread despondency through our ranks; and this despondency, not the arms
of Russia, caused us to fall. Self-confidence lost is more than half a
defeat. Had America sent a diplomatic agent to Hungary, greeting us
amongst the independent powers on earth, recognizing our independence,
and declaring Russian interference to be contrary to the laws of
nations, that despondency, that loss of self-confidence, had never
gained ground among us; without this, treason would have been
impossible, and without treason all the disposable power of Russia would
never have succeeded to overcome our arms;--never! I should rather have
brought the well-deserved punishment home to her, should have shaken her
at home. Poland--heroic, unfortunate Poland would now be free, Turkey
delivered from the nightmare now pressing her chest, and I, according to
all probability, should have seen Moscow in triumph, instead of seeing
Salem in exile!
Well, there is a just God in heaven, and there will yet be justice on
earth;--the day of retribution will come!
Such being the sad tale of my fatherland, which, by a timely token of
your brotherly sympathy might have been saved, and which now has lost
everything except its honour, its trust in God, its hope of
resurrection, its confidence in my patriotic exertions, and its steady
resolution to strike once more the inexorable blow of retribution at
tyrants and tyranny;--if the cause I plead were a particular cause, I
would place it upon the ground of well-deserved sympathy, and would try
to kindle into a flame of excitement the generous affections of your
hearts: and I should succeed.
But since a great crisis, which is universally felt to be approaching,
enables me to claim for my cause a universality not restricted by the
geographical limits of a country or even of Europe itself, or by the
moral limits of nationalities, but possessing an interest common to all
the Christian world; it is calm, considerate conviction, and _not_
the passing excitement of generous sentiments, which I seek. I hope
therefore to meet the approbation of this intelligent assembly, when
instead of pleasing you by an attempt at eloquence, for which, in my
sick condition, I indeed have not sufficient freshness of mind--I enter
into some dry but not unimportant considerations, which the citizens of
Salem, claiming the glory of high commercial reputation, will kindly
appreciate.
Gentlemen, I have often heard the remark, that if the United States do
not care for the policy of the world, they will continue to grow
internally, and will soon become the mightiest realm on earth, a
Republic of a hundred millions of energetic freemen, strong enough to
defy all the rest of the world, and to control the destinies of mankind.
And surely this is your glorious lot; but _only under the
condition_, that no hostile combination, before you have in peace and
in tranquillity grown so strong, arrests by craft and violence your
giant-course; and this again is possible, only under the condition that
Europe become free, and the league of despots become not sufficiently
powerful to check the peaceful development of your strength. But Russia,
too, the embodiment of the principle of despotism, is working hard for
the development of _her_ power. Whilst you grow internally, her
able diplomacy has spread its nets all over the continent of Europe.
There is scarcely a Prince there but feels honoured to be an underling
of the great Czar; the despots are all leagued against the freedom of
the nations: and should the principle of absolutism consolidate its
power, and lastingly keep down the nations, then it must, even by the
instinct of self-preservation, try to check the further development of
your Republic. In vain they would have spilt the blood of millions, in
vain they would have doomed themselves to eternal curses, if they
allowed the United States to become the ruling power on earth. They
crushed poor Hungary, because her example was considered dangerous. How
could they permit you to become so mighty, as to be not only dangerous
by your example, but by your power a certain ruin to despotism? They
will, they must, do everything to check your glorious progress. Be
sure, as soon as they have crushed the spirit of freedom in Europe, as
soon as they command all the forces of the Continent, they will marshal
them against you. Of course they will not lead their fleets and armies
at once across the Ocean. They will first damage your prosperity by
crippling your commerce. They will exclude America from the markets of
Europe, not only because they fear the republican propagandism of your
commerce, but also because Russia requires those markets for her own
products.
[He proceeded to argue, that Russian policy, like that of the Magyars in
their time of barbarism, is essentially encroaching and warlike; that to
be _feared_, is often more important to Russia than to enjoy a
particular market; that the Russian system of commerce is, and must be,
prohibitory to republican traffic; that England alone in Europe has
large commerce with America, and that the despots, if victorious on the
continent, would make it their great object to damage, cripple, and ruin
both these kindred constitutional nations. He continued:]
The despots are scheming to muzzle the English lion. You see already how
they are preparing for this blow--that Russia may become mistress of
Constantinople, by Constantinople mistress of the Mediterranean, and by
the Mediterranean of three-quarters of the globe. Egypt, Macedonia,
Asia-Minor, the country and early home of the cotton plant, are then the
immediate provinces of Russia, a realm with twenty million serfs,
subject to its policy and depending on its arbitrary will.
Here is a circumstance highly interesting to the United States.
Constantinople is the key to Russia. To be preponderant, she knows it is
necessary for her to be a maritime power. The Black Sea is only a lake,
like Lake Leman; the Baltic is frozen five months in a year. These are
all the seas she possesses. Constantinople is the key to the palace of
the Czars. Russia is already omnipotent on the Continent; once master of
the Mediterranean, it is not difficult to see that the power which
already controls three-quarters of the world, will soon have the fourth
quarter.
Whilst the victory of the nations of Europe would open to you the
markets, till now closed to your products, the consolidation of
despotism destroys your commerce unavoidably. If your wheat, your
tobacco, your cotton, were excluded from Europe but for one year, there
is no farm, no plantation, no banking-house, which would not feel the
terrible shock of such a convulsion.
And hand-in-hand with the commercial restrictions you will then see an
establishment of monarchies from Cape Horn to the Rio Grande del Norte.
Cuba becomes a battery against the mouth of the Mississippi; the
Sandwich Islands a barrier to your commerce on the Pacific; Russian
diplomacy will foster your domestic dissensions and rouse the South
against the North, and the North against the South, the sea-coast
against the inland States, and the inland States against the sea-coast,
the Pacific interests against the Atlantic interests; and when discord
paralyzes your forces, then comes at last the foreign interference,
preceded by the declaration, that the European powers having, with your
silent consent, inscribed into the code of international law, the
principle that every foreign power has the right to interfere in the
domestic affairs of any nation when these become a dangerous example,
and your example and your republican principles being dangerous to the
absolutist powers, and your domestic dissensions dangerous to the order
and tranquillity of Europe, and therefore they consider it their "duty
to interfere in America." And Europe being oppressed, you will have,
single-handed, to encounter the combined forces of the world! I say no
more about this subject. America will remember then the poor exile, if
it does not in time enter upon that course of policy, which the
intelligence of Massachusetts, together with the young instinct of Ohio,
are the foremost to understand and to advance.
A man of your own State, a President of the United States, John Quincy
Adams, with enlarged sagacity, accepted the Panama Mission, to consider
the action of the Holy Alliance upon the interests of the South American
Republics.
Now, I beg you to reflect, gentlemen, how South America is different
from Europe, as respects your own country. Look at the thousand ties
that bind you to Europe. In Washington, a Senator from California, a
generous friend of mine, told me he was _thirty_ days by steamer
from the Seat of Government. Well, you speak of distance--just give me
a good steamer and good sailors, and you will in _twenty_ days see
the flag of freedom raised in Hungary.
I remember that when one of your glorious Stars (Florida, I think it
was) was about to be introduced, the question of discussion and
objection became, that the distance was great. It was argued that the
limits of the government would be extended so far, that its duties could
not be properly attended to. The President answered, that the distance
was not too great, if the seat of government could be reached in thirty
days. So far you have extended your territory; and I am almost inclined
to ask my poor Hungary to be accepted as a Star in your glorious galaxy.
She might become a star in this immortal constellation, since she is not
so far as thirty days off from you.
What little English I know, I learned from your Shakespeare, and I
learned from him that "there are more things in heaven and earth than
are dreamed of in our philosophy." Who knows what the future may bring
forth? I trust in God that all nations will become free, and that they
will be united for the internal interests of humanity, and in that
galaxy of freedom I know what place the United States will have.
One word more. When John Quincy Adams assumed for the United States the
place of a power on earth, he was objected to, because it was thought
possible that that step might give offence to the Holy Alliance. His
answer was in these memorable words: "The United States must take
counsel of their rights and duties, and not from their fears."
The Anglo-Saxon race represents constitutional governments. If it be
united for these, we shall have what we want, Fair Play; and, relying
"upon our God, the justness of our cause, iron wills, honest hearts and
good swords," my people will strike once more for freedom, independence,
and for Fatherland.
* * * * *
XLV.--THE MARTYRS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
[_Lexington, May 11th_.]
Kossuth having been invited to visit the first battle fields of the
Revolution, was accompanied by several members of the State Committee,
on May 11th, to West Cambridge, Lexington, and Concord. He had already
visited Bunker Hill on the 3d of May, but we have not in these pages
found room for his speech there. At West Cambridge he was addressed by
the Rev. Thomas Hill, and replied: at Lexington also he received two
addresses, and the following was his reply:--
Gentlemen,--It has been often my lot to stand upon classical ground,
where the whispering breeze is fraught with wonderful tales of devoted
virtue, bright glory, and heroic deeds. And I have sat upon ruins of
ancient greatness, blackened by the age of centuries; and I have seen
the living ruins of those ancient times, called men, roaming about the
sacred ground, unconscious that the dust which clung to their boots, was
the relic of departed demigods--and I rose with a deep sigh. Those
demigods were but men, and the degenerate shapes that roamed around me,
on the hallowed ground, were also not less than men. The decline and
fall of nations impresses the mark of degradation on nature itself. It
is sad to think upon--it lops the soaring wings of the mind, and chills
the fiery arms of energy. But, however dark be the impression of such
ruins of vanished greatness upon the mind of men who themselves have
experienced the fragility of human fate, thanks to God, there are bright
spots yet on earth, where the recollections of the past, brightened by
present prosperity, strengthen the faith in the future of mankind's
destiny. Such a spot is this.