Select Speeches of Kossuth - Kossuth
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Twenty-four years have altered the balance.--Turkey has now the
enthusiastic support of her Mussulman population. The Christian
population, with the only exception of Bulgaria, partakes of this
enthusiasm. All the warlike tribes, from Albania to Kurdistan, are now
supporting the authority of the Sultan. Mehemet Ali is gone; Arabia and
Syria are again under the dominion of the Sultan. Servia has made peace,
and has become the support of Turkey, offering her, in case of a Russian
war, 80,000 men. The Principalities have become the enemies of Russia;
they had too long to suffer from her oppression. The public revenue has
doubled. Turkey has organized a regular army of 200,000 men, equal to
any other, and besides, the militia, She has distinguished
generals--Omer Pasha, Gruyon. Her fleet is equal to the Russian fleet in
the Black Sea, and her steam-fleet superior to the Russian. She has for
allies all the people from the Caucasus to the Carpathians. The
Circassians, the Tartars under Emir Mirza, the Cossacks of the Dobroja,
by whom the electric shock is transmitted to Poland and Hungary, form an
unbroken chain, by which the spark is carried into the heart of Europe,
where all the combustible elements wait for the moment of explosion.
Twenty-four years ago Turkey was believed to be in a decaying state; it
is now stronger than it has been for the last hundred years.
Russia, during this time, has been unable to overcome the resistance of
Circassia; and, cut off from her south-eastern provinces, she cannot
attack Turkey in the rear. The Caucasian lines furnished her, in 1828,
with 30,000 men; Poland with 100,000; the two countries require now an
army of observation and occupation of 200,000 men; the Danubian
principalities absorb again 50,000.
The Russian fleet remains as it was in 1828--thirteen men-of-war then,
thirteen now: and whilst, in 1828, she had scarcely an enemy in Europe,
she has now scarcely one friend, except the kings. All her enemies, whom
she has defeated one by one, have combined against her--Poland, Hungary,
the Danubian principalities, Turkey, Circassia.
Where is now the force of Russia! Does she not remind us of the golden
image of Nebuchadnezzar, standing on feet of clay?
And yet, gentlemen, this Russia can make doubtful the struggle in
Europe--not because powerful in arms, but because it stands ready to
support tyrants, when nations are tired out in a struggle, or before
they have time to make preparations for resistance: then only is Russia
a power to be feared. Well, gentlemen, shall not America stand up, and
with powerful voice forbid Russia to interfere when nations have shaken
off their domestic tyrants? Gentlemen, remember that Peter the Czar left
a last will and testament to the people, that Russia must take
Constantinople. Why? that Russia might be a great power: and that it may
be so Constantinople is necessary, because no nation can be a great
power which is not a maritime power. Now see how Turkey has grown in
twenty-four years. The more Russia delays, the stronger Turkey becomes,
and therefore is Russia in haste to fulfil the destiny of being a
maritime power.
You can now see why is my fear, that this week, or this month, or this
year, Russia will attack Turkey, and we shall not be entirely prepared:
but though you do not give us "material aid," still we must rise when
Turkey is attacked, because we must not lose its 400,000 soldiers. The
time draws nigh when you will see more the reason I have to hasten these
preparations, that they may be complete, whenever through the death of
Nicholas or Louis Napoleon or a thousand other things,--most probably a
war between Russia and Turkey,--we want to take time by the forelock.
But, gentlemen, let me close. I am often told, let only the time come
when the Republican banner is unfurled in the Old World, then we shall
see what America will do. Well, gentlemen, your aid may come too late to
be rendered beneficial. Remember 1848 and 1849. Had the nations of
Europe not your sympathy? Were your hearts less generous than now? It
was not in time--it came after, not before. Was your government not
inclined to recognize nations? It sent Mr. Mann to Hungary to
_inquire_--would that when he inquired he had been authorized to
_recognize_ our achieved independence!
Gentlemen, let me end. Before all, let me thank you for your generous
patience. This is my last meeting. Whatever may be my fate, so much I
can say, that the name of Boston and Massachusetts will remain a dear
word and a dear name, not only to me but to my people for all time. And
whatever my fate, I will, with the last breath of my life, raise the
prayer to God that he may bless you, and bless your city and bless your
country, and bless all your land, for all the coming time and to the end
of time; that your freedom and prosperity may still grow and increase
from day to day; and that one glory should be added to the glory which
you already have: the glory that America, Republican America, may unite
with her other principles the principle of Christian brotherly love
among the family of nations; and so may she become the corner stone of
Liberty on earth! That is my farewell word to you.
* * * * *
XLVII.--PRONOUNCEMENT OF ALL THE STATES.
[_Albany, May 20th_.]
On May 20th, Kossuth was received in Albany, the chief city of New York
State, by Governor Hunt, in the name of the citizens. In reply to his
address, Kossuth then addressed the audience substantially as follows:--
Gentlemen,--More than five months have passed since my landing in New
York. The novelty has long since subsided, and emotion has died away.
The spell is broken which distance and misfortune cast around my name.
The freshness of my very ideas is worn out. Incessant toils spread a
languor upon me, unpleasant to look upon. The skill of intrigues,
aspersing me with calumny; wilful misrepresentations, pouring cold water
upon generous sympathy; Louis Napoleon's momentary success, shaking the
faith of cold politicians in the near impendency of a European struggle
for liberty; and in addition to all this, the Presidential election,
absorbing public attention, and lowering every high aspiration into the
narrow scope of party spirit, busy for party triumph; all these
circumstances, and many besides too numerous to record, joined to make
it _probable_ that the last days of my wanderings on American soil
would be entirely different from those in which the hundred thousands of
the "Empire City,"[*] thundered up to the high heaven the cheers of
their hurrahs, till they sounded like a defiance of a free people to the
proud despots of the world. And yet, notwithstanding all these
disadvantageous concurrencies, NO change has taken place in the public
spirit of America. I may have lost in your kind estimation of my humble
self, but my cause has not lost. It is standing higher than ever it
stood, and the future in your country's policy is ensured to it.
[Footnote *: New York.]
Gentlemen, present bounty will never weaken in my mind the thankful
appreciation of former benefits. The generous manifestation of sympathy
I met on my arrival, will always remain recorded with unfading gratitude
in my heart; but no just man can feel offended when I say, that it is
the manner of the "_farewell_" which decides upon the value of the
"_welcome_." The result of my endeavours in America will not be
measured by how I was received when I came, but by how I am treated when
I leave. You know, "All's well that ends well," and to be well, things
must end well. And being about to close my task in America, I cannot
help to say, that the generous reception you have honoured me with, is
doubly gratifying to my countrymen, who have watched with intense
interest my progress in America--and doubly dear to my heart, because it
is an evidence that the "_farewell_" given to the wandering
exile's, course, confirms the expectations which the _"welcome"_
had roused.
The warm reception Albany has given me is like the point upon the letter
_"i"_--it decides its meaning. The metropolis of the Empire State
gave abundantly the first flowers to the garland of America's sympathy
for the condition of the Old World. Many a flower was added to it from
many a place. Wherever there is a people there was a new garden of
sympathy: and wherever be the obligations I owe--and gladly own--to many
a quarter of the United States, it is but a tribute due to justice
publicly to avow, that _Ohio_, with the bold resolution of its
youthful strength, and _Massachusetts_, with its consistent
traditional energy, stood pre-eminent in the decided comprehension of
America's destiny--and now the Capitol of the Empire State winds up the
garland of America. _New York_ achieves what New York has begun,
and thus, in leaving America, I have an answer to bring to Europe's
oppressed millions; and the answer is satisfactory, because I know what
position America will take in the approaching crisis of the world.
There are moments in the national life of a people, when to adopt a
certain course becomes a natural necessity: and in such moments the
people always gets instinctively conscious of the necessity, and answers
it by adopting a direction spontaneously. That direction is decisive. It
must be followed: and it is followed. Pre-eminent patriots, joining in
the people's instinct, may become either the interpreters or the
executors of it; but they can neither impart their own direction to the
people, nor alter that which public opinion has fixed. There are no
other means to become a great man and a great patriot but by becoming
the impersonification of the public sentiment, conscious of a surpassing
public necessity. Those who would endeavour to measure great things by
a small individual scale, would always fall short in their calculations,
and be left behind.
There have been already several such moments in your country's brief but
glorious history. I will only mention your glorious Revolution of 1775.
Who made that Revolution? The People; the unarmed heroes; the Public
Opinion. If the question had been left to the decision of some few,
though the best and the wisest of all, _they never would have advised
a struggle_; but would have arranged matters diplomatically. You
remember what anxious endeavours were made to prove that it was not the
Americans who fired the first shot, and how exculpations were sent to
England with protestations of allegiance. All those little steps were
vain. The people felt that it was time to become an independent nation;
and feeling the necessity of the moment, it took a direction by itself,
and made the Revolution by itself.
Now-a-days it is of an equally pregnant necessity to the United States,
to take the position of a power on earth. Nobody can hereafter make the
people believe that it is possible for America to remain unaffected by
the condition of the Old World,--to advise that the United States shall
still abstain from mixing up their concerns with those of Europe. The
question to be decided is not whether America shall mix its concerns
with those of the Old World; because that is done. But the question is,
whether the United States shall take a seat in the great Amphictyonic
Council of the nations or not? And whether it shall be permitted to some
crowned mortals to substitute the whims of their ambition in the place
of international law;--to set up and to upset the balance of power as
they please; and to regulate the common concerns of the world? And shall
the United States accept whatever the Czar may be pleased to decide
about those common concerns? And shall the United States silently look
on, however the Czar may grow upon the ruins of common international
law, to an all-overwhelming preponderance?
That is the question. And that being the question, the people has
answered it, and has pronounced about it in a manner too positive and
too evident to be mistaken. It is already more than a year ago, that a
distinguished American diplomatist publicly advertised his
fellow-statesmen, "that it is the popular voice which will henceforth
decide, without appeal, the great coming questions in your foreign
policy, before the Executive or Congress can consider them." Some have
reproached me for unprecedented arrogance in trying to change the
hereditary policy of the United States. But it is not so. I did but
engage public attention to consider the exigencies of time and
circumstances. The _finger of the clock_ only shows the hour, but
makes not the time. And so did I. And allow me to say, that the coming
of such a time was already anticipated by many of your own
fellow-citizens, long before my humble name, or even the name of my
country, was known in America. Please to read the works of your own
distinguished countryman WAYLAND, who for more than thirty years was
engaged at one of your high schools in the noble task of instilling
sound political principles and enlightened patriotism into the heart and
mind of your rising generation. You will find that already in 1825,
after having spoken of the effects which this country might produce upon
the politics of Europe simply by her example, he thus proceeds:--
"It is not impossible, however, that this country may be called to exert
an influence still more direct on the destinies of men. Should the
rulers of Europe make war upon the principles of our Constitution,
because its existence '_may operate as an example_,' or should a
universal appeal be made to arms on the question of civil and religious
liberty, it is manifest that we must take no secondary part in the
controversy. The contest will involve the civilized world, and the blow
will be struck which must decide the fate of men for centuries to come.
Then will the hour have arrived, when, uniting with herself the friends
of Freedom throughout the world, this country must breast herself to the
shock of congregated nations. Then will she need the wealth of her
merchants, the powers of her warriors, and the sagacity of her
statesmen. Then on the altar of our God, let each one devote himself to
the cause of the human race, and in the name of the Lord of Hosts go
forth unto the battle! If need be, let our choicest blood flow freely,
for life itself is valueless when such interests are at stake. Then,
when a world in arms is assembling to the conflict, may this country be
found fighting in the vanguard for the liberties of man! God himself has
summoned her to the contest, and she may not shrink back. For this hour
may He by His grace prepare her!"
Thus wrote a learned American Patriot as early as 1825; and he stands
high even to-day in the estimation of his fellow-citizens; and no man
ever charged him with being presumptuously arrogant for having shown
such a perspective of coming necessities to America. His profound
sagacity, pondering the logical issue of America's position, has
penetrated into the hidden mystery of future events; and he has seen his
country summoned, by God himself, to fight in the vanguard for mankind's
civil and religious liberty.
* * * * *
XLVIII.--SOUND AND UNSOUND COMMERCE.
_Speech at Buffalo.]_
On the 27th of May thirty thousand persons assembled in the Park at
Buffalo, where Kossuth had a magnificently enthusiastic reception. In
the evening he was escorted to American Hall by the mayor and others.
For a portion only of his Speech, in reply to the address of the Hon.
Thomas Love, can we here find room.
The Austrian minister (said he) has left the United States. Proud
Austria has no longer a representative here, but down-trodden Hungary
has. The Chevalier Hulsemann has at last taken his departure, without
even a chivalrous farewell; the Secretary of State let him depart,
without either alarm or regret.
"All right!" gentlemen. Two years ago there was much alarm in certain
quarters, when the idea of such a rupture was first suggested. Five
months ago, when in one of my public addresses I wished a good journey
to Mr. Hulsemann, some thought it rather presumptuous. But now that he
has left, no man cares about it, scarcely any man takes notice of it.
The time may yet come, when Mr. Hulsemann's masters will be fully aware,
that what he is pleased to call _the Kossuth episode_ is a serious
drama--a drama in which, I trust, America will so act its part, that in
the catastrophe justice and freedom shall triumph, violence and
oppression shall fall.
In my many speeches I have dwelt largely on the necessity that there is
for America to act this part. I have not concealed that I am informed
that many gentlemen of commerce are timid concerning it, and I have
ventured to warn this young but great republic against _materialism_.
But commerce involves this danger only when it is bent on
instant profit at any price, and cares nothing for the future,
nothing about that solidity of commercial relations on which permanent
prosperity depends. Adventurous _money-hunting_ is not commerce.
Commerce, republican commerce, raised single cities to the position of
mighty powers on earth, and maintained them there for centuries. It is
merchants whose names shine with immortal lustre from the glorious book
of Venice and Genoa. Commerce, as I understand it, does indeed apply its
finger to the pulsations of present conjunctures, but not the less fixes
its eye steadily on the future. Its heart warms with noble patriotism
and philanthropy, connecting individual profit with the development of
natural resources and of national welfare; so that it spreads over the
multitudes like a dew of Heaven upon the earth, which blossoms through
it with the flower of prosperity. _Such_ a commercial spirit is a
rich source of national happiness;--a guarantee of a country's future, a
pillar of its power, a vehicle of civilization and convoyer of its
principles.
Let me exemplify the difference between that noble beneficent spirit of
commerce and the merely material money hunting, which falsely usurps the
name of commerce.
Since the fatal arithmetical skill of Rothschilds has found out how to
gain millions by negotiating, out of the pockets of the public, loan
after loan for the despots, to oppress the blind-folded nations, a sort
of speculation has gained ground in the Old World, worthy of the
execration of humanity--I mean the speculation in _loan
shares_;--the paper commerce called stock-jobbing. It is the
shame-brand upon our century's brow, that such a commerce is become a
political power on earth; and unscrupulous gamesters, speculating upon
the ruin of their neighbours, hold the political thermometer of peace
and war in their criminal hands. But it is not commerce--it deserves not
the name of commerce--it does not contribute to public welfare--it does
not augment the elements of public prosperity--it is but immoral
GAMBLING, which transfers an unproductive imaginary wealth from one hand
into another, without augmenting the stock of national property:--that
is not commerce: and _it is a degradation of the character of a
nation, when the interests of that speculation have the slightest
influence, or are made of the slightest consideration in the regulation
of a country's policy_. Such an example has its full weight with
every other kind of mere money-hunting. It would be the greatest fault
to regulate a country's policy according to the momentary interests of
worshippers of the almighty dollar, who look but for a momentary profit,
not caring for their fatherland and humanity--nothing for the
principles--nothing about the tears and execration of millions, if only
that condition remains intact which gives them individual profit--though
that condition be the misfortune of a world. Wherever that class of
money-hunters is influential, there is a disease in the constitution of
the community. It is vain to complain against the dangerous doctrines of
socialism, so long as such money-hunters have any influence upon
politics. The genus of Rothschilds has done more for the spread of
socialism than its most passionate sectarians.
Take on the other side the contrasting fact of the Erie Canal. I
remember well that some were terrified, when in the councils of the
Empire State first was started the idea of that gigantic enterprise. And
now when we hear that its nett proceeds amount to about three millions
of dollars a year--when we see the almost unbroken line of boats on
it--when we see Buffalo becoming the heart of the West, the pulsation of
which conveys the warm tide of life to the East; and by the
communication of that artery, bringing the wonderful combination of the
great western lakes into immediate connection with the Atlantic, and
through the Atlantic with the Old World--when we see Buffalo, though at
four hundred miles distance from the ocean, without a navigable river,
living, acting, and operating like a seaport; and New York, situated on
the shores of the Atlantic, acting as if it were the metropolis of the
West--when we consider how commerce becomes a magic wand, and transforms
a world of wilderness into a garden of prosperity, and spreads the
blessing of civilization where some years ago only the wild beasts and
the Indian roamed--then indeed we bow with reverential awe before the
creating power of that commerce. We feel that the spirit of it is not a
mere money-hunting, but a mighty instrumentality of Providence for the
moral and social benefit of the world; and we at once feel that the
interests of such a commerce underlie so much the foundation of your
country's future, that not only are they entitled to enter into the
regulating considerations of your country's policy, but they must
enter--they must have a decisive weight--and they will have it, whatever
be the declamations of learned politicians who have so much looked to
the authority of past times that they have found no time to see the
imperious necessity of present exigencies.
There are still some who advise you to follow the policy of separation
from Europe, which Washington wisely advised in his days--wisely,
because it was a necessity of those times. I have on many occasions
adduced arguments against this, which to me are quite convincing. Yet to
some minds custom is of so much more power than argument, that I could
not forbear to feel some uneasiness. But to-day, gentlemen, I no longer
feel such uneasiness. I am entirely tranquillized. I want no more
arguments, because I have the knowledge of facts, and to those who still
advocate the policy of separatism I will say, "Have you seen the city of
Buffalo? Go! and look at it; when you have seen what Buffalo is,
consider what are the interests which created that city, and are
personified by that city; then trace those interests back to New York,
and from New York across the Atlantic to the Old World; and again, the
returning interests of intercourse from the Old World to New York and
hence to Buffalo, and from Buffalo to the West, and then speak of the
wisdom of separatism!"--What exists, exists. The facts will laugh at your
reflections; they will tell you that, they cannot be undone. They will
tell you that you are like Endymion, whom Diana made sleep until the
twig on which he leaned his head had become a tree. They, will tell you
that you could as well reduce Buffalo to the log-house of MIDDEAU and
LANE; the mighty democrat the steam-engine to the horse on the back of
which EZRA METCALF brought the first public mail to the sixteen
dwelling-houses, which some forty years ago composed all Buffalo; you
could as well reduce the Erie Canal to where it was when GOVERNOR MORRIS
first mentioned the idea of tapping Lake Erie, or reduce the West to a
desert, and western New York to the condition in which Washington saw it
when journeying towards the Far West.
All this you could as easily do as adhere any longer to the policy of
separatism, or persuade the people of the United States not to take any
part in the great political transactions of the Old World.
In that respect, gentlemen, I am entirely tranquillized; and
tranquillized also I am in this respect, that it is impossible the
active sympathies of your people should not side with freedom and right
against oppression and violence. That will be done. I want no assurance
about it,--being an imperative corollary of existing facts. Public
opinion is aroused to the appreciation of these facts and of their
necessary exigencies. The only thing which I in that respect have yet to
desire, is, to see the people of the United States persuaded that _it
is time_ to prepare _already_ to meet those exigencies; and that
it is wise not to let themselves be overtaken by impending events.
[Kossuth then proceeded to speak of subjects elsewhere very fully
treated, and continued:]
Once more, I repeat, a _timely_ pronouncement of the United States
would avert and prevent a second interference of Russia. She must
sharpen the fangs of her Bear, and get a host of other beasts into her
menagerie, before she will provoke the Eagle of America. But beware,
beware of loneliness. If your protest be delayed too long, you will
have to fight alone against the world: while now, you will only have to
watch, and others will fight.