Select Speeches of Kossuth - Kossuth
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There is immense truth in that which the French Legation in the United
States expressed to your government in an able note of 27th October
past:--"America is closely connected with Europe, being only separated
from the latter by a distance scarcely exceeding eight days' journey, by
one of the most important of general interests--the interest of
commerce. The nations of America and Europe are at this day so
dependent upon one another, that the effects of any event, prosperous or
otherwise, happening on one side of the Atlantic, are immediately felt
on the other side. The result of this community of interests,
commercial, political, and moral, between Europe and America--of this
frequency and rapidity of intercourse between them, is, that it becomes
as difficult to point out the geographical degree where American policy
shall terminate, and European policy begin, as it is to trace out the
line where American commerce begins and European commerce terminates.
Where may be said to begin or terminate the ideas which are in the
ascendant in Europe and in America?"
It is chiefly in New York that I feel induced to urge this, because New
York is, by innumerable ties, connected with Europe--more connected than
several parts of Europe itself. It is the agricultural interest of this
great country which chiefly wants an outlet and a market. Now, it is far
more to Europe than to the American continent that you have to look in
that respect. On this account you cannot remain indifferent to the fate
of freedom on the European continent: for be sure, gentlemen--and I
would say this chiefly to the gentlemen of trade--should absolutism gain
ground in Europe, it will, it must, put every possible obstacle in the
way of commercial intercourse with republican America: for commercial
intercourse is the most powerful convoyer of principles, and be sure the
victory of absolutism on the European continent will in no quarter have
more injurious national consequences than against your vast agricultural
and commercial interests. Then why not prevent it, while it is still
possible to do so with comparatively small sacrifices, rather than abide
that fatal catastrophe, and have to mourn the immense sacrifices it
would then cost?
Even in political considerations, now-a-days, you have stronger motives
to feel interested in the fate of Europe than in the fate of the Central
or Southern parts of America. Whatever may happen in the institutions
of these parts, you are too powerful to see your own institutions
affected by it. But let Europe become absolutistical (as, unless
Hungary be restored to its independence, and Italy become free, be sure
it will)--and your children will see those words, which your national
government spoke in 1827, fulfilled on a larger scale than they were
meant, that "the absolutism of Europe will not be appeased, until every
vestige of human freedom has been obliterated even here." And oh! do not
rely too fondly upon your power. It is great, assuredly. You have not to
fear any single power on earth. But look to history. Mighty empires
have vanished. Let not the enemies of freedom grow too strong.
Victorious over Europe, and then united, they would be too strong even
for you! And be sure they hate you most cordially. They consider you as
their most dangerous opponent. Absolutism cannot sleep tranquilly, while
the republican principle has such a mighty representative as your
country is. Yes, gentlemen, it was the fear of driving the absolutists
to fanatical effort, which induced your great Statesmen not to extend to
Europe the principle on which they acted towards the New World, and by
no means the publicly avowed feeble motives. Every manifestation of your
public life in those times shows that I am right to say so. The European
nations were, about 1823, in such a degraded situation, that indeed you
must have felt anxious not to come into any political contact with that
pestilential atmosphere, when, as Mr. Clay said in 1818, in his speech
about the emancipation of South America, "Paris was transferred to St.
Petersburg." But scarcely a year later, the Greek nation came in its
contest to an important crisis, which gave you hope that the spirit of
freedom was waking again, and at once you abandoned the principle of
political indifference for Europe. You know, your Clays and your
Websters spoke, as if really they were speaking for my very cause. You
know how your citizens acted in behalf of that struggle for liberty in a
part of Europe which is more distant than Hungary: and again when Poland
fell, you know what spirit pervaded the United States.
I have shown you how Washington's policy has been gradually changed: but
one mighty difference I must still commemorate. Your population has,
since Monroe's time, nearly doubled, I believe; or at least has
increased by millions. And what sort of men are these millions? Are they
only native-born Americans? No European emigrants? Many are men, who
though citizens of the United States are, by the most sacred ties of
relationship, attached to the fate of Europe. That is a consideration
worthy of reflection with your wisest men, who will, ere long agree with
me, that in your present condition you are at least as much interested
in the state of Europe, as twenty-eight years ago your fathers were in
the fate of Central and Southern America. And really so it is. The
unexampled sympathy for the cause of my country which I have met with in
the United States proves that it is so. Your generous interference with
the Turkish captivity of the Governor of Hungary, proves that is so. And
this progressive development in your foreign policy, is, in fact, no
longer a mere instinctive ebullition of public opinion, which is about
hereafter to direct your governmental policy; the opinion of the people
is _already_ avowed as the policy of the government. I have a most
decisive authority to rely upon in saying so. It is the message of the
President of the United States. His Excellency, Millard Fillmore, made a
communication to Congress, a few days ago, and there I read the
paragraph:--"The deep interest which we feel in the spread of liberal
principles, and the establishment of free governments, and the sympathy
with which we witness every struggle against oppression, _forbid that
we should be indifferent_ to a case in which the strong arm of a
foreign power is invoked to stifle public sentiment and repress the
spirit of freedom in any country."
Now, gentlemen, here is the ground which I take for my earnest
endeavours to benefit the cause of Hungary. I have only respectfully to
ask: Is a principle which the public opinion of the United States so
resolutely professes, and which the government of the United States,
with the full sentiment of its responsibility, declares to your Congress
to be a ruling principle of your national government--is that principle
meant to be serious? Indeed, it would be a most impertinent outrage
towards your great people and your national government, to entertain the
insulting opinion, that what the people of the United States and its
national government profess in such a solemn diplomatic manner could be
meant as a mere sporting with the most sacred interests of humanity. God
forbid that I should think so. Therefore, I take the principle of your
policy as I find it established--and I come in the name of oppressed
humanity to claim the unavoidable, practical, consequences of your own
freely chosen policy, which you have avowed to the whole world; to claim
the realization of those expectations which you, the sovereign people of
the United States, have chosen, of your own accord, to raise in the
bosom of my countrymen and of all the oppressed.
You will excuse me, gentlemen, for having dwelt so long upon that
principle of non-interference with European measures: but I have found
it to be the stone of stumbling thrown in my way when I spoke of what I
humbly request from the United States. I have been charged as arrogantly
attempting to change your existing policy, and since I cannot in one
speech exhaust the complex and mighty whole of my mission, I choose on
the present opportunity to develop my views about that fundamental
principle: and having shown, not theoretically, but practically, that it
is a mistake to think that you had, at any time, such a principle, and
having shown that if you ever entertained such a policy, you have been
forced to abandon it--so much, at least, I hope I have achieved. My
humble requests to your active sympathy may be still opposed by--I know
not what other motives; but the objection, that you must not interfere
with European concerns--this objection is disposed of, once and for
ever, I hope. It remains now to inquire, whether, since you have
professed not to be indifferent to the cause of European freedom--the
cause of Hungary is such as to have just claims to your active and
effectual assistance and support. It is, gentlemen.
To prove this I do not now intend to enter into an explanation of the
particulars of our struggle, which I had the honour to conduct, as the
chosen Chief Magistrate of my native land. It is highly gratifying to me
to find that the cause of Hungary is--excepting some ridiculous
misrepresentations of ill-will--correctly understood here. I will only
state now one fact, and that is, that our endeavours for independence
were crushed by the armed interference of a foreign despotic power--the
principle of all evil on earth--Russia. And stating this fact, I will
not again intrude upon you with my own views, but recall to your memory
the doctrines established by your own statesmen. Firstly--I return to
your great Washington. He says, in one of his letters to Lafayette, "My
policies are plain and simple; I think every nation has a right to
establish that form of government under which it conceives it can live
most happy; and that no government ought to interfere with the internal
concerns of another." Here I take my ground:--upon a principle of
Washington--a _principle_, not a mere temporary policy calculated
for the first twenty years of your infancy. Russia _has_ interfered
with the internal concerns of Hungary, and by doing so has violated the
policy of the United States, established as a lasting principle by
Washington himself. It is a lasting principle. I could appeal in my
support to the opinion of every statesman of the United States, of every
party, of every time; but to save time, I pass at once from the first
President of the United States to the last, and recall to your memory
this word of the present annual message of his Excellency President
Fillmore:--"Let every people choose for itself, and make and alter its
political institutions to suit its own condition and convenience." I beg
leave also to quote the statement of your present Secretary of State,
Mr. Webster, who, in his speech on the Greek question, speaks
thus:--"The law of nations maintains that in extreme cases resistance is
lawful, and that one nation has no right to interfere in the affairs of
another." Well, that precisely is the ground upon which we Hungarians
stand.
But I may perhaps meet the objection (I am sorry to say I have met it
already)--"Well, we own that it has been violated by Russia in the case
of Hungary, but after all what is Hungary to us? Let every people take
care of itself, what is that to us?" So some speak: it is the old
doctrine of private egotism, "Every one for himself, and God for us
all." I will answer the objection again by the words of Mr. Webster,
who, in his speech on the Greek question, having professed that the
internal sovereignty of every nation is a law of nations--thus goes on,
"But it may be asked 'what is all that to us?' The question is easily
answered. _We are one of the nations_, and we as a nation have
precisely the same interest in international law as a private individual
has in the laws of his country." The principle which your honourable
Secretary of State professes, is a principle of eternal truth. No man
can disavow it, no political party can disavow it. Thus happily I am
able to address my prayers, not to a party, but to the whole people of
the United States, and will go on to do so as long as I have no reason
to regard one party as opposed or indifferent to my country's cause.
But from certain quarters it may be avowed, "Well, we acknowledge every
nation's sovereign right; we acknowledge it to be a law of nations that
no foreign power interfere in the affairs of another, and we are
determined to respect this common law of mankind; but if others do not
respect that law it is not ours to meddle with them." Let me answer by
an analysis:--_Every nation has the same interest in international,
law as a private individual has in the laws of his country_. That is
an acknowledged principle with your statesmen. What then is the latter
relation? Does it suffice that an individual do not himself violate the
law? Must he not so far as is in his power also prevent others from
violating the law? Suppose you see that a wicked man is about to rob--to
murder your neighbour, or to burn his house, will you wrap yourself in
your own virtuous lawfulness, and say, "I myself neither rob, nor
murder, nor burn; but what others do is not my concern. I am not my
brother's keeper. _I sympathize with him_; but I am not called on to
save him from being robbed, murdered, or burnt." What honest man of the
world would answer so? None of you. None of the people of the United
States, I am sure. That would be the damned maxim of the Pharisees of
old, who thanked God that they were not as others were. Our Saviour was
not content himself to avoid trading in the hall of the temple, but he
drove out those who were trading there.
The duty of enforcing observance to the common law of nations has no
other _limit_ than the power to fulfil it. Of course the republic
of St. Marino, or the Prince of Monaco, cannot stop the Czar of Russia
in his ambitious annoyance. It was ridiculous when the Prince of Modena
refused to recognize the government of Louis Philippe--"but to whom much
is given, from him will much be expected," says the Lord. Every
condition has not only its rights, but also its own duties; and whatever
exists as a power on earth, is in duty a part of the executive
government of mankind, called to maintain the law of nations. Woe, a
thousandfold woe to humanity, should there be no force on earth to
maintain the laws of humanity. Woe to humanity, should those who are as
mighty as they are free, not feel interested to maintain the laws of
mankind, because they are rightful laws,--but only in so far as some
partial money-interests would desire it. Woe to mankind if every despot
of the world may dare to trample down the laws of humanity, and no free
nation make these laws respected. People of the United States, humanity
expects that your glorious republic will prove to the world, that
_republics are founded on virtue_--it expects to see you the
guardians of the laws of humanity.
I will come to the last possible objection. I may be told, "You are
right in your principles, your cause is just, and you have our sympathy,
but, after all, we _cannot_ go to war for your country; we cannot
furnish you armies and fleets; we cannot fight your battle for you."
There is the rub! Who can exactly tell what would have been the issue of
your own struggle for independence (though your country was in a far
happier geographical position than we, poor Hungarians), had France
given such an answer to your forefathers in 1778 and 1781, instead of
sending to your aid a fleet of thirty-eight men-of-war, and auxiliary
troops, and 24,000 muskets, and a loan of nineteen millions? And what
was far more than all this, did it not show that France resolved with
all its power to espouse the cause of your independence? But, perhaps, I
shall be told that France did this, not out of love of freedom, but out
of hatred against England. Well, let it be; but let me then ask, shall
the curse of olden times--hatred--be more efficient in the destinies of
mankind than love of freedom, principles of justice, and the laws of
humanity? And is America in the days of steam navigation more distant
from Europe to-day, than France was from America seventy-three years
ago? However, I most solemnly declare that it is not my intention to
rely literally upon this example. It is not my wish to entangle the
United States in war, or to engage your great people to send out armies
and fleets to raise up and restore Hungary. Not at all, gentlemen; I
most solemnly declare that I have never entertained such expectations or
such hopes; and here I come to the practical point.
The principle of evil in Europe is the enervating spirit of Russian
absolutism. Upon this rests the daring boldness of every petty tyrant to
trample upon oppressed nations, and to crush liberty. To this Moloch of
ambition has my native land fallen a victim. It is with this that
Montalembert threatens the French republicans. It was Russian
intervention in Hungary which governed French intervention in Rome, and
gave German tyrants hardihood to crush all the endeavours for freedom
and unity in Germany. The despots of the European continent are leagued
against the freedom of the world. That is A MATTER OF FACT. The second
matter of fact is that the European continent is on the eve of a new
revolution. It is not necessary to be initiated in the secret
preparations of the European democracy to be aware of that approaching
contingency. It is pointed out by the French constitution itself,
prescribing a new Presidential election for the next spring. Now,
suppose that the ambition of Louis Napoleon, encouraged by Russian
secret aid, awaits this time (_which I scarcely believe_), and
suppose that there should be a Republic in France; of course the first
act of the new French President must be, at least, to recall the French
troops from Rome. Nobody can doubt that a revolution in Italy will
follow. Or if there is no peaceful solution in France, but a revolution,
then every man knows that whenever the heart of France boils up, the
pulsation is felt throughout Europe, and oppressed nations once more
rise, and Russia again interferes.
Now I humbly ask, with the view of these circumstances before your eyes,
can it be convenient to such a great power as this glorious Republic, to
await the very outbreak, and not until then to discuss and decide on
your foreign policy? There may come, as under the last President, at a
late hour, agents to see how matters stand in Hungary. Russian
interference and treason achieved what the sacrilegious Hapsburg dynasty
failed to achieve. You know the old words, "While Rome debated, Saguntum
fell." So I respectfully press upon you my FIRST entreaty: it is, that
your people will in good time express to your central government what
course of foreign policy it wishes to be pursued in the case of the
approaching events I have mentioned. And I most confidently hope that
there is only one course possible, consistently with the above recorded
principles. If you acknowledge that the right of every nation to alter
its institutions and government is a law of nations--if you acknowledge
the interference of foreign powers in that sovereign right to be a
violation of the law of nations, as you really do--if you are
_forbidden to remain indifferent_ to this violation of international
law (as your President openly professes that you are)--then there
is no other course possible than neither to interfere in that
sovereign right of nations, nor to allow any other powers
whatever to interfere.
But you will perhaps object to me, "That amounts to going to war." I
answer: no--that amounts to preventing war. What is wanted to that
effect? It is wanted, that, being aware of the precarious condition of
Europe, your national government should, as soon as possible, send
instructions to your Minister at London, to declare to the English
government that the United States, acknowledging the sovereign right of
every nation to dispose of its own domestic concerns, have resolved not
to interfere, but also not to let any foreign power whatever interfere
with this sovereign right in order to repress the spirit of freedom in
any country. Consequently, to invite the Cabinet of St. James's into
this policy, and declare that the United States are resolved to act
conjointly with England in that decision, in the approaching crisis of
the European continent. Such is my FIRST humble request. If the citizens
of the United States, instead of honouring me with the offers of their
hospitality, would be pleased to pass convenient resolutions, and to
ratify them to their national government--if the press would hasten to
give its aid, and in consequence the national government instructed its
Minister in England accordingly, and by communication to the Congress,
as it is wont, give publicity to this step, I am entirely sure that you
would find the people of Great Britain heartily joining this direction
of policy. No power could feel peculiarly offended by it; no existing
relation would be broken or injured: and still any future interference
of Russia against the restoration of Hungary to that independence which
was formally declared in 1849 would be prevented, Russian arrogance and
preponderance would be checked, and the oppressed nations of Europe soon
become free.
There may be some over-anxious men, who perhaps would say, "But if such
a declaration of your government were not respected, and Russia still
did interfere, then you would be obliged by this previous declaration,
to go to war; and you don't desire to have a war." That objection seems
to me as if somebody were to say, "If the vault of heaven breaks down,
what shall we do?" My answer is, "But it will not break down." Even so I
answer. But your declaration _will_ be respected--Russia will not
interfere--you will have no occasion for war--you will have prevented
war. Be sure Russia would twice, thrice consider, before provoking
against itself, besides the roused judgment of nations--(to say nothing
of the legions of republican France)--the English "Lion" and the
star-surrounded "Eagle" of America. Remember that you, in conjunction
with England, once before declared that you would not permit European
absolutism to interfere with the formerly Spanish colonies of America.
Did this declaration bring you to a war? quite the contrary; it
prevented war. So it would be in our case also. Let me therefore most
humbly entreat you, people of the United States, to give such practical
direction to your generous sympathy for Hungary, as to arrange meetings
and pass such resolutions, in every possible place of this Union, as I
took the liberty to mention above.
The SECOND measure which I beg leave to mention, has reference to
commercial interest. In later times a doctrine has stolen into the code
of international law, which is as contrary to the commercial interests
of nations as to their independence. The pettiest despot of the world is
permitted to exclude your commerce from whatever port he pleases. He
has only to arrange the blockade, and your commerce is shut out; or, if
captured Venice, bleeding Lombardy, or my prostrate but resolute
Hungary, rises to shake off the Austrian tyrant's yoke (as surely they
will), that tyrant believes he has the right, from that very moment, to
exclude your commerce from the uprisen nation. Now, this is an
absurdity--a tyrannical invention of tyrants violating your
interest--your independence. The United States have not always regarded
things from the despotic point of view. I find, in a note of Mr.
Everett, Minister of the United States in Spain, dated "Madrid, Jan. 20,
1826," these words:--"In the war between Spain and the Spanish American
colonies, the United States have freely granted to _both_ parties
the hospitality of their ports and territory, and have allowed the
agents of _both_ to procure within their jurisdiction, in the way
of lawful trade, _any_ supplies which suited their convenience."
Now, gentlemen, this is the principle which humanity expects, for your
own and for mankind's benefit, to see maintained by you, and not yonder
fatal course, which permits tyrants to draw from your country every
facility for the oppression of their nations, but forbids nations to buy
the means of defence. That was not the principle of your Washington.
When he speaks of harmony, of friendly intercourse, and of peace, he
always takes care to apply his ideas to _nations_, and not to
_governments_--still less to tyrants who subdue nations by foreign
arms. The sacred word Nation, with all its natural rights, should not be
blotted out, at least from _your_ political dictionary: and yet I
am sorry to see that the word nation is often replaced by the word
Government. Gentlemen, I humbly wish that the public opinion of the
people of the United States, conscious of its own rights, should loudly
and resolutely declare that the people of the United States will
continue its commercial intercourse with any or every nation, be it in
revolution against its oppressors or be it not; and that the people of
the United States expect confidently, that its government will provide
for the protection of your trade. I feel assured, that your national
government, seeing public opinion so pronounced, will judge it
convenient to augment your naval forces in the Mediterranean: and to
look for some such station for it as would not force the navy of
republican America to make disavowals inconsistent with republican
principles or republican dignity, only because King So-and-So, be he
even the cursed King of Naples, grants the favour of an anchoring place
for the naval forces of your republic. I believe your illustrious
country should everywhere freely unfurl the star-spangled banner of
liberty, with all its congenial principles, and not make itself in any
respect dependent on the glorious smiles of the Kings Bomba et Compagne.