Select Speeches of Kossuth - Kossuth
Pages:
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30 | 31 | 32 | 33 | 34 | 35 | 36
Hungarian liberty may be cast down, but cannot be destroyed. The sacred
flame burns unquenched in the hearts of the people, and will again burst
forth, a glorious light to enlighten the nation--but a consuming fire to
their oppressors. But when? and how shall this be accomplished? Sir, we
believe and feel with you that this will be accomplished whenever the
free people of America, uniting with those kindred nations of Europe
which sustain and shall secure free institutions, will support and
insist upon that great moral principle of international law which you
have recently so eloquently and ably expounded--that one nation should
not interfere with the domestic concerns of another. Establish this
great and just principle, and Hungary would again assume her station
among the nations of the earth--free and independent. Establish this
great principle, and Germany and Italy would also soon be free. Sir, we
believe in this great principle; we believe it to be a principle of
justice and humanity; we believe it to be the inalienable right of every
people to establish such forms of government as are best adapted to
their condition, and as they may deem best calculated to ensure their
own rights, liberties, and pursuit of happiness. And we believe that
this great principle of international law should be the basis of the
intercourse of nations, and that we have no more right to make free with
the forms of government of other nations, than with their forms of
religion. But this principle being conceded and established, how is it
to be enforced? How are the despotic dynasties of Europe to be prevented
from lending their combined energies to crush every germ of freedom
amongst those who, if left to themselves, would, like Hungary, be free
and independent. Solely by the method which you have so ably developed.
Solely by inducing those nations which are strong enough to maintain the
principles of international law--to unite in their support, and by such
union, effectually to guarantee the peace of the world. To effect this
most desirable object, you have adopted the true method. You would
operate upon the public opinion, and public opinion operating upon free
government, creates and establishes public and international law. But
when we see this great principle of non-intervention violated--when we
see a free and united people crushed and trampled upon by foreign
despots, because they have dared to proclaim and establish equal rights
and privileges as the basis of their own institutions, must we look
tamely on and see the life-blood of freedom crushed out by the iron heel
of barbaric despotism, and hear the death-groans of the brave and free
without daring to express our feelings or to extend the hand of sympathy
and comfort to the suffering sons of liberty? No! in the name of
outraged justice and humanity, no! We will openly, warmly, and freely
express our sympathy in the cause of freedom, and our approbation of the
devotion, the endurance, and the gallantry of her sons. We will, by all
constitutional modes, endeavour to sustain those principles, which will
terminate this outrage upon the sacred laws of justice and humanity. We
will further aid this cause by contributing our share to the
contributions offered by our people to enable you to advance the
establishment of those principles so important to the emancipation of
your beloved Hungary, and so essential to the preservation of civil and
religious liberty. And now upon this interesting occasion, I hail the
presence of this noble company of faithful and devoted sons of Hungary,
your companions in exile and in prison, and present them to this
division; men, who, like our fathers, pledged their sacred honours "to
sustain the independence of their country." [Here there was an outburst
of cheering, and Colonel Berczenszy and the other Hungarians, companions
in arms of Kossuth, all rose, and were again greeted with another burst
of enthusiastic cheering.] We receive them as friends and brothers, and
as martyrs in the same holy cause of constitutional liberty in which our
fathers fought and bled, and suffered, and triumphed; and in which, we
trust and believe, you will also live to triumph and rejoice, in the
bosom of your own, your native land.
Loud applause followed the conclusion of this address.
Kossuth then rose and said--
General and gentlemen,--I accept with the highest gratitude, the honour
to meet the first division of the New York State Militia, who having, in
their capacity of citizen soldiers, honoured me on my arrival by their
participation in the generous welcome which I met with, have also, by
the military honour bestowed on me, so much contributed to impart to
this great demonstration that public character which cannot fail to
prove highly beneficial to the cause which I hold up before the free
people of this mighty republic, and which I dare confidently to state is
the great question of freedom and independence to the European
continent. I entreat you, gentlemen, not to expect any elaborate speech
from me, because really I am unprepared to make one. You are citizen
soldiers, a glorious title, to which I have the ambition of aspiring;
so, I hope you will kindly excuse me, if I endeavour to speak to you
_as_ soldiers. Do you know, gentlemen, what is the finest speech I
ever heard or read? It is the address of Garibaldi to his Roman soldiers
in the last war, when he told them:--"Soldiers, what I have to offer you
is fatigue, danger, struggling, and death--the chill of the cold night,
the open air, and the burning sun--no lodgings, no munitions, no
provisions--but forced marches, dangerous watchposts, and continual
struggling with bayonets against batteries. Let those who love freedom
and their country, follow me." That is the most glorious speech I ever
heard in my life. But, of course, that is no speech for to-day. I will
speak so, when I again meet the soldiers of Hungary, to fight once more
the battle of freedom and independence. [After various compliments to
General Sandford on the appearance of his soldiers, and the good order
of the republic, Kossuth continued as follows:] I thank you for the
explanation of the organization and discipline of this gallant division.
Europe has many things to learn from America. It has to learn the value
of free institutions--the expansive power of freedom--the practical
value of local self-government, as opposed to centralization. But one of
the most important lessons you give to Europe, is in the organization of
the militia of the United States. You have the best organized army in
the world, and yet you have scarcely a standing army at all. That is a
necessary thing for Europe to learn from America---that great standing
armies must cease. But they can cease, only _then_, when the nations
are free; for great standing armies are not national institutions, they
are the instruments of dynastic violence or foreign despotism. The
existence of tyranny imposes on Europe great standing armies. When the
nations once become free, they will not want them, because they will not
war with each other. Freedom will become a friendly link among nations.
But as far as they may want them, your example shows that a popular
militia, like yours, is the mightiest national Defence. Thirty-seven
years ago a great battle was fought at New Orleans, which showed what a
defence your country has in its militia. Nay more, your history proves
that this institution affords the most powerful means of Offensive war,
should war become indispensable. I am aware, gentlemen, that your war
with Mexico was chiefly carried on by volunteers. I know what a
distinguished part the volunteers of New York took in that war. And who
were these volunteers? Who were those from New York city, and of other
regiments? They were of your militia, the source of that military spirit
which is the glory of your country, and its safety when needed in time
of war or social disorder. I learned all this from the United States,
and it was my firm intention to carry out this militia organization in
Hungary. My idea was and still is to do so, and I will endeavour, with
the help of God, to carry it out.
My idea is, there are duties towards one native land common to every
citizen, and public instruction and education must have such a direction
as to enable every citizen to perform them. One of these duties is to
defend it in time of danger, to take up arms for its freedom and
independence and security. My idea is to lay such a foundation for
public instruction, in the schools, that every boy in Hungary shall be
educated in military skill, so much as is necessary for the defence of
his native land, and those who feel inclined to adopt the profession of
arms, might complete their education in higher public schools and
universities, as is the case in the professions of the bar, and physic,
and the pulpit. But I would have no distinction among the citizens. To
defend our country is a common duty, and every one must know how to
perform it. Taking the basis of your organization as an example for
Hungary, Hungary would have at least one million of men ready to defend
it against the oppression of any power whatever. That the militia of
Hungary, thus developed, would be the most solid guardian of my
country's freedom and independence, we have shown in our past struggles.
The glorious deeds which the unnamed heroes of the people achieved,
proves what with previous preparation they could do in defence of their
native land. Often they have gone into battle without knowing how to
fire or cock a musket; but they took batteries by their bayonets, and
they achieved glorious deeds like those that are classed among the deeds
of immortality. We have not either wish or inclination for conquest. We
are content with our native land if it be independent and free. For the
maintenance of that independence and freedom, we established by law the
institution of the National Guard. It is like your militia. I consider
the organization to be like a porcupine, which moves on its own road
quietly, but when attacked or when danger approaches, stretches forth
its thorns. May God Almighty grant that I may soon see developed in my
native land, the great institution of a National Guard!
The power of Hungary, thus established, is a basis indispensable to the
freedom of Europe. I will prove this in a few words. The enemy of
European freedom is Russia. Now, can Hungary be a barrier to secure
Europe against this power of Russia? I answer: yes. You are a nation of
twenty-four millions, and you have an organized militia of some three
millions; Hungary is a nation of fifteen millions, and at least can have
one million of brave citizen soldiers. I hope this may be regarded,
then, as a positive proof of what I say about the ability of Hungary to
resist the power of despotism, and defend Europe against Russian
encroachments. Another thing is, the weakness of Russia herself; for she
is not so strong as people generally believe. It has taken her whole
power to put down Hungary, and all she can raise consists of 750,000
men. Then you must consider that the Russian territory is of immense
extent, and that its population is oppressed; tranquillity and the order
of the grave,--not the order of contentment,--is kept in Russia itself,
only by the armed soldiery of the Czar. Now, it is not much when I say
that 250,000 men are indispensable to keep tranquillity in the interior
of that empire; 100,000 men are necessary to guard its frontiers
extending from Siberia to Turkey; 100,000 to keep down the heroic spirit
of oppressed Poland, Take all this together, and you will see that
Russia scarcely can, at the utmost, employ 300,000 men in a foreign war,
and, really, it had not more engaged, as history will prove, in the
greatest struggle it made for existence--it could not bring more into
the field. The million of citizen soldiers would not require to be so
brave as they are, to be a match for those 300,000 men; and, therefore,
the first result of restored independence in Hungary would be--should
the Czar once more have the arrogant intention to put his foot upon
mankind's neck, as he blasphemously boasted he had the authority of God
to do--the repression of his power by Hungary. Not only would it be
repressed, but Hungary could assault him in a quarter where she would
find powerful allies. His financial embarrassments are very great, for
you know that even in the brief war in Hungary he was necessitated to
raise a loan in England. We should have for our allies the oppressed
people, and our steps would be marked by the liberation of all who are
now enslaved. First among our allies would be the Polish nation, which
is not restricted to the Poland of the maps, but extends through the
wide provinces of Gallicia, Lithuania, &c. These are proofs that the
might of Russia is not so immense that it should intimidate a nation
fighting in a just cause. With Hungary once free, Russia would never
dare to threaten European liberty again.
But if Russia is so weak as I have shown her to be, why, you may say, do
I ask your support and aid against her interference? Because Russia is
only thirty hours' distance from Hungary, and one of her large armies
stands prepared to move at any time against the liberties of our people,
before we could have time to develop our resources. This is the motive
why I ask, in the name of my country, the great and beneficial support
of the United States to check and prevent Russian interference in
Hungary, so that we may have _time_ to erect it into an
insurmountable barrier and impregnable fortress against the despotism of
the Czar. This, I say, is the reason why I claim aid from the United
States, and ask it to assume its rightful executive in the police of
nations. That is the only glory which is wanting to the lustre of your
glorious stars. The militia of the United States having been the
assertors of the independence and liberties of this country and the
guardians of its security, have now scarcely any other calling; and I
confidently hope, that being your condition, you will not deny your
generous support to the great principle of non-interference, in the next
struggle which Hungary will make for freedom and independence, which
even now is felt in the air, and is pointed out by the finger of God
himself. My _second_ earnest wish and hope is, that the people will
see that their commerce with other people, whether in revolution or not,
shall be secured. It is not so much my interest as it is your right; and
I hope the militia of the United States will ever be ready to protect
oppressed humanity. My _third_ humble claim is, that this great
republic shall recognize the legitimate independence of Hungary. The
militia of this country fought and bled for that principle upon your own
soil; so, by the glory of your predecessors--by all the blessings which
have flowed from your struggle, which make your glory and happiness--you
will feel inclined to support this my humble claim for the recognition
of the legitimate independence of my fatherland.
I thank you for the generous sympathy, and for the reception and welcome
of my companions, the devoted sons of Hungary, who were ready to
sacrifice life and fortune to the independence of their native land.
There are several among them who were already soldiers before our
struggle, and they employed their military skill in the service of their
country. But there were others who were not soldiers, yet whose
patriotism led them to embrace the cause of their native land, and they
proved to be brave and efficient supporters of the freedom for which
they fought. Thanking you for the sympathy you have expressed for them,
I promise you, gentlemen, that they will prove themselves worthy of it.
I will point out to them the most dangerous places, and I know they will
acquit themselves honourably and bravely. As to myself, I have here a
sword on my side given to me by an American citizen. This being a gift
from a citizen of the United States, I take it as a token of
encouragement to go on in that way by which, with the blessing of
Almighty God, I shall yet be enabled again to see my fatherland
independent and free. I swear here before you, that this American sword
in my hand shall be always faithful in the cause of freedom--that it
shall be ever foremost in the battle--and that it shall never be
polluted by ambition or cowardice.
* * * * *
X.--CONDITIONS ESSENTIAL FOR DEMOCRACY AND PEACE.
[_Reply to the Address of the Democrats of Tammany Hall, New York,
Dec. 17th_.]
Mr. Sickles, who made the address, closed by stating that he contributed
to the cause of Hungary "a golden dollar, fresh from the free mines of
the Pacific;" adding that he trusted millions would follow, and that the
"Almighty Dollar," if still the proverb of a money-making people, would
become a symbol of its noblest instincts and truest ambition.
Kossuth, in reply, after warm thanks, declined the personal praises
bestowed on him, and sketched the series of events by which the Austrian
tyranny had converted him from insignificance into a man of importance.
He then proceeded to comment on France[*] as follows:--I hope that the
great French nation will soon succeed to establish a true republic. But
I have come to the conviction, that for freedom there is no duration in
CENTRALIZATION, which is a legacy of ambitious men. To be conquerors,
power must be centralized; but to be a free nation, self-government must
reign in families, villages, cities, counties, states. As power now is
lodged in France, the government has in its hand an army of half a
million of men, under that iron discipline which is needed in a standing
army. It has under its control a budget of more than a thousand million
francs. It can dispose of every public office in France; it has a civil
army of more than 500,000 men: the mayor of the least village derives
his appointment from the government. All the police, all the _gens
d'armes_, are in its hands. Now, gentlemen, is it not clear
that--with such authority and force,--not to become dangerous to
liberty, every President needs to be a Washington. And Washingtons are
not so thickly strewn around. Woe to the country, whose institutions are
such, that their freedom depends on the personal character of one man.
Be he the best man in the world, he will not overcome the essential
repugnance of his position to freedom. When France abandons this
_centralization_, and carries out her own principles of "Liberty,
Equality, Fraternity," by _local self-government_, she will be the
great basis of European republics. As to sovereignty of the people, I
take it that the right to cast a vote for the election of a President
once in four years does not exhaust the sovereign rights of a nation. A
people deciding about its own matters, must be everywhere master of its
own fate, in village communes as much as in electing its chief officer.
[Footnote *: The news of the _coup d'etat_ had not yet reached him.]
You have spoken about certain persons who will have "peace at any
price." Of course you feel that permanent peace _cannot_ be had at
any less price, than that which buys justice: nor can there be justice,
where is no freedom. Under oppression is neither contentment nor
tranquillity. There are some who prefer being oppressed to the dangers
of shaking off oppression; but I am sure there are millions who fear
death less than enslavement. Peace therefore will not exist, though all
your Rothschilds and Barings help the despots. To withhold material aid
from the oppressed will not avert the war, but by depriving the leaders
of the means of concert will simply make the struggle more lingering: a
result surely not desired by friends of peace.
But, sir, I thank you for your dollar. The ocean is composed of drops.
The greatest results are achieved, not by individuals, but by the humble
industry of mankind, incessantly bringing man nearer to the aim
providentially destined for him. Not all the Rothschilds together can
wield such sums as poor people can; for the poor count by millions.
Those dollars of the people have another great value. One million of
them given by a million of men gives hope to the popular cause: it gives
the sympathy and support of a million men. I bless God for that word of
yours, that the one dollar should be followed by many; for then your
example would not only in a financial respect be a great benefit, but
afford a foundation for that freedom which the Almighty designs for the
nations. Here is a great glory for your country to aim at. It is
glorious to stand at the top of the pyramid of humanity; more glorious
to become yourselves the pillar on which the welfare of human nature
rests. For this, mankind looks to your country with hope and confidence.
* * * * *
XI.--HUNGARY AND AUSTRIA IN RELIGIOUS CONTRAST.
[_Address in the Plymouth Church at Brooklyn, Dec. 18th, 1851_.]
The Rev. H. W. Beecher having assured Kossuth of the deep and religious
interest long felt and expressed towards him within those very walls:
Kossuth replied, declaring that he felt himself always in the power of
God, and believed Christianity and freedom to be but one cause. He went
on to add:
The cause of Hungary is strongly connected with the principle of
religious liberty on earth. In the first war of the sixteenth century a
battle was fought by the Moslems in Hungary, by which the power of our
nation was almost overthrown. At that time the monarchy was elective. A
Hungarian, who was Governor of Transylvania, was chosen king, but
another party elected Ferdinand of Austria to be King of Hungary. A long
struggle ensued, in which the Princes of Transylvania called in Turkish
aid against the House of Austria.
In the hour of necessity, the House of Austria complied with the wishes
of my nation, whenever my country had taken up arms; but no sooner was
the sword laid down, than this dynasty always neglected to perform its
promises. In the midst of the last century, under Maria Theresa, those
who did not belong to the Catholic faith were almost excluded from all
offices. Joseph succeeded, who was a tolerant man; but scarcely was he
in his grave, when the Emperor Francis renewed persecution, and it was
only in 1848, that religious liberty was established to every creed.
When the House of Austria took arms against the laws of 1848, they took
arms against religious liberty.
In our Parliament, it was Roman Catholics who stood in the van of battle
for religious liberty: but when I say this, I must state it without
drawing any commentary from it. It was reserved to our revolution to
show the development of the glorious cause of freedom. When my country
imposed on me the duty to govern the land, I was ready to show the
confidence I had in religious freedom. I chose a Catholic Minister to be
Minister of Education in Hungary, and he fully justified the confidence
I reposed in him. He has shown that our Constitution is founded upon
equality; that it regards all men as citizens, and makes no distinction
of profession. It is only under free institutions that a clergyman can
remain a clergyman with burning heart towards his own duties, and yet,
when called to perform the duties of a citizen, be no longer a clergyman
but a citizen. Could the Church of Rome have appreciated this principle,
and have acted upon it, my friend Mazzini were not now necessary for the
freedom of Italy. But as Rome did not appreciate it, the temporal power
of the Pope will probably fall at the next revolution.
My principles are, that the Church shall not meddle with politics, and
Government will not meddle with religion. In every society there are
political and civil concerns on one side, and on the other social
concerns; for the first, civil authority must be established--in
political and civil respects every one has to acknowledge the power of
its jurisdiction. But, in respect to social interests, it is quite the
contrary. Religion is not an institution--it is a matter of conscience.
For the support of these principles I ask your generous aid. You know
that whenever the House of Austria attains to any strength, its first
step is to break down religious liberty. And Austria is helped by
Russia, which is even still less propitious to these principles; you
remember the insolence or hardship to which in Russia those people are
subject who do not belong to the Greek Church; at the present time the
poor Jews are subjected to great indignities, and compelled, if not to
shave off their hair, to cut it in a particular manner, so as to
distinguish them from members of the Greek Church. But Hungary, by the
providence of God, is destined to become once more the vanguard of
civilization, and of religious liberty for the whole of the European
Continent against the encroachments of Russian despotism, as it has
already been the barrier of Christianity, against Islamism.