Freedom's Battle - Mahatma Gandhi
[Transcriber's Note: The inconsistent spelling of the original has been
preserved in this etext.]
FREEDOM'S BATTLE
BEING A COMPREHENSIVE COLLECTION OF WRITINGS AND SPEECHES ON THE PRESENT
SITUATION
BY MAHATMA GANDHI
Second Edition
1922
The Publishers express their indebtedness to the Editor and Publisher
of the "Young India" for allowing the free use of the articles
appeared in that journal under the name of Mahatma Gandhi, and also to
Mr. C. Rajagopalachar for the valuable introduction and help rendered in
bringing out the book.
CONTENTS
I. INTRODUCTION
II. THE KHILAFAT
Why I have joined the Khilafat Movement
The Turkish Treaty
Turkish Peace Terms
The Suzerainty over Arabia
Further Questions Answered
Mr. Candler's Open Letter
In process of keeping
Appeal to the Viceroy
The Premier's reply
The Muslim Representation
Criticism of the Manifesto
The Mahomedan Decision
Mr. Andrew's Difficulty
The Khilafat Agitation
Hijarat and its Meaning
III. THE PUNJAB WRONGS
Political Freemasonry
The Duty of the Punjabec
General Dyer
The Punjab Sentences
IV. SWARAJ
Swaraj in one year
British Rule an evil
A movement of purification
Why was India lost
Swaraj my ideal
On the wrong track
The Congress Constitution
Swaraj in nine months
The Attainment of Swaraj
V. HINDU MOSLEM UNITY
The Hindus and the Mahomedans
Hindu Mahomedan unity
Hindu Muslim unity
VI. TREATMENT OF THE DEPRESSED CLASSES
Depressed Classes
Amelioration of the depressed classes
The Sin of Untouchability
VII. TREATMENT OF INDIANS ABROAD
Indians abroad
Indians overseas
Pariahs of the Empire
VIII. NON-CO-OPERATION
Non-co-operation
Mr. Montagu on the Khilafat Agitation
At the call of the country
Non-co-operation explained
Religious Authority for non-co-operation
The inwardness of non-co-operation
A missionary on non-co-operation
How to work non-co-operation
Speech at Madras
" Trichinopoly
" Calicut
" Mangalore
" Bexwada
The Congress
Who is disloyal
Crusade against non-co-operation
Speech at Muxafarbail
Ridicule replacing Repression
The Viceregal pronouncement
From Ridicule to--?
To every Englishman In India
One step enough for me
The need for humility
Some Questions Answered
Pledges broken
More Objections answered
Mr. Pennington's Objections Answered
Some doubts
Rejoinder
Two Englishmen Reply
Letter to the Viceroy--Renunciation of Medals
Letter to H.R.H. The Duke of Connaught
The Greatest thing
Mahatma Gandhi's Statement
IX. WRITTEN STATEMENT
Index
I. INTRODUCTION
After the great war it is difficult, to point out a single nation that
is happy; but this has come out of the war, that there is not a single
nation outside India, that is not either free or striving to be free.
It is said that we, too, are on the road to freedom, that it is better
to be on the certain though slow course of gradual unfoldment of freedom
than to take the troubled and dangerous path of revolution whether
peaceful or violent, and that the new Reforms are a half-way house
to freedom.
The new constitution granted to India keeps all the military forces,
both in the direction and in the financial control, entirely outside the
scope of responsibility to the people of India. What does this mean? It
means that the revenues of India are spent away on what the nation does
not want. But after the mid-Eastern complications and the fresh Asiatic
additions to British Imperial spheres of action. This Indian military
servitude is a clear danger to national interests.
The new constitution gives no scope for retrenchment and therefore no
scope for measures of social reform except by fresh taxation, the heavy
burden of which on the poor will outweigh all the advantages of any
reforms. It maintains all the existing foreign services, and the cost of
the administrative machinery high as it already is, is further
increased.
The reformed constitution keeps all the fundamental liberties of person,
property, press, and association completely under bureaucratic control.
All those laws which give to the irresponsible officers of the Executive
Government of India absolute powers to override the popular will, are
still unrepealed. In spite of the tragic price paid in the Punjab for
demonstrating the danger of unrestrained power in the hands of a foreign
bureaucracy and the inhumanity of spirit by which tyranny in a panic
will seek to save itself, we stand just where we were before, at the
mercy of the Executive in respect of all our fundamental liberties.
Not only is Despotism intact in the Law, but unparalleled crimes and
cruelties against the people have been encouraged and even after
boastful admissions and clearest proofs, left unpunished. The spirit of
unrepentant cruelty has thus been allowed to permeate the whole
administration.
THE MUSSALMAN AGONY
To understand our present condition it in not enough to realise the
general political servitude. We should add to it the reality and the
extent of the injury inflicted by Britain on Islam, and thereby on the
Mussalmans of India. The articles of Islamic faith which it is necessary
to understand in order to realise why Mussalman India, which was once so
loyal is now so strongly moved to the contrary are easily set out and
understood. Every religion should be interpreted by the professors of
that religion. The sentiments and religious ideas of Muslims founded on
the traditions of long generations cannot be altered now by logic or
cosmopolitanism, as others understand it. Such an attempt is the more
unreasonable when it is made not even as a bonafide and independent
effort of proselytising logic or reason, but only to justify a treaty
entered into for political and worldly purposes.
The Khalifa is the authority that is entrusted with the duty of
defending Islam. He is the successor to Muhammad and the agent of God on
earth. According to Islamic tradition he must possess sufficient
temporal power effectively to protect Islam against non-Islamic powers
and he should be one elected or accepted by the Mussalman world.
The Jazirat-ul-Arab is the area bounded by the Red Sea, the Arabian Sea,
the Persian Gulf, and the waters of the Tigris and the Euphrates. It is
the sacred Home of Islam and the centre towards which Islam throughout
the world turns in prayer. According to the religious injunctions of the
Mussalmans, this entire area should always be under Muslim control, its
scientific border being believed to be a protection for the integrity of
Islamic life and faith. Every Mussalman throughout the world is enjoined
to sacrifice his all, if necessary, for preserving the Jazirat-ul-Arab
under complete Muslim control.
The sacred places of Islam should be in the possession of the Khalifa.
They should not merely be free for the entry of the Mussalmans of the
world by the grace or the license of non-Muslim powers, but should be
the possession and property of Islam in the fullest degree.
It is a religions obligation, on every Mussalman to go forth and help
the Khalifa in every possible way where his unaided efforts in the
defence of the Khilifat have failed.
The grievance of the Indian Mussalmans is that a government that
pretends to protect and spread peace and happiness among them has no
right to ignore or set aside these articles of their cherished faith.
According to the Peace Treaty imposed on the nominal Government at
Constantinople, the Khalifa far from having the temporal authority or
power needed to protect Islam, is a prisoner in his own city. He is to
have no real fighting force, army or navy, and the financial control
over his own territories is vested in other Governments. His capital is
cut off from the rest of his possessions by an intervening permanent
military occupation. It is needless to say that under these conditions
he is absolutely incapable of protecting Islam as the Mussulmans of the
world understand it.
The Jazirat-ul-Arab is split up; a great part of it given to powerful
non-Muslim Powers, the remnant left with petty chiefs dominated all
round by non-Muslim Governments.
The Holy places of Islam are all taken out of the Khalifa's kingdom,
some left in the possession of minor Muslim chiefs of Arabia entirely
dependent on European control, and some relegated to newly-formed
non-Muslim states.
In a word, the Mussalman's free choice of a Khalifa such as Islamic
tradition defines is made an unreality.
THE HINDU DHARMA
The age of misunderstanding and mutual warfare among religions is gone.
If India has a mission of its own to the world, it is to establish the
unity and the truth of all religions. This unity is established by
mutual help and understanding between the various religions. It has come
as a rare privilege to the Hindus in the fulfilment of this mission of
India to stand up in defence of Islam against the onslaught of the
earth-greed of the military powers of the west.
The Dharma of Hinduism in this respect is placed beyond all doubt by the
Bhagavat Gita.
Those who are the votaries of other Gods and worship them with
faith--even they, O Kaunteya, worship me alone, though not as the
Shastra requires--IX, 23.
Whoever being devoted wishes in perfect faith to worship a particular
form, of such a one I maintain the same faith unshaken,--VII 21.
Hinduism will realise its fullest beauty when in the fulfilment of this
cardinal tenet, its followers offer themselves as sacrifice for the
protection of the faith of their brothers, the Mussalmans.
If Hindus and Mussalmans attain the height of courage and sacrifice that
is needed for this battle on behalf of Islam against the greed of the
West, a victory will be won not alone for Islam, but for Christianity
itself. Militarism has robbed the crucified God of his name and his very
cross and the World has been mistaking it to be Christianity. After the
battle of Islam is won, Islam and Hinduism together can emancipate
Christianity itself from the lust for power and wealth which have
strangled it now and the true Christianity of the Gospels will be
established. This battle of non-cooperation with its suffering and
peaceful withdrawal of service will once for all establish its
superiority over the power of brute force and unlimited slaughter.
What a glorious privilege it is to play our part in this history of the
world, when Hinduism and Christianity will unite on behalf of Islam, and
in that strife of mutual love and support each religion will attain its
own truest shape and beauty.
AN ENDURING TREATY
Swaraj for India has two great problems, one internal and the other
external. How can Hindus and Mussalmans so different from each other
form a strong and united nation governing themselves peacefully? This
was the question for years, and no one could believe that the two
communities could suffer for each other till the miracle was actually
worked. The Khilafat has solved the problem. By the magic of suffering,
each has truly touched and captured the other's heart, and the Nation
now is strong and united.
Not internal strength and unity alone has the Khilafat brought to India.
The great block in the way of Indian aspiration for full freedom was
the problem of external defence. How is India, left to herself defend
her frontiers against her Mussalman neighbours? None but emasculated
nations would accept such difficulties and responsibilities as an answer
to the demand for freedom. It is only a people whose mentality has been
perverted that can soothe itself with the domination by one race from a
distant country, as a preventative against the aggression of another, a
permanent and natural neighbour. Instead of developing strength to
protect ourselves against those near whom we are permanently placed, a
feeling of incurable impotence has been generated. Two strong and brave
nations can live side by side, strengthening each other through
enforcing constant vigilance, and maintain in full vigour each its own
national strength, unity, patriotism and resources. If a nation wishes
to be respected by its neighbours it has to develop and enter into
honourable treaties. These are the only natural conditions of national
liberty; but not a surrender to distant military powers to save oneself
from one's neighbours.
The Khilafat has solved the problem of distrust of Asiatic neighbours
out of our future. The Indian struggle for the freedom of Islam has
brought about a more lasting _entente_ and a more binding treaty between
the people of India and the people of the Mussalman states around it
than all the ententes and treaties among the Governments of Europe. No
wars of aggression are possible where the common people on the two sides
have become grateful friends. The faith of the Mussulman is a better
sanction than the seal of the European Diplomats and plenipotentiaries.
Not only has this great friendship between India and the Mussulman
States around it removed for all time the fear of Mussulman aggression
from outside, but it has erected round India, a solid wall of defence
against all aggression from beyond against all greed from Europe, Russia
or elsewhere. No secret diplomacy could establish a better _entente_ or
a stronger federation than what this open and non-governmental treaty
between Islam and India has established. The Indian support of the
Khilafat has, as if by a magic wand, converted what Was once the
Pan-Islamic terror for Europe into a solid wall of friendship and
defence for India.
THE BRITISH CONNECTION
Every nation like every individual is born free. Absolute freedom is the
birthright of every people. The only limitations are those which a
people may place over themselves. The British connection is invaluable
as long as it is a defence against any worse connection sought to be
imposed by violence. But it is only a means to an end, not a mandate of
Providence of Nature. The alliance of neighbours, born of suffering for
each other's sake, for ends that purify those that suffer, is
necessarily a more natural and more enduring bond than one that has
resulted from pure greed on the one side and weakness on the other.
Where such a natural and enduring alliance has been accomplished among
Asiatic peoples and not only between the respective governments, it may
truly be felt to be more valuable than the British connection itself,
after that connection has denied freedom or equality, and even justice.
THE ALTERNATIVE
Is violence or total surrender the only choice open to any people to
whom Freedom or Justice is denied? Violence at a time when the whole
world has learnt from bitter experience the futility of violence is
unworthy of a country whose ancient people's privilege, it was, to see
this truth long ago.
Violence may rid a nation of its foreign masters but will only enslave
it from inside. No nation can really be free which is at the mercy of
its army and its military heroes. If a people rely for freedom on its
soldiers, the soldiers will rule the country, not the people. Till the
recent awakening of the workers of Europe, this was the only freedom
which the powers of Europe really enjoyed. True freedom can exist only
when those who produce, not those who destroy or know only to live on
other's labour, are the masters.
Even were violence the true road to freedom, is violence possible to a
nation which has been emasculated and deprived of all weapons, and the
whole world is hopelessly in advance of all our possibilities in the
manufacture and the wielding of weapons of destruction.
Submission or withdrawal of co-operation is the real and only
alternative before India. Submission to injustice puts on the tempting
garb of peace and, gradual progress, but there is no surer way to death
than submission to wrong.
THE FIFTH UPAYA
Our ancients classified the arts of conquest into four well-known
_Upayas_. Sama, Dana, Uheda, and Danda. A fifth Upuya was recognised
sometimes by our ancients, which they called _Upeshka_. It is this
_Punchamopaya_ that is placed by Mahatma Gandhi before the people of
India in the form of Non-cooperation as an alternative, besides
violence, to surrender.
Where in any case negotiations have failed and the enemy is neither
corruptible nor incapable of being divided, and a resort to violence has
failed or would certainly be futile the method of _Upeshka_ remains to
be applied to the case. Indeed, when the very existence of the power we
seek to defeat really depends on our continuous co-operation with it,
and where our _Upeskha_ its very life, our _Upeskha_ or non-co-operation
is the most natural and most effective expedient that we can employ to
bend it to our will.
No Englishman believes that his nation can rule or keep India for a day
unless the people of India actively co-operate to maintain that rule.
Whether the co-operation be given willingly or through ignorance,
cupidity, habit or fear, the withdrawal of that co-operation means
impossibility of foreign rule in India. Some of us may not realise this,
but those who govern us have long ago known and are now keenly alive to
this truth. The active assistance of the people of this country in the
supply of the money, men, and knowledge of the languages, customs and
laws of the land, is the main-spring of the continuous life of the
foreign administration. Indeed the circumstances of British rule in this
country are such that but for a double supply of co-operation on the
part of the governed, it must have broken down long ago. Any system of
race domination is unnatural, and can be kept up only by active
coercion through a foreign-recruited public, service invested with large
powers, however much it may he helped by the perversion of mentality
shaping the education of the youth of the country. The foreign recruited
service must necessarily be very highly paid. This creates a wrong
standard for the Indian recruited officials also. Military expenditure
has to cover not only the needs of defence against foreign aggression,
but also the possibilities of internal unrest and rebellion. Police
charges have to go beyond the prevention and deletion of ordinary crime,
for though this would be the only expenditure over the police of a
self-governing people where any nation governs another, a large chapter of
artificial crime has to be added to the penal code, and the work of the
police extended accordingly. The military and public organisations must
also be such as not only to result in outside efficiency, but also at
the same time guarantee internal impotency. This is to be achieved by
the adjustment and careful admixture of officers and units from
different races. All this can be and is maintained only by extra cost
and extra-active co-operation on the part of the people. The slightest
withdrawal of assistance must put such machinery out of gear. This is
the basis of the programme of progressive non violent non-co-operation
that has been adopted by the National Congress.
SOME OBJECTIONS
The powerful character of the measure, however, leads some to object to
non-co-operation because of that very reason. Striking as it does at the
very root of Government in India, they fear that non-co-operation must
lead to anarchy, and that the remedy is worse than the disease. This is
an objection arising out of insufficient allowance for human nature. It
is assumed that the British people will allow their connection with
India to cease rather than remedy the wrongs for which we seek justice.
If this assumption be correct, no doubt it must lead to separation and
possibly also anarchy for a time. If the operatives in a factory have
grievances, negotiations having failed, a strike would on a similar
argument be never admissible. Unyielding obstinacy being presumed, it
must end in the closing down of the factory and break up of the men. But
if in ninety-nine out of a hundred cases it is not the case that strikes
end in this manner, it is more unlikely that, instead of righting the
manifest wrongs that India complains about, the British people will
value their Indian Dominion so low as to prefer to allow us to
non-co-operate up to the point of separation. It would be a totally
false reading of British character and British history. But if such
wicked obstinacy be ultimately shown by a government, far be it from us
to prefer peace at the price of abject surrender to wrong. There is no
anarchy greater than the moral anarchy of surrender to unrepentant
wrong. We may, however, be certain that if we show the strength and
unity necessary for non-co-operation, long before we progress with it
far, we shall have developed true order and true self-government wherein
there is no place for anarchy.
Another fear sometimes expressed that, if non-co-operation were to
succeed, the British would have to go, leaving us unable to defend
ourselves against foreign aggression. If we have the self-respect, the
patriotism, the tenacious purpose, and the power of organisation that are
necessary to drive the British out from their entrenched position, no
lesser foreign power will dare after that, undertake the futile task of
conquering or enslaving us.
It is sometimes said that non-co-operation is negative and destructive
of the advantages which a stable government has conferred on us. That
non-co-operation is negative is merely a half-truth. Non-co-operation
with the government means greater co-operation among ourselves, greater
mutual dependence among the many different castes and classes of our
country. Non-co-operation is not mere negation. It will lead to the
recovery of the lost art of co-operation among ourselves. Long
dependence on an outside government which by its interference
suppressed or prevented the consequences of our differences has made us
forget the duty of mutual trust and the art of friendly adjustment.
Having allowed Government to do everything for us, we have gradually
become incapable of doing anything for ourselves. Even if we had no
grievance against this Government, non-co-operation with it for a time
would be desirable so far as it would perforce lead us to trusting and
working with one another and thereby strengthen the bonds of
national unity.
The most tragic consequence of dependence on the complex machinery of a
foreign government is the atrophy of the communal sense. The direct
touch with administrative cause and effect is lost. An outside protector
performs all the necessary functions of the community in a mysterious
manner, and communal duties are not realised by the people. The one
reason addressed by those who deny to us the capacity for self-rule is
the insufficient appreciation by the people of communal duties and
discipline. It is only by actually refraining for a time from dependence
on Government that we can regain self-reliance, learn first-hand the
value of communal duties and build up true national co-operation.
Non-co-operation is a practical and positive training in Swadharma, and
Swadharma alone can lead up to Swaraj.
The negative is the best and most impressive method of enforcing the
value of the positive. Few outside government circles realise in the
present police anything but tyranny and corruption. But if the units of
the present police were withdrawn we would soon perforce set about
organising a substitute, and most people would realise the true social
value of a police force. Few realise in the present taxes anything but
coercion and waste, but most people would soon see that a share of every
man's income is due for common purposes and that there are many
limitations to the economical management of public institutions; we
would begin once again to contribute directly, build up and maintain
national institutions in the place of those that now mysteriously spring
up and live under Government orders.
EMANCIPATION
Freedom is a priceless thing. But it is a stable possession only when it
is acquired by a nation's strenuous effort. What is not by chance or
outward circumstance, or given by the generous impulse of a tyrant
prince or people is not a reality. A nation will truly enjoy freedom
only when in the process of winning or defending its freedom, it has
been purified and consolidated through and through, until liberty has
become a part of its very soul. Otherwise it would be but a change of
the form of government, which might please the fancy of politicians, or
satisfy the classes in power, but could never emancipate a people. An
Act of Parliament can never create citizens in Hindustan. The strength,
spirit, and happiness of a people who have fought and won their liberty
cannot be got by Reform Acts. Effort and sacrifice are the necessary
conditions of real stable emancipation. Liberty unacquired, merely found,
will on the test fail like the Dead-Sea-apple or the magician's plenty.
The war that the people of India have declared and which will purify and
consolidate India, and forge for her a true and stable liberty is a war
with the latest and most effective weapon. In this war, what has
hitherto been in the world an undesirable but necessary incident in
freedom's battles, the killing of innocent men, has been eliminated; and
that which is the true essential for forging liberty, the
self-purification and self-strengthening of men and women has been kept
pure and unalloyed. It is for men, women and youth, every one of them
that lives in and loves India, to do his bit in this battle, not waiting
for others, not calculating the chances of his surviving the battle to
enjoy the fruits of his sacrifice. Soldiers in the old-world wars did
not insure their lives before going to the front. The privilege of youth
in special is for country's sake to exercise their comparative freedom
and give up the yearning for lives and careers built on the slavery of
the people.