Freedom\'s Battle - Mahatma Gandhi
My reading of the Gita is diametrically opposed to Sir Narayan's. I do
not believe that the Gita teaches violence for doing good. It is
pre-eminently a description of the duel that goes on in our own hearts.
The divine author has used a historical incident for inculcating the
lesson of doing one's duty even at the peril of one's life. It
inculcates performance of duty irrespective of the consequences, for, we
mortals, limited by our physical frames, are incapable of controlling
actions save our own. The Gita distinguishes between the powers of light
and darkness and demonstrates their incompatibility.
Jesus, in my humble opinion, was a prince among politicians. He did
render unto Caesar that which was Caesar's. He gave the devil his due.
He ever shunned him and is reported never once to have yielded to his
incantations. The politics of his time consisted in securing the welfare
of the people by teaching them not to be seduced by the trinkets of the
priests and the pharisees. The latter then controlled and moulded the
life of the people. To-day the system of government is so devised as to
affect every department of our life. It threatens our very existence. If
therefore we want to conserve the welfare of the nation, we must
religiously interest ourselves in the doing of the governors and exert a
moral influence on them by insisting on their obeying the laws of
morality. General Dyer did produce a 'moral effect' by an act of
butchery. Those who are engaged in forwarding the movement of
non-co-operation, hope to produce a moral effect by a process of
self-denial, self-sacrifice and self-purification. It surprises me that
Sir Narayan should speak of General Dyer's massacre in the same breath
as acts of non-co-operation. I have done my best to understand his
meaning, but I am sorry to confess that I have failed.
THE INWARDNESS OF NON-CO-OPERATION
I commend to the attention of the readers the thoughtful letter received
from Miss Anne Marie Peterson. Miss Peterson is a lady who has been in
India for some years and has closely followed Indian affairs. She is
about the sever her connection with her mission for the purpose of
giving herself to education that is truly national.
I have not given the letter in full. I have omitted all personal
references. But her argument has been left entirely untouched. The
letter was not meant to be printed. It was written just after my Vellore
speech. But it being intrinsically important, I asked the writer for her
permission, which she gladly gave, for printing it.
I publish it all the more gladly in that it enables me to show that the
movement of non-co-operation is neither anti-Christian nor anti-English
nor anti-European. It is a struggle between religion and irreligion,
powers of light and powers of darkness.
It is my firm opinion that Europe to-day represents not the spirit of
God or Christianity but the spirit of Satan. And Satan's successes are
the greatest when he appears with the name of God on his lips. Europe is
to-day only nominally Christian. In reality it is worshipping Mammon.
'It is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a
rich man to enter the kingdom.' Thus really spoke Jesus Christ. His
so-called followers measure their moral progress by their material
possessions. The very national anthem of England is anti-Christian.
Jesus who asked his followers to love their enemies even as themselves,
could not have sung of his enemies, 'confound his enemies frustrate
their knavish tricks.' The last book that Dr. Wallace wrote set forth
his deliberate conviction that the much vaunted advance of science had
added not an inch to the moral stature of Europe. The last war however
has shown, as nothing else has, the Satanic nature of the civilization
that dominates Europe to day. Every canon of public morality has been
broken by the victors in the name of virtue. No lie has been considered
too foul to be uttered. The motive behind every crime is not religious
or spiritual but grossly material. But the Mussalmans and the Hindus who
are struggling against the Government have religion and honour as their
motive. Even the cruel assassination which has just shocked the country
is reported to have a religious motive behind it. It is certainly
necessary to purge religion of its excrescences, but it is equally
necessary to expose the hollowness of moral pretensions on the part of
those who prefer material wealth to moral gain. It is easier to wean an
ignorant fanatic from his error than a confirmed scoundrel from his
scoundrelism.
This however is no indictment against individuals or even nations.
Thousands of individual Europeans are rising above their environment. I
write of the tendency in Europe as reflected in her present leaders.
England through her leaders is insolently crushing Indian religious and
national sentiment under her heels. England under the false plea of
self-determination is trying to exploit the oil fields of Mesopotamia
which she is almost to leave because she has probably no choice. France
through her leaders is lending her name to training Cannibals as
soldiers and is shamelessly betraying her trust as a mandatory power by
trying to kill the spirit of the Syrians. President Wilson has thrown on
the scrap heap his precious fourteen points.
It is this combination of evil forces which India is really fighting
through non-violent non-cooperation. And those like Miss Peterson
whether Christian or European, who feel that this error must be
dethroned can exercise the privilege of doing so by joining the
non-co-operation movement. With the honour of Islam is bound up the
safety of religion itself and with the honour of India is bound up the
honour of every nation known to be weak.
A MISSIONARY ON NON-CO-OPERATION
The following letter has been received by Mr. Gandhi from Miss Anne
Marie Peterson of the Danish Mission in Madras:--
Dear Mr. Gandhi,
I cannot thank you enough for your kindness and the way in which you
received me and I feel that meeting more or less decided my future. I
have thrown myself at the feet of India. At the same time I know that in
Christ alone is my abode and I have no longing and no desire but to live
Him, my crucified Saviour, and reveal Him for those with whom I come in
contact. I just cling to his feet and pray with tears that I may not
disgrace him as we Christians have been doing by our behaviour in India.
We go on crucifying Christ while we long to proclaim the Power of His
resurrection by which He has conquered untruth and unrighteousness. If
we who bear His name were true to Him, we would never bow ourselves
before the Powers of this world, but we would always be on the side of
the poor, the suffering and the oppressed. But we are not and therefore
I feel myself under obligation and only to Christ but to India for His
sake at this time of momentous importance for her future.
Truly it matters little what I, a lonely and insignificant person, may
say or do. What is my protest against the common current, the race to
which I belong is taking and (what grieves me more), which the
missionary societies seem to follow? Even if a respectable number
protested it would not be of any use. Yet were I alone against the whole
world, I must follow my conscience and my God.
I therefore cannot but smile when I see people saying, you should have
awaited the decision of the National Congress before starting the
non-co-operation movement. You have a message for the country, and the
Congress is the voice of the nation--its servant and not its master. A
majority has no right simply because it is a majority.
But we must try to win the majority. And it is easy to see that now that
Congress is going to be with you. Would it have done so if you had kept
quiet and not lent your voice to the feelings of the people? Would the
Congress have known its mind? I think not.
I myself was in much doubt before I heard you. But you convinced me. Not
that I can feel much on the question of the Khilafat. I cannot. I can
see what service you are doing to India, if you can prevent the
Mahomedans from using the sword in order to take revenge and get their
rights. I can see that if you unite the Hindus and the Mahomedans, it
will be a master stroke. How I wish the Christian would also come
forward and unite with you for the sake of their country and the honour
not only of their Motherland but of Christ. I may not feel much for
Turkey, but I feel for India, and I can see she (India) has no other way
to protest against being trampled down and crushed than
non-co-operation.
I also want you to know that many in Denmark and all over the world,
yes, I am sure every true Christian, will feel with and be in sympathy
with India in the struggle which is now going on. God forbid that in the
struggle between might and right, truth and untruth, the spirit and the
flesh, there should be a division of races. There is not. The same
struggle is going on all over the world. What does it matter then that
we are a few? God is on our side.
Brute force often seems to get the upper hand but righteousness always
has and always shall conquer, be it even through much suffering, and
what may even appear to be a defeat. Christ conquered, when the world
crucified Him. Blessed are the meek; they shall inherit the earth.
When I read your speech given at Madras it struck me that it should be
printed as a pamphlet in English, Tamil, Hindustani and all the most
used languages and then spread to every nook and corner of India.
The non-co-operation movement once started must be worked so as to
become successful. If it is not, I dread to think of the consequences.
But you cannot expect it to win in a day or two. It must take time and
you will not despair if you do not reach your goal in a hurry. For those
who have faith there is no haste.
Now for the withdrawal of the children and students from Government
schools, I think, it a most important step. Taking the Government help
(even if it be your money they pay you back), we must submit to its
scheme, its rules and regulation. India and we who love her have come to
the conclusion that the education the foreign Government has given you
is not healthy for India and can certainly never make for her real
growth. This movement would lead to a spontaneous rise of national
schools. Let them be a few but let them spring up through
self-sacrifice. Only by indigenous education can India be truly
uplifted. Why this appeals so much to me is perhaps because I belong to
the part of the Danish people who started their own independent,
indigenous national schools. The Danish Free Schools and
Folk-High-Schools, of which you may have heard, were started against
the opposition and persecution of the State. The organisers won and
thus have regenerated the nation. With my truly heartfelt thanks and
prayers for you.
I am,
Your sincerely,
Anne Marie.
HOW TO WORK NON-CO-OPERATION
Perhaps the best way of answering the fears and criticism as to
non-co-operation is to elaborate more fully the scheme of
non-co-operation. The critics seem to imagine that the organisers
propose to give effect to the whole scheme at once. The fact however is
that the organisers have fixed definite, progressive four stages. The
first is the giving up of titles and resignation of honorary posts. If
there is no response or if the response received is not effective,
recourse will be had to the second stage. The second stage involves much
previous arrangement. Certainly not a single servant will be called out
unless he is either capable of supporting himself and his dependents or
the Khilafat Committee is able to bear the burden. All the classes of
servants will not be called out at once and never will any pressure be
put upon a single servant to withdraw himself from the Government
service. Nor will a single private employee be touched for the simple
reason that the movement is not anti-English. It is not even
anti-Government. Co-operation is to be withdrawn because the people must
not be party to a wrong--a broken pledge--a violation of deep religious
sentiment. Naturally, the movement will receive a check, if there is any
undue influence brought to bear upon any Government servant or if any
violence is used or countenanced by any member of the Khilafat
Committee. The second stage must be entirely successful, if the response
is at all on an adequate scale. For no Government--much less the Indian
Government--can subsist if the people cease to serve it. The withdrawal
therefore of the police and the military--the third stage--is a distant
goal. The organisers however wanted to be fair, open and above
suspicion. They did not want to keep back from the Government or the
public a single step they had in contemplation even as a remote
contingency. The fourth, _i.e.,_ suspension of taxes is still more
remote. The organisers recognise that suspension of general taxation is
fraught with the greatest danger. It is likely to bring a sensitive
class in conflict with the police. They are therefore not likely to
embark upon it, unless they can do so with the assurance that there will
be no violence offered by the people.
I admit as I have already done that non-co-operation is not unattended
with risk, but the risk of supineness in the face of a grave issue is
infinitely greater than the danger of violence ensuing form organizing
non-co-operation. To do nothing is to invite violence for a certainty.
It is easy enough to pass resolutions or write articles condemning
non-co-operation. But it is no easy task to restrain the fury of a
people incensed by a deep sense of wrong. I urge those who talk or work
against non-co-operation to descend from their chairs and go down to the
people, learn their feelings and write, if they have the heart against
non-co-operation. They will find, as I have found that the only way to
avoid violence is to enable them to give such expression to their
feelings as to compel redress. I have found nothing save
non-co-operation. It is logical and harmless. It is the inherent right
of a subject to refuse to assist a Government that will not listen
to him.
Non-co-operation as a voluntary movement can only succeed, if the
feeling is genuine and strong enough to make people suffer to the
utmost. If the religious sentiment of the Mahomedans is deeply hurt and
if the Hindus entertain neighbourly regard towards their Muslim
brethren, they will both count no cost too great for achieving the end.
Non-co-operation will not only be an effective remedy but will also be
an effective test of the sincerity of the Muslim claim and the Hindu
profession of friendship.
There is however one formidable argument urged by friends against my
joining the Khilafat movement. They say that it ill-becomes me, a friend
of the English and an admirer of the British constitution, to join hands
with those who are to-day filled with nothing but ill-will against the
English. I am sorry to have to confess that the ordinary Mahomedan
entertains to-day no affection for Englishmen. He considers, not without
some cause, that they have not played the game. But if I am friendly
towards Englishmen, I am no less so towards my countrymen, the
Mahomedans. And as such they have a greater claim upon my attention than
Englishmen. My personal religion however enables me to serve my
countrymen without hurting Englishmen or for that matter anybody else.
What I am not prepared to do to my blood-brother I would not do to an
Englishman, I would not injure him to gain a kingdom. But I would
withdraw co-operation from him if it becomes necessary as I had
withdrawn from my own brother (now deceased) when it became necessary. I
serve the Empire by refusing to partake in its wrong. William Stead
offered public prayers for British reverses at the time of the Boer war
because he considered that the nation to which he belonged was engaged
in an unrighteous war. The present Prime Minister risked his life in
opposing that war and did everything he could to obstruct his own
Government in its prosecution. And to-day if I have thrown in my lot
with the Mahomedans, a large number of whom, bear no friendly feelings
towards the British, I have done so frankly as a friend of the British
and with the object of gaining justice and of thereby showing the
capacity of the British constitution to respond to every honest
determination when it is coupled with suffering, I hope by my 'alliance'
with the Mahomedans to achieve a threefold end--to obtain justice in the
face of odds with the method of Satyagrah and to show its efficacy over
all other methods, to secure Mahomedan friendship for the Hindus and
thereby internal peace also, and last but not least to transform
ill-will into affection for the British and their constitution which in
spite of the imperfections weathered many a storm. I may fail in
achieving any of the ends. I can but attempt. God alone can grant
success. It will not be denied that the ends are all worthy. I invite
Hindus and Englishman to join me in a full-hearted manner in shouldering
the burden the Mahomedans of India are carrying. Theirs is admittedly a
just fight. The Viceroy, the Secretary of State, the Maharaja of
Bikuner and Lord Sinha have testified to it. Time has arrived to make
good the testimony. People with a just cause are never satisfied with a
mere protest. They have been known to die for it. Are a high-spirited
people like the Mahomedans expected to do less?
SPEECH AT MADRAS
Addressing a huge concourse of people of the city of Madras Hindus
and Mahomedans numbering over 50,000, assembled on the South Beach
opposite to the Presidency College, Madras, on the 12th August 1920,
Mahatma Gandhi spoke as follows:--
Mr. Chairman and Friends,--Like last year, I have to ask your
forgiveness that I should have to speak being seated. Whilst my voice
has become stronger than it was last year, my body is still weak; and if
I were to attempt to speak to you standing, I could not hold on for very
many minutes before the whole frame would shake. I hope, therefore, that
you will grant me permission to speak seated. I have sat here to address
you on a most important question, probably a question whose importance
we have not measured up to now.
LOKAMANYA TILAK
But before I approach that question on this dear old beach of Madras,
you will expect me--you will want me--to offer my tribute to the great
departed, Lokamanya Tilak Maharaj (loud and prolonged cheers). I would
ask this great assembly to listen to me in silence. I have come to make
an appeal to your hearts and to your reason and I could not do so unless
you were prepared to listen to whatever I have to say in absolute
silence. I wish to offer my tribute to the departed patriot and I think
that I cannot do better than say that his death, as his life, has poured
new vigour into the country. If you were present as I was present at
that great funeral procession, you would realise with me the meaning of
my words. Mr. Tilak lived for his country. The inspiration of his life
was freedom for his country which he called Swaraj the inspiration of
his death-bed was also freedom for his country. And it was that which
gave him such marvellous hold upon his countrymen; it was that which
commanded the adoration not of a few chosen Indians belonging to the
upper strata of society but of millions of his countrymen. His life was
one long sustained piece of self-sacrifice. He began that life of
discipline and self-sacrifice in 1879 and he continued that life up to
the end of his day, and that was the secret of his hold upon his
country. He not only knew what he wanted for his country but also how to
live for his country and how to die for his country. I hope then that
whatever I say this evening to this vast mass of people, will bear fruit
in that same sacrifice for which the life of Lokamanya Tilak Maharaj
stands. His life, if it teaches us anything whatsoever, teaches one
supreme lesson: that if we want to do anything whatsoever for our
country we can do so not by speeches, however grand, eloquent and
convincing they may be, but only by sacrifice at the back of every act
if our life. I have come to ask everyone of you whether you are ready
and willing to give sufficiently for your country's sake for country's
honour and for religion. I have boundless faith in you, the citizens of
Madras, and the people of this great presidency, a faith which I began
to cultivate in the year 1983 when I first made acquaintance with the
Tamil labourers in South Africa; and I hope that in these hours of our
trial, this province will not be second to any other in India, and that
it will lead in this spirit of self-sacrifice and will translate every
word into action.
NEED FOR NON-CO-OPERATION
What is this non-co-operation, about which you have heard so much, and
why do we want to offer this non-co-operation? I wish to go for the time
being into the why. here are two things before this country: the first
and the foremost is the Khilafat question. On this the heart of the
Mussalmans of India has become lascerated. British pledges given after
the greatest deliberation by the Prime Minister of England in the name
of the English nation, have been dragged into the mire. The promises
given to Moslem India on the strength of which, the consideration that
was expected by the British nation was exacted, have been broken, and
the great religion of Islam has been placed in danger. The Mussalmans
hold--and I venture to think they rightly hold--that so long as British
promises remain unfulfilled, so long is it impossible for them to tender
whole-hearted fealty and loyalty to the British connection; and if it is
to be a choice for a devout Mussalman between loyalty to the British
connection and loyalty to his Code and Prophet, he will not require a
second to make his choice,--and he has declared his choice. The
Mussalmans say frankly openly and honourably to the whole world that if
the British Ministers and the British nation do not fulfil the pledges
given to them and do not wish to regard with respect the sentiments of
70 millions of the inhabitants of India who profess the faith of Islam,
it will be impossible for them to retain Islamic loyalty. It is a
question, then for the rest of the Indian population to consider whether
they want to perform a neighbourly duty by their Mussalman countrymen,
and if they do, they have an opportunity of a lifetime which will not
occur for another hundred years, to show their good-will, fellowship and
friendship and to prove what they have been saying for all these long
years that the Mussalman is the brother of the Hindu. If the Hindu
regards that before the connection with the British nation comes his
natural connection with his Moslem brother, then I say to you that if
you find that the Moslem claim is just, that it is based upon real
sentiment, and that at its back ground is this great religious feeling,
you cannot do otherwise than help the Mussalman through and through, so
long as their cause remains just, and the means for attaining the end
remains equally just, honourable and free from harm to India. These are
the plain conditions which the Indian Mussalmans have accepted; and it
was when they saw that they could accept the proferred aid of the
Hindus, that they could always justify the cause and the means before
the whole world, that they decided to accept the proferred hand of
fellowship. It is then for the Hindus and Mahomedans to offer a united
front to the whole of the Christian powers of Europe and tell them that
weak as India is, India has still got the capacity of preserving her
self-respect, she still knows how to die for her religion and for her
self-respect.
That is the Khilafat in a nut-shell; but you have also got the Punjab.
The Punjab has wounded the heart of India as no other question has for
the past century. I do not exclude from my calculation the Mutiny of
1857. Whatever hardships India had to suffer during the Mutiny, the
insult that was attempted to be offered to her during the passage of the
Rowlatt legislation and that which was offered after its passage were
unparalleled in Indian history. It is because you want justice from the
British nation in connection with the Punjab atrocities: you have to
devise, ways and means as to how you can get this justice. The House of
Commons, the House of Lords, Mr. Montagu, the Viceroy of India, everyone
of them know what the feeling of India is on this Khilafat question and
on that of the Punjab; the debates in both the Houses of Parliament, the
action of Mr. Montagu and that of the Viceroy have demonstrated to you
completely that they are not willing to give the justice which is
India's due and which she demands. I suggest that our leaders have got
to find a way out of this great difficulty and unless we have made
ourselves even with the British rulers in India and unless we have
gained a measure of self-respect at the hands of the British rulers in
India, no connection, and no friendly intercourse is possible between
them and ourselves. I, therefore, venture to suggest this beautiful and
unanswerable method of non-co-operation.