Freedom\'s Battle - Mahatma Gandhi
Similarly what do we owe the Punjab? The whole of India was made to
crawl on her belly in as much as a single Punjabi was made to crawl in
that dirty lane in Amritsar, the whole womanhood of India was unveiled
in as much as the innocent woman of Manianwalla were unveiled by an
insolent office; and Indian childhood was dishonoured in that, that
school children of tender age were made to walk four times a day to
stated places within the martial area in the Punjab and to salute the
Union Jack, through the effect of which order two children, seven years
old died of sunstroke having been made to wait in the noonday sun. In my
opinion it is a sin to attend the schools and colleges conducted under
the aegis of this Government so long as it has not purged itself of
these crimes by proper repentance. We may not with any sense of
self-respect plead before the courts of the Government when we remember
that it was through the Punjab Courts that innocent men were sentenced
to be imprisoned and hanged. We become participators in the crime of the
Government by voluntarily helping it or being helped by it.
The women of India have intuitively understood the spiritual nature of
the struggle. Thousands have attended to listen to the message of
non-violent non-co-operation and have given me their precious ornaments
for the purpose of advancing the cause of Swaraj. Is it any wonder if I
believe the possibility of gaining Swaraj within a year after all these
wonderful demonstrations? I would be guilty of want of faith in God if I
under-rated the significance of the response from the women of India. I
hope that the students will do their duty. The country certainly expects
the lawyers who have hitherto led public agitation to recognise the new
awakening.
I have used strong language but I have done so with the greatest
deliberation, I am not actuated by any feeling of revenge. I do not
consider Englishmen as my enemy. I recognise the worth of many. I enjoy
the privilege of having many English friends, but I am a determined
enemy of the English rule as is conducted at present and if the
power--tapasya--of one man could destroy it, I would certainly destroy
it, if it could not be mended. An Empire that stands for injustice and
breach of faith does not deserve to stand if its custodians will not
repent and non-co-operation has been devised in order to enable the
nation to compel justice.
I hope that Bengal will take her proper place in this movement of
self-purification. Bengal began Swadeshi and national education when the
rest of India was sleeping. I hope that Bengal will come to the front
in this movement for gaining Swaraj and gaining justice for the Khilafat
and the Punjab through purification and self-sacrifice.
ON THE WRONG TRACK
Lord Ronaldshay has been doing me the favour of reading my booklet on
Indian Home Rule which is a translation of Hind Swaraj. His Lordship
told his audience that if Swaraj meant what I had described it to be in
the booklet, the Bengalis would have none of it. I am sorry that Swaraj
of the Congress resolution does not mean the Swaraj depicted in the
booklet; Swaraj according to the Congress means Swaraj that the people
of India want, not what the British Government may condescend to give.
In so far as I can see, Swaraj will be a Parliament chosen by the people
with the fullest power over the finance, the police, the military, the
navy, the courts, and the educational institutions.
I am free to confess that the Swaraj I expect to gain within one year,
if India responds will be such Swaraj as will make practically
impossible the repetition of the Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs, and
will enable the nation to do good or evil as it chooses, and not he
'good' at the dictation of an irresponsible, insolent, and godless
bureaucracy. Under that Swaraj the nation will have the power to impose
a heavy protective tariff on such foreign goods as are capable of being
manufactured in India, as also the power to refuse to send a single
soldier outside India for the purpose of enslaving the surrounding or
remote nationalities. The Swaraj that I dream of will be a possibility
only, when the nation is free to make its choice both of good and evil.
* * * * *
I adhere to all I have said in that booklet and I would certainly
recommend it to the reader. Government over self is the truest Swaraj,
it is synonymous with _moksha_ or salvation, and I have seen nothing to
alter the view that doctors, lawyers, and railways are no help, and are
often a hindrance, to the one thing worth striving after. But I know
that association, a satanic activity, such as the Government is engaged
in, makes even an effort for such freedom a practical impossibility. I
cannot tender allegiance to God and Satan at the same time.
* * * * *
The surest sign of the satanic nature of the present system is that even
a nobleman of the type of Lord Ronaldshay is obliged to put us off the
track. He will not deal with the one thing needful. Why is he silent
about the Punjab? Why does he evade the Khilafat? Can ointments soothe
a patient who is suffering from corroding consumption? Does his lordship
not see that it is not the inadequacy of the reforms that has set India
aflame but that it is the infliction of the two wrongs and the wicked
attempt to make us forget them? Does he not see that a complete change
of heart is required before reconciliation?
* * * * *
But it has become the fashion nowadays to ascribe hatred to
non-co-operationism. And I regret to find that even Col. Wedgewood has
fallen into the trap. I make bold to say that the only way to remove
hatred is to give it disciplined vent. No man can--I cannot--perform the
impossible task of removing hatred so long as contempt and despise for
the feelings of India are sedulously nursed. It is a mockery to ask
India not to hate when in the same breath India's most sacred feelings
are contemptuously brushed aside. India feels weak and helpless and so
expresses her helplessness by hating the tyrant who despises her and
makes her crawl on the belly, lifts the veils of her innocent women and
compels her tender children to acknowledge his power by saluting his
flag four times a day. The gospel of Non-co-operation addresses itself
to the task of making the people strong and self-reliant. It is an
attempt to transform hatred into pity. A strong and self-reliant India
will cease to hate Bosworth Smiths and Frank Johnsons, for she will have
the power to punish them and therefore the power also to pity and
forgive them. To-day she can neither punish nor forgive, and therefore
helplessly nurses hatred. If the Mussalmans were strong, they would not
hate the English but would fight and wrest from them the dearest
possessions of Islam. I know that the Ali Brothers who live only for the
honour and the prestige of Islam, and are prepared any moment to die for
it, will to-day make friends with the latter Englishmen, if they were to
do justice to the Khilafat which it is in their power to do.
* * * * *
I am positively certain that there is no personal element in this fight.
Both the Hindus and the Mahomedans would to-day invoke blessings on the
English if they would but give proof positive of their goodness,
faithfulness, and loyalty to India. Non-co-operation then is a godsend;
it will purify and strengthen India; and a strong India will be a
strength to the world as an Indian weak and helpless is a curse to
mankind. Indian soldiers have involuntarily helped to destroy Turkey and
are now destroying the flower of the Arabian nation. I cannot recall a
single campaign in which the Indian soldier has been employed by the
British Government for the good of mankind. And yet, (Oh! the shame of
it!) Indian Maharajas are never tired of priding themselves on the loyal
help they have rendered the English! Could degradation sink any lower?
THE CONGRESS CONSTITUTION
The belated report of the Congress Constitution Committee has now been
published for general information and opinion has been invited from all
public bodies in order to assist the deliberations of the All India
Congress Committee. It is a pity that, small though the Constitution
Committee was, all the members never met at any one time in spite of
efforts, to have a meeting of them all. It is perhaps no body's fault
that all the members could not meet. At the same time the draft report
has passed through the searching examination of all but one member and
the report represents the mature deliberations of four out of the five
members. It must be stated at the same time that it does not pretend to
be the unanimous opinion of the members. Rather than present a
dissenting minute, a workable scheme has been brought out leaving each
member free to press his own views on the several matters in which they
are not quite unanimous. The most important part of the constitution,
however, is the alteration of the creed. So far as I am aware there is
no fundamental difference of opinion between the members. In my opinion
the altered creed represents the exact feeling of the country at the
present moment.
I know that the proposed alteration has been subjected to hostile
criticism in several newspapers of note. But the extraordinary situation
that faces the country is that popular opinion is far in advance of
several newspapers which have hitherto commanded influence and have
undoubtedly moulded public opinion. The fact is that the formation of
opinion to-day is by no means confined to the educated classes, but the
masses have taken it upon themselves not only to formulate opinion but
to enforce it. It would be a mistake to belittle or ignore this opinion,
or to ascribe it to a temporary upheaval. It would be equally a mistake
to suppose that this awakening amongst the masses is due either to the
activity of the Ali Brothers or myself. For the time being we have the
ear of the masses because we voice their sentiments. The masses are by
no means so foolish or unintelligent as we sometimes imagine. They often
perceive things with their intuition, which we ourselves fail to see
with our intellect. But whilst the masses know what they want, they
often do not know how to express their wants and, less often, how to get
what they want. Herein comes the use of leadership, and disastrous
results can easily follow a bad, hasty, or what is worse, selfish lead.
The first part of the proposed creed expresses the present desire of
the nation, and the second shows the way that desire can be fulfilled.
In my humble opinion the Congress creed with the proposed alteration is
but an extension of the original. And so long as no break with the
British connection is attempted, it is strictly within even the existing
article that defines the Congress creed. The extension lies in the
contemplated possibility of a break with the British connection. In my
humble opinion, if India is to make unhampered progress, we must make it
clear to the British people that whilst we desire to retain the British
connection, if we can rise to our full height with it we are determined
to dispense with, and even to get rid of that connection, if that is
necessary for full national development. I hold that it is not only
derogatory to national dignity but it actually impedes national progress
superstitiously to believe that our progress towards our goal is
impossible without British connection. It is this superstition which
makes some of the best of us tolerate the Punjab wrong and the Khilafat
insult. This blind adherence to that connection makes us feel helpless.
The proposed alteration in the creed enables us to rid ourselves of our
helpless condition. I personally hold that it is perfectly
constitutional openly to strive after independence, but lest there may
be dispute as to the constitutional character of any movement for
complete independence, the doubtful and highly technical adjective
"constitutional" has been removed from the altered creed in the draft.
Surely it should be enough to ensure that the methods for achieving our
end are legitimate, honourable, and peaceful, I believe that this was
the reasoning that guided my colleagues in accepting the proposed creed.
In any case, such was certainly my view of the whole alteration. There
is no desire on my part to adopt any means that are subversive of law
and order. I know, however, that I am treading on delicate ground when I
write about law and order for, to some of our distinguished leaders even
my present methods appear to be lawless and conducive to disorder. But
even they will perhaps grant that the retention of the word
'constitutional' cannot protect the country against methods such as I am
employing. It gives rise, no doubt, to a luminous legal discussion, but
any such discussion is fruitless when the nation means business. The
other important alteration refers to the limitation of the number of
delegates. I believe that the advantages of such a limitation are
obvious. We are fast reaching a time when without any such limitation
the Congress will become an unwieldy body. It is difficult even to have
an unlimited number of visitors; it is impossible to transact national
business if we have an unlimited number of delegates.
The next important alteration is about the election of the members of
the All-India Congress Committee, making that committee practically the
Subjects Committee, and the redistribution of India for the purposes of
the Congress on a linguistic basis. It is not necessary to comment on
these alterations, but I wish to add that if the Congress accepts the
principle of limiting the number of delegates it would be advisable to
introduce the principle of proportional representation. That would
enable all parties who wish to be represented at the Congress.
I observe that _the Servant of India_ sees an inconsistency between my
implied acceptance of the British Committee, so far as the published
draft constitution is concerned, and my recent article in _Young India_
on that Committee and the newspaper _India_. But it is well known that
for several years I have held my present views about the existence of
that body. It would have been irrelevant for me, perhaps, to suggest to
my colleagues the extinction of that committee. It was not our function
to report on the usefulness or otherwise of the Committee. We were
commissioned only for preparing a new constitution. Moreover I knew that
my colleagues were not averse to the existence of the British Committee.
And the drawing up of a new constitution enabled me to show that where
there was no question of principle I was desirous of agreeing quickly
with my opponents in opinions. But I propose certainly to press for
abolition of the committee as it is at present continued, and the
stopping of its organ _India_.
SWARAJ IN NINE MONTHS
Asked by the _Times_ representative as to his impressions formed as a
result of his activities during the last three months, Mr. Gandhi
said:--"My own impression of these three months' extensive experience is
that this movement of non-co-operation has come to stay, and it is most
decidedly a purifying movement, in spite of isolated instances of
rowdyism, as for instance at Mrs. Besant's meeting in Bombay, at some
places in Delhi, Bengal, and even in Gujarat. The people are
assimilating day after day the spirit of non-violence, not necessarily
as a creed, but as an inevitable policy. I expect most startling
results, more startling than, say, the discoveries of Sir J.C. Bose, or
the acceptance by the people of non-violence. If the Government could be
assured beyond any possibility of doubt that no violence would ever be
offered by us the Government would from that moment alter its character,
unconsciously and involuntarily, but nonetheless surely on that
account."
"Alter its character,--in what, direction?" asked the _Times_
representative.
"Certainly in the direction which we ask it should move--that being in
the direction of Government becoming responsive to every call of
the nation."
"Will you kindly explain further?" asked the representative.
"By that I mean," said Mr. Gandhi, "people will be able by asserting
themselves through fixed determination and self-sacrifice to gain the
redress of the Khilafat wrong, the Punjab wrong, and attain the Swaraj
of their choice."
"But what is your Swaraj, and where does the Government come in
there--the Government which, you say will alter its character
unconsciously?"
"My Swaraj," said Mr. Gandhi, "is the Parliamentary Government of India
in the modern sense of the term for the time being, and that Government
would be secured to us either through the friendly offices of the
British people or without them."
"What do you mean by the phrase, 'without them!'" questioned the
interviewer.
"This movement," continued Mr. Gandhi, "is an endeavour to purge the
present Government of selfishness and greed which determine almost every
one of their activities. Suppose that we have made it impossible by
disassociation from them to feed their greed. They might not wish to
remain in India, as happened in the case of Somaliland, where the moment
its administration ceased to be a paying proposition they evacuated it."
"How do you think," queried the representative, "in practice this will
work out?"
"What I have sketched before you," said Mr. Gandhi, "is the final
possibility. What I expect is that nothing of that kind will happen. In
so far as I understand the British people I will recognise the force of
public opinion when it has become real and patent. Then, and only then,
will they realise the hideous injustice which in their name the Imperial
ministers and their representatives in India have perpetrated. They will
therefore remedy the two wrongs in accordance with the wishes of the
people, and they will also offer a constitution exactly in accordance
with the wishes of the people of India, as represented by their
chosen leaders.
"Supposing that the British Government wish to retire because India is
not a paying concern, what do you think will then be the position
of India?"
Mr. Gandhi answered: "At that stage surely it is easy to understand that
India will then have evolved either outstanding spiritual height or the
ability to offer violence, against violence. She will have evolved an
organising ability of a high order, and will therefore be in every way
able to cope with any emergency that might arise." "In other words,"
observed the _Times_ representative, "you expect the moment of the
British evacuation, if such a contingency arises, will coincide with the
moment of India's preparedness and ability and conditions favourable for
India to take over the Indian administration as a going concern and work
it for the benefit and advancement of the Nation?"
Mr. Gandhi answered the question with an emphatic affirmative. "My
experience during the last months fills me with the hope," continued Mr.
Gandhi, "that within the nine months that remain of the year in which I
have expected Swaraj for India we shall redress the two wrongs and we
shall see Swaraj established in accordance with the wishes of the people
of India."
"Where will the present Government be at the end of the nine months?"
Asked the _Times_ representative.
Mr. Gandhi, with a significant smile, said: "The lion will then lie with
the lamb."
_Young India, December, 1920._
THE ATTAINMENT OF SWARAJ
Mr. Gandhi in moving his resolution on the creed before the Congress,
said, "The resolution which I have the honour to move is as follows: The
object of the Indian National Congress is the attainment of Swarajya by
the people of India by all legitimate and peaceful means."
There are only two kinds of objections, so far as I understand, that
will be advanced from this platform. One is that we may not to-day think
of dissolving the British connection. What I say is that it is
derogatory to national dignity to think of permanence of British
connection at any cost. We are labouring under a grievous wrong, which
it is the personal duty of every Indian to get redressed. This British
Government not only refused to redress the wrong, but it refuses to
acknowledge _its_ mistake and so long as it retains its attitude, it is
not possible for us to say all that we want to be or all that we want to
get, retaining British connection. No matter what difficulties be in our
path, we must make the clearest possible declaration to the world and to
the whole of India, that we may not possibly have British connection, if
the British people will not do this elementary justice. I do not, for
one moment, suggest that we want to end at the British connection at all
costs, unconditionally. If the British connection is for the advancement
of India, we do not want to destroy it. But if it is inconsistent with
our national self respect, then it is our bounden duty to destroy it.
There is room in this resolution for both--those who believe that, by
retaining British connection, we can purify ourselves and purify British
people, and those who have no belief. As for instance, take the extreme
case of Mr. Andrews. He says all hope for India is gone for keeping the
British connection. He says there must be complete severance--complete
independence. There is room enough in this creed for a man like Mr.
Andrews also. Take another illustration, a man like myself or my brother
Shaukat Ali. There is certainly no room for us, if we have eternally to
subscribe to the doctrine, whether these wrongs are redressed or not, we
shall have to evolve ourselves within the British Empire; there is no
room for me in that creed. Therefore this creed is elastic enough to
take in both shades of opinions and the British people will have to
beware that, if they do not want to do justice, it will be the bounden
duty of every Indian to destroy the Empire.
I want just now to wind up my remarks with a personal appeal, drawing
your attention to an object lesson that was presented in the Bengal
camp yesterday. If you want Swaraj, you have got a demonstration of how
to get Swaraj. There was a little bit of skirmish, a little bit of
squabble, and a little bit of difference in the Bengal camp, as there
will always be differences so long as the world lasts. I have known
differences between husband and wife, because I am still a husband; I
have noticed differences between parents and children, because I am
still a father of four boys, and they are all strong enough to destroy
their father so far as bodily struggle is concerned; I possess that
varied experience of husband and parent; I know that we shall always
have squabbles, we shall always have differences but the lesson that I
want to draw your attention to is that I had the honour and privilege of
addressing both the parties. They gave me their undivided attention and
what is more they showed their attachment, their affection and their
fellowship for me by accepting the humble advice that I had the honour
of tendering to them, and I told them I am not here to distribute
justice that can be awarded only through our worthy president. But I ask
you not to go to the president, you need not worry him. If you are
strong, if you are brave, if you are intent upon getting Swaraj, and if
you really want to revise the creed, then you will bottle up your rage,
you will bottle up all the feelings of injustice that may rankle in
your hearts and forget these things here under this very roof and I told
them to forget their differences, to forgot the wrongs. I don't want to
tell you or go into the history of that incident. Probably most of you
know. I simply want to invite your attention to the fact. I don't say
they have settled up their differences. I hope they have but I do know
that they undertook to forget the differences. They undertook not to
worry the President, they undertook not to make any demonstration here
or in the Subjects Committee. All honour to those who listened to
that advice.
I only wanted my Bengali friends and all the other friends who have come
to this great assembly with a fixed determination to seek nothing but
the settlement of their country, to seek nothing but the advancement of
their respective rights, to seek nothing but the conservation of the
national honour. I appeal to every one of you to copy the example set by
those who felt aggrieved and who felt that their heads were broken. I
know, before we have done with this great battle on which we have
embarked at the special sessions of the Congress, we have to go
probably, possibly through a sea of blood, but let it not be said of us
or any one of us that we are guilty of shedding blood, but let it be
said by generations yet to be born that we suffered, that we shed not
somebody's blood but our own, and so I have no hesitation in saying that
I do not want to show much sympathy for those who had their heads
broken or who were said to be even in danger of losing their lives. What
does it matter? It is much better to die at the hands, at least, of our
own countrymen. What is there to revenge ourselves about or upon. So I
ask everyone of you that if at any time there is blood-boiling within
you against some fellow countrymen of yours, even though he may be in
the employ of Government, though he may be in the Secret Service, you
will take care not to be offended and not to return blow for blow.
Understand that the very moment you return the blow from the detective,
your cause is lost. This is your non-violent campaign. And so I ask
everyone of you not to retaliate but to bottle up all your rage, to
dismiss your rage from you and you will rise graver men. I am here to
congratulate those who have restrained themselves from going to the
President and bringing the dispute before him.