Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius - Niccolo Machiavelli
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No wonder, then, that the nations of antiquity pursued tyrants with such
relentless hatred, and so passionately loved freedom that its very name
was dear to them, as was seen when Hieronymus, grandson of Hiero the
Syracusan, was put to death in Syracuse. For when word of his death
reached the army, which lay encamped not far off, at first it was
greatly moved, and eager to take up arms against the murderers. But on
hearing the cry of liberty shouted in the streets of Syracuse, quieted
at once by the name, it laid aside its resentment against those who had
slain the tyrant, and fell to consider how a free government might be
provided for the city.
Nor is it to be wondered at that the ancient nations took terrible
vengeance on those who deprived them of their freedom; of which, though
there be many instances, I mean only to cite one which happened in the
city of Corcyra at the time of the Peloponnesian war. For Greece being
divided into two factions, one of which sided with the Athenians, the
other with the Spartans, it resulted that many of its cities were
divided against themselves, some of the citizens seeking the friendship
of Sparta and some of Athens. In the aforesaid city of Corcyra, the
nobles getting the upper hand, deprived the commons of their freedom;
these, however, recovering themselves with the help of the Athenians,
laid hold of the entire body of the nobles, and cast them into a prison
large enough to contain them all, whence they brought them forth
by eight or ten at a time, pretending that they were to be sent to
different places into banishment, whereas, in fact, they put them to
death with many circumstances of cruelty. Those who were left,
learning what was going on, resolved to do their utmost to escape this
ignominious death, and arming themselves with what weapons they could
find, defended the door of their prison against all who sought to enter;
till the people, hearing the tumult and rushing in haste to the prison,
dragged down the roof, and smothered the prisoners in the ruins. Many
other horrible and atrocious cruelties likewise perpetrated in Greece,
show it to be true that a lost freedom is avenged with more ferocity
than a threatened freedom is defended.
When I consider whence it happened that the nations of antiquity were
so much more zealous in their love of liberty than those of the present
day, I am led to believe that it arose from the same cause which makes
the present generation of men less vigorous and daring than those of
ancient times, namely the difference of the training of the present day
from that of earlier ages; and this, again, arises from the different
character of the religions then and now prevailing. For our religion,
having revealed to us the truth and the true path, teaches us to
make little account of worldly glory; whereas, the Gentiles, greatly
esteeming it, and placing therein their highest good, displayed a
greater fierceness in their actions.
This we may gather from many of their customs, beginning with their
sacrificial rites, which were of much magnificence as compared with the
simplicity of our worship, though that be not without a certain dignity
of its own, refined rather than splendid, and far removed from any
tincture of ferocity or violence. In the religious ceremonies of the
ancients neither pomp nor splendour were wanting; but to these was
joined the ordinance of sacrifice, giving occasion to much bloodshed and
cruelty. For in its celebration many beasts were slaughtered, and this
being a cruel spectacle imparted a cruel temper to the worshippers.
Moreover, under the old religions none obtained divine honours save
those who were loaded with worldly glory, such as captains of armies and
rulers of cities; whereas our religion glorifies men of a humble and
contemplative, rather than of an active life. Accordingly, while the
highest good of the old religions consisted in magnanimity, bodily
strength, and all those other qualities which make men brave, our
religion places it in humility, lowliness, and contempt for the things
of this world; or if it ever calls upon us to be brave, it is that we
should be brave to suffer rather than to do.
This manner of life, therefore, seems to have made the world feebler,
and to have given it over as a prey to wicked men to deal with as they
please; since the mass of mankind, in the hope of being received into
Paradise, think more how to bear injuries than how to avenge them. But
should it seem that the world has grown effeminate and Heaven laid aside
her arms, this assuredly results from the baseness of those who have
interpreted our religion to accord with indolence and ease rather
than with valour. For were we to remember that religion permits the
exaltation and defence of our country, we would see it to be our duty to
love and honour it, and would strive to be able and ready to defend it.
This training, therefore, and these most false interpretations are the
causes why, in the world of the present day, we find no longer the
numerous commonwealths which were found of old; and in consequence, that
we see not now among the nations that love of freedom which prevailed
then; though, at the same time, I am persuaded that one cause of this
change has been, that the Roman Empire by its arms and power put an end
to all the free States and free institutions of antiquity. For although
the power of Rome fell afterwards into decay, these States could never
recover their strength or resume their former mode of government, save
in a very few districts of the Empire.
But, be this as it may, certain it is that in every country of the
world, even the least considerable, the Romans found a league of
well-armed republics, most resolute in the defence of their freedom,
whom it is clear they never could have subdued had they not been endowed
with the rarest and most astonishing valour. To cite a single instance,
I shall take the case of the Samnites who, strange as it may now seem,
were on the admission of Titus Livius himself, so powerful and so
steadfast in arms, as to be able to withstand the Romans down to the
consulship of Papirius Cursor, son to the first Papirius, a period of
six and forty years, in spite of numerous defeats, the loss of many of
their towns, and the great slaughter which overtook them everywhere
throughout their country. And this is the more remarkable when we see
that country, which once contained so many noble cities, and supported
so great a population, now almost uninhabited; and reflect that it
formerly enjoyed a government and possessed resources making its
conquest impossible to less than Roman valour.
There is no difficulty, therefore, in determining whence that ancient
greatness and this modern decay have arisen, since they can be traced to
the free life formerly prevailing and to the servitude which prevails
now. For all countries and provinces which enjoy complete freedom, make,
as I have said, most rapid progress. Because, from marriage being less
restricted in these countries, and more sought after, we find there a
greater population; every man being disposed to beget as many children
as he thinks he can rear, when he has no anxiety lest they should be
deprived of their patrimony, and knows not only that they are born to
freedom and not to slavery, but that they may rise by their merit to
be the first men of their country. In such States, accordingly, we see
wealth multiply, both that which comes from agriculture and that which
comes from manufactures. For all love to gather riches and to add to
their possessions when their enjoyment of them is not likely to be
disturbed. And hence it happens that the citizens of such States
vie with one another in whatever tends to promote public or private
well-being; in both of which, consequently, there is a wonderful growth.
But the contrary of all this takes place in those countries which live
in servitude, and the more oppressive their servitude, the more they
fall short of the good which all desire. And the hardest of all hard
servitudes is that wherein one commonwealth is subjected to another.
First, because it is more lasting, and there is less hope to escape from
it; and, second, because every commonwealth seeks to add to its own
strength by weakening and enfeebling all beside. A prince who gets the
better of you will not treat you after this fashion, unless he be a
barbarian like those eastern despots who lay countries waste and
destroy the labours of civilization; but if influenced by the ordinary
promptings of humanity, will, as a rule, regard all his subject States
with equal favour, and suffer them to pursue their usual employments,
and retain almost all their ancient institutions, so that if they
flourish not as free States might, they do not dwindle as States that
are enslaved; by which I mean enslaved by a stranger, for of that other
slavery to which they may be reduced by one of their own citizens, I
have already spoken.
Whoever, therefore, shall well consider what has been said above, will
not be astonished at the power possessed by the Samnites while they were
still free, nor at the weakness into which they fell when they were
subjugated. Of which change in their fortunes Livius often reminds us,
and particularly in connection with the war with Hannibal, where he
relates that the Samnites, being ill-treated by a Roman legion quartered
at Nola, sent legates to Hannibal to ask his aid; who in laying their
case before him told him, that with their own soldiers and captains they
had fought single handed against the Romans for a hundred years, and had
more than once withstood two consuls and two consular armies; but had
now fallen so low, that they were scarce able to defend themselves
against one poor legion.
CHAPTER III.--_That Rome became great by destroying the Cities which lay
round about her, and by readily admitting strangers to the rights of
Citizenship._
"Crescit interea Roma Albae ruinis"--_Meanwhile Rome grows on the ruins
of Alba_. They who would have their city become a great empire, must
endeavour by every means to fill it with inhabitants; for without a
numerous population no city can ever succeed in growing powerful. This
may be effected in two ways, by gentleness or by force. By gentleness,
when you offer a safe and open path to all strangers who may wish to
come and dwell in your city, so as to encourage them to come there of
their own accord; by force, when after destroying neighbouring towns,
you transplant their inhabitants to live in yours. Both of these methods
were practised by Rome, and with such success, that in the time of her
sixth king there dwelt within her walls eighty thousand citizens fit to
bear arms. For the Romans loved to follow the methods of the skilful
husbandman, who, to insure a plant growing big and yielding and maturing
its fruit, cuts off the first shoots it sends out, that the strength
remaining in the stem, it may in due season put forth new and more
vigorous and more fruitful branches. And that this was a right and a
necessary course for Rome to take for establishing and extending her
empire, is proved by the example of Sparta and Athens, which, although
exceedingly well-armed States, and regulated by excellent laws, never
reached the same greatness as the Roman Republic; though the latter, to
all appearance, was more turbulent and disorderly than they, and, so far
as laws went, not so perfectly governed. For this we can offer no other
explanation than that already given. For by augmenting the numbers of
her citizens in both the ways named, Rome was soon able to place two
hundred and eighty thousand men under arms; while neither Sparta nor
Athens could ever muster more than twenty thousand; and this, not
because the situation of these countries was less advantageous than that
of Rome, but simply from the difference in the methods they followed.
For Lycurgus, the founder of the Spartan Republic, thinking nothing so
likely to relax his laws as an admixture of new citizens, did all he
could to prevent intercourse with strangers; with which object, besides
refusing these the right to marry, the right of citizenship, and all
such other social rights as induce men to become members of a community,
he ordained that in this republic of his the only money current should
be of leather, so that none might be tempted to repair thither to trade
or to carry on any art.
Under such circumstances the number of the inhabitants of that State
could never much increase. For as all our actions imitate nature, and it
is neither natural nor possible that a puny stem should carry a great
branch, so a small republic cannot assume control over cities or
countries stronger than herself; or, doing so, will resemble the
tree whose boughs being greater than its trunk, are supported with
difficulty, and snapped by every gust of wind. As it proved with Sparta.
For after she had spread her dominion over all the cities of Greece, no
sooner did Thebes rebel than all the others rebelled likewise, and the
trunk was left stripped of its boughs. But this could not have happened
with Rome, whose stem was mighty enough to bear any branch with ease.
It was, therefore, by adding to her population, and by, adopting certain
other methods presently to be noticed, that Rome became so great and
powerful. And this is well expressed by Titus Livius, in the words,
"_Crescit interea Roma Albae ruinis_."
CHAPTER IV.--_That Commonwealths have followed three Methods for
extending their Power_.
Any one who has read ancient history with attention, must have observed
that three methods have been used by republics for extending their
power. One of these, followed by the old Etruscans, is to form a
confederation of many States, wherein none has precedence over the
rest in authority or rank, and each allows the others to share its
acquisitions; as do the States of the Swiss League in our days, and as
the Achaians and Etolians did in Greece in earlier times. And because
the Etruscans were opposed to the Romans in many wars, that I may give a
clearer notion of this method of theirs, I shall enlarge a little in my
account of the Etruscan people.
In Italy, before the Romans became supreme, the Etruscans were very
powerful, both by sea and land; and although we have no separate history
of their affairs, we have some slight records left us of them, and some
indications of their greatness. We know, for instance, that they planted
a colony, to which they gave the name of Hadria, on the coast of the
upper sea; which colony became so renowned that it lent its name to the
sea itself, which to this day by the Latins is called the Hadriatic. We
know, too, that their arms were obeyed from the Tiber to the foot of
the mountains which enclose the greater part of the Italian peninsula;
although, two hundred years before Rome grew to any great strength, they
had lost their supremacy in the province now known as Lombardy, of which
the French had possessed themselves. For that people, whether driven by
necessity, or attracted by the excellence of the fruits, and still more
of the wine of Italy, came there under their chief, Bellovesus; and
after defeating and expelling the inhabitants of the country, settled
themselves therein, and there built many cities; calling the district
Gallia, after the name they then bore: and this territory they retained
until they were subdued by the Romans.
These Etruscans, therefore, living with one another on a footing of
complete equality, when they sought to extend their power, followed that
first method of which I have just now spoken. Their State was made up of
twelve cities, among which were Chiusi, Veii, Friuli, Arezzo, Volterra,
and the like, and their government was conducted in the form of a
league. They could not, however, extend their conquests beyond Italy;
while even within the limits of Italy, much territory remained
unoccupied by them for reasons presently to be noticed.
The second method is to provide yourself with allies or companions,
taking heed, however, to retain in your own hands the chief command,
the seat of government, and the titular supremacy. This was the method
followed by the Romans.
The third method is to hold other States in direct subjection to you,
and not merely associated with you as companions; and this was the plan
pursued by the Spartans and Athenians.
Of these three methods, the last is wholly useless, as was seen in the
case of the two States named, which came to ruin from no other cause
than that they had acquired a dominion greater than they could maintain.
For to undertake to govern cities by force, especially such cities as
have been used to live in freedom, is a difficult and arduous task, in
which you never can succeed without an army and that a great one. But to
have such an army you must needs have associates who will help to
swell the numbers of your own citizens. And because Athens and Sparta
neglected this precaution, whatever they did was done in vain; whereas
Rome, which offers an instance of the second of the methods we are
considering, by attending to this precaution reached a power that had no
limit. And as she alone has lived in this way, so she alone has attained
to this pitch of power. For joining with herself many States throughout
Italy as her companions, who in most respects lived with her on a
footing of equality, while, as has been noted, always reserving to
herself the seat of empire and the titular command, it came about that
these States, without being aware of it, by their own efforts, and with
their own blood, wrought out their own enslavement.
For when Rome began to send armies out of Italy, for the purpose of
reducing foreign kingdoms to provinces, and of subjugating nations who,
being used to live under kings, were not impatient of her yoke, and who,
receiving Roman governors, and having been conquered by armies bearing
the Roman name, recognized no masters save the Romans, those companions
of Rome who dwelt in Italy suddenly found themselves surrounded by Roman
subjects, and weighed down by the greatness of the Roman power; and when
at last they came to perceive the mistake in which they had been living,
it was too late to remedy it, so vast was the authority which Rome had
then obtained over foreign countries, and so great the resources which
she possessed within herself; having by this time grown to be the
mightiest and best-armed of States. So that although these her
companions sought to avenge their wrongs by conspiring against her, they
were soon defeated in the attempt, and remained in a worse plight than
before, since they too became subjects and no longer associates. This
method, then, as I have said, was followed by the Romans alone; but no
other plan can be pursued by a republic which desires to extend its
power; experience having shown none other so safe and certain.
The method which consists in forming leagues, of which I have spoken
above as having been adopted by the Etruscans, the Achaians, and the
Etolians of old, and in our own days by the Swiss, is the next best
after that followed by the Romans, for as in this way there can be no
great extension of power, two advantages result: first, that you do
not readily involve yourself in war; and, second, that you can easily
preserve any little acquisition which you may make. The reason why you
cannot greatly extend your power is, that as your league is made up of
separate States with distinct seats of government, it is difficult for
these to consult and resolve in concert. The same causes make these
States careless to enlarge their territories; because acquisitions which
have to be shared among many communities are less thought of than those
made by a single republic which looks to enjoy them all to itself.
Again, since leagues govern through general councils, they must needs be
slower in resolving than a nation dwelling within one frontier.
Moreover, we find from experience that this method has certain fixed
limits beyond which there is no instance of its ever having passed;
by which I mean that some twelve or fourteen communities may league
themselves together, but will never seek to pass beyond that limit: for
after associating themselves in such numbers as seem to them to secure
their safety against all besides, they desire no further extension of
their power, partly because no necessity compels them to extend, and
partly because, for the reasons already given, they would find no profit
in extending. For were they to seek extension they would have to follow
one of two courses: either continuing to admit new members to their
league, whose number must lead to confusion; or else making subjects, a
course which they will avoid since they will see difficulty in making
them, and no great good in having them. Wherefore, when their number has
so increased that their safety seems secured, they have recourse to two
expedients: either receiving other States under their protection and
engaging for their defence (in which way they obtain money from various
quarters which they can easily distribute among themselves); or else
hiring themselves out as soldiers to foreign States, and drawing
pay from this or the other prince who employs them to carry out his
enterprises; as we see done by the Swiss at the present day, and as we
read was done in ancient times by certain of those nations whom we have
named above. To which we have a witness in Titus Livius, who relates
that when Philip of Macedon came to treat with Titus Quintius
Flamininus, and while terms were being discussed in the presence of
a certain Etolian captain, this man coming to words with Philip, the
latter taunted him with greed and bad faith; telling him that the
Etolians were not ashamed to draw pay from one side, and then send their
men to serve on the other; so that often the banner of Etolia might be
seen displayed in two hostile camps.
We see, therefore, that the method of proceeding by leagues has always
been of the same character, and has led always to the same results. We
see, likewise, that the method which proceeds by reducing States to
direct subjection has constantly proved a weak one, and produced
insignificant gains; and that whenever these gains have passed a certain
limit, ruin has ensued. And if the latter of these two methods be of
little utility among armed States, among those that are unarmed, as is
now the case with the republics of Italy, it is worse than useless. We
may conclude, therefore, that the true method was that followed by the
Romans; which is the more remarkable as we find none who adopted it
before they did, and none who have followed it since. As for leagues, I
know of no nations who have had recourse to them in recent times except
the Swiss and the Suevians.
But to bring my remarks on this head to an end, I affirm that all the
various methods followed by the Romans in conducting their affairs,
whether foreign or domestic, so far from being imitated in our day, have
been held of no account, some pronouncing them to be mere fables, some
thinking them impracticable, others out of place and unprofitable; and
so, abiding in this ignorance, we rest a prey to all who have chosen
to invade our country. But should it seem difficult to tread in the
footsteps of the Romans, it ought not to appear so hard, especially for
us Tuscans, to imitate the Tuscans of antiquity, who if, from the causes
already assigned, they failed to establish an empire like that of Rome,
succeeded in acquiring in Italy that degree of power which their method
of acting allowed, and which they long preserved in security, with the
greatest renown in arms and government, and the highest reputation for
manners and religion. This power and this glory of theirs were first
impaired by the Gauls, and afterwards extinguished by the Romans, and
so utterly extinguished, that of the Etruscan Empire, so splendid two
thousand years ago, we have at the present day barely a record. This it
is which has led me to inquire whence this oblivion of things arises, a
question of which I shall treat in the following Chapter.
CHAPTER V.--_That changes in Sects and Tongues, and the happening of
Floods and Pestilences, obliterate the Memory of the Past_.
To those philosophers who will have it that the world has existed from
all eternity, it were, I think, a good answer, that if what they say
be true we ought to have record of a longer period than five thousand
years; did it not appear that the memory of past times is blotted out by
a variety of causes, some referable to men, and some to Heaven.
Among the causes which have a human origin are the changes in sects and
tongues; because when a new sect, that is to say a new religion, comes
up, its first endeavour, in order to give itself reputation, is to
efface the old; and should it so happen that the founders of the new
religion speak another tongue, this may readily be effected. This we
know from observing the methods which Christianity has followed in
dealing with the religion of the Gentiles, for we find that it has
abolished all the rites and ordinances of that worship, and obliterated
every trace of the ancient belief. True, it has not succeeded in utterly
blotting out our knowledge of things done by the famous men who held
that belief; and this because the propagators of the new faith,
retaining the Latin tongue, were constrained to use it in writing the
new law; for could they have written this in a new tongue, we may infer,
having regard to their other persecutions, that no record whatever would
have survived to us of past events. For any one who reads of the methods
followed by Saint Gregory and the other heads of the Christian religion,
will perceive with what animosity they pursued all ancient memorials;
burning the works of poets and historians; breaking images; and
destroying whatsoever else afforded any trace of antiquity. So that if
to this persecution a new language had been joined, it must soon have
been found that everything was forgotten.