The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, - Richard Hakluyt
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Muske [Marginal note: This Muske the Iewes doe counterfeit and take out
halfe the good muske and beat the flesh of an asse and put in the roome of
it.] commeth from Tartaria, which they make in this order, as by good
information I haue bene told. There is a certaine beast in Tartaria, which
is wilde and as big as a wolfe, which beast they take aliue, and beat him
to death with small staues that his blood may be spread through his whole
body, then they cut it in pieces and take out all the bones, and beat the
flesh with the blood in a morter very smal, and dry it, and make purses to
put it in of the skin, and these be the cods of muske.
Truely I know not whereof the Amber is made, and there are diuers opinions
of it, but this is most certaine, it is cast out of the Sea, and throwne on
land, and found vpon the sea bankes.
The Rubies, Saphyres, and the Spinels be gotten in the kingdome of Pegu.
The Diamants come from diuers places; and I know but three sorts of them.
That sort of Diamants that is called Chiappe, commeth from Bezeneger. Those
that be pointed naturally come from the land of Delly, and from Iaua, but
the Diamants of Iaua are more waightie then the other. I could neuer
vnderstand from whence they that are called Balassi come. [Sidenote: The
Balassi grow in Zeilan.]
Pearles they fish in diuers places, as before in this booke is showne.
From Cambaza commeth the Spodiom which congeleth in certaine canes, whereof
I found many in Pegu, when I made my house there, because that (as I haue
sayd before) they make their houses there of wouen canes like to mats. From
Chaul they trade alongst the coast of Melinde in Ethiopia, [Marginal note:
On the coast of Melynde in Ethiopia, in the land of Cafraria, the great
trade that the Portugals haue.] within the land of Cafraria: on that coast
are many good harbors kept by the Moores. Thither the Portugals bring a
kinde of Bombast cloth of a low price, and great store of Paternosters or
beads made of paltrie glasse, which they make in Chaul according to the vse
of the Countrey: and from thence they cary Elephants teeth for India,
slaues called Cafari, and some Amber and Gold. On this coast the king of
Portugall hath his castle called Mozambique, which is of as great
importance as any castle that hee hath in all his Indies vnder his
protection, and the Captaine of this castle hath certaine voyages to this
Cafraria, to which places no Marchants may goe, but by the Agent of this
Captaine: [Sidenote: Buying and selling without words one to another.] and
they vse to goe in small shippes, and trade with the Cafars, and their
trade in buying and selling is without any speach one to the other. In this
wise the Portugals bring their goods by litle and litle alongst the Sea
coast, and lay them downe: and so depart, and the Cafar Marchants come and
see the goods, and there they put downe as much gold as they thinke the
goods are worth, and so goe their way and leaue their golde and the goods
together, then commeth the Portugal, and finding the golde to his content,
hee taketh it and goeth his way into his ship, and then commeth the Cafar,
and taketh the goods and carieth them away: and if he finde the golde there
still, it is a signe that the Portugals are not contented, and if the Cafar
thinke he hath put too little, he addeth more, as he thinketh the thing is
worth: and the Portugales must not stand with them too strickt; for if they
doe, then they will haue no more trade with them: For they disdaine to be
refused, when they thinke that they haue offered ynough, for they bee a
peeuish people, and haue dealt so of a long time: [Sidenote: Golden trades
that the Portugals haue.] and by this trade the Portugals change their
commodities into gold, and cary it to the Castle of Mozambique, which is an
Island not farre distant from the firme land of Cafraria on the coast of
Ethiopia, and is distant from India 2800. miles. Nowe to returne to my
voyage, when I came to Ormus, I found there Master Francis Berettin of
Venice, and we fraighted a bark together to goe for Basora for 70. duckets,
and with vs there went other Marchants, which did ease our fraight, and
very commodiously wee came to Basora and there we stayed 40. dayes for
prouiding a Carouan of barks to go to Babylon, because they vse not to goe
two or 3. barkes at once, but 25. or 30. because in the night they cannot
go, but must make them fast to the banks of the riuer, and then we must
make a very good and strong guard, and be wel prouided of armor, for
respect and safegard of our goods, because the number of theeues is great
that come to spoile and rob the marchants. And when we depart for Babylon
we goe a litle with our saile, and the voyage is 38. or 40. dayes long, but
we were 50. dayes on it. When we came to Babylon we stayed there 4.
moneths, vntill the Carouan was ready to go ouer the wildernes, or desert
for Alepo; in this city we were 6. Marchants that accompanied together,
fiue Venetians and a Portugal: whose names were as followeth, Messer
Florinasa with one of his kinsmen, Messer Andrea de Pola, the Portugal and
M. Francis Berettin and I, and so wee furnished our selues with victuals
and beanes for our horses for 40. dayes; [Marginal note: An order how to
prouide to goe ouer the Desert from Babylon to Alepo.] and wee bought
horses and mules, for that they bee very good cheape there, I my selfe
bought a horse there for 11. akens, and solde him after in Alepo for 30.
duckets. Also we bought a Tent which did vs very great pleasure: we had
also amongst vs 32. Camels laden with marchandise: for the which we paid 2.
duckets for euery camels lading, and for euery 10. camels they made 11, for
so is their vse and custome. We take also with vs 3. men to serue vs in the
voyage, which are vsed to goe in those voyages for fiue D d. a man, and are
bound to serue vs to Alepo: so that we passed very well without any
trouble: when the camels cried out to rest, our pauilion was the first that
was erected. The Carouan maketh but small iourneis about 20. miles a day,
and they set forwards euery morning before day two houres, and about two in
the afternoone they sit downe. We had great good hap in our voyage, for
that it rained: For which cause we neuer wanted water, but euery day found
good water, so that we could not take any hurt for want of water. Yet we
caried a camel laden alwayes with water for euery good respect that might
chance in the desert, so that wee had no want neither of one thing, nor
other that was to bee had in the countrey. For wee came very well furnished
of euery thing, and euery day we eat fresh mutton, because there came many
shepheards with vs with their flocks, who kept those sheepe that we bought
in Babylon, and euery marchant marked his sheepe with his owne marke, and
we gaue the shepheards a Medin, which is two pence of our money for the
keeping and feeding our sheep on the way and for killing of them. And
beside the Medin they haue the heads, the skinnes, and the intrals of euery
sheepe they kil. We sixe bought 20. sheepe, and when we came to Alepo we
had 7. aliue of them. And in the Carouan they vse this order, that the
marchants doe lende flesh one to another, because they will not cary raw
flesh with them, but pleasure one another by lending one one day and
another another day.
[Sidenote: 36. Dayes iourney ouer the wildernes.] From Babylon to Alepo is
40. dayes iourney, of the which they make 36. dayes ouer the wildernes, in
which 36. dayes they neither see house, trees nor people that inhabite it,
but onely a plaine, and no signe of any way in the world. The Pilots goe
before, and the Carouan followeth after. And when they sit downe all the
Carouan vnladeth and sitteth downe, for they know the stations where the
wells are. I say, in 36. dayes we pass ouer the wildernesse. For when wee
depart from Babylon two dayes we passe by villages inhabited vntil we haue
passed the riuer Euphrates. And then within two dayes of Alepo we haue
villages inhabited. [Sidenote: An order how to prouide for the going to
Ierusalem.] In this Carouan there goeth alway a Captaine that doth Iustice
vnto all men: and euery night they keepe watch about the Carouan, and
comming to Alepo we went to Tripoli, whereas Master Florin, and Master
Andrea Polo, and I with a Frier, went and hired a barke to goe with vs to
Ierusalem. Departing from Tripolie, we arriued at Iaffa: from which place
in a day and a halfe we went to Ierusalem, and we gaue order to our barke
to tary for vs vntill our returne. [Sidenote: The author returned to Venice
1581.] Wee stayed in Ierusalem 14. dayes, to visite those holy places: from
whence we returned to Iaffa, and from Iaffa to Tripolie, and there wee
shipped our selues in a ship of Venice called the Bagazzana: And by the
helpe of the deuine power, we arriued safely in Venice the fift of Nouember
1581. If there be any that hath any desire to goe into those partes of
India, let him not be astonied at the troubles that I haue passed: because
I was intangled in many things: for that I went very poore from Venice with
1200. duckets imployed in marchandize, and when I came to Tripolie, I fell
sicke in the house of Master Regaly Oratio, and this man sent away my goods
with a small Carouan that went from Tripolie to Alepo, and the Carouan was
robd, and all my goods lost sauing foure chests of glasses which cost me
200. duckets, of which glasses I found many broken: because the theeues
thinking it had bene other marchandize, brake them vp, and seeing they were
glasses they let them all alone. And with this onely stocke I aduentured to
goe into the Indies: And thus with change and rechange, and by diligence in
my voyage, God did blesse and helpe mee, so that I got a good stocke. I
will not be vnmindfull to put them in remembrance, that haue a desire to
goe into those parts, how they shall keepe their goods, and giue them to
their heires at the time of their death, [Marginal note: A very good order
that they haue in those Countreys for the recouering of the goods of the
dead.] and howe this may be done very securely. In all the cities that the
Portugales haue in the Indies, there is a house called the schoole of
Sancta misericordia comissaria: the gouernours whereof, if you giue them
for their paines, will take a coppy of your will and Testament, which you
must alwayes cary about you; and chiefly when you go into the Indies. In
the countrey of the Moores and Gentiles, in those voyages alwayes there
goeth a Captaine to administer Iustice to all Christians of the Portugales.
Also this captaine hath authoritie to recouer the goods of those Marchants
that by chance die in those voyages, and they that haue not made their
Wills and registred them in the aforesayde schooles, the Captaines wil
consume their goods in such wise, that litle or nothing will be left for
their heires and friends. Also there goeth in these same voyages some
marchants that are commissaries of the schoole of Sancta misericordia, that
if any Marchant die and haue his Will made, and hath giuen order that the
schoole of Misericordia shall haue his goods and sell them, then they sende
the money by exchange to the schoole of Misericordia in Lisbone, with that
copie of his Testament, then from Lisbon they giue intelligence thereof,
into what part of Christendome soeuer it be, and the heires of such a one
comming thither, with testimoniall that they be heires, they shall receiue
there the value of his goods: in such wise that they shall not loose any
thing. But they that die in the kingdome of Pegu loose the thirde part of
their goods by antient custome of the Countrey, that if any Christian dieth
in the kingdome of Pegu, the king and his officers rest heires of a thirde
of his goods, and there hath neuer bene any deceit or fraude vsed in this
matter. I haue knowen many rich men that haue dwelled in Pegu, and in their
age they haue desired to go into their owne Countrey to die there, and haue
departed with al their goods and substance without let or troubles.
[Sidenote: Order of apparel in Pegu.] In Pegu the fashion of their apparel
is all one, as well the noble man as the simple: the onely difference is in
the finenes of the cloth, which is cloth of Bombast one finer then another,
and they weare their apparell in this wise: First a white Bombast cloth
which serueth for a shirt, then they gird another painted bombast cloth of
foureteene brases, which they binde vp betwixt their legges, and on their
heads they weare a small tock of three braces, made in guize of a myter,
and some goe without tocks, and cary (as it were) a hiue on their heades,
which doeth not passe the lower part of his eare, when it is lifted vp:
they goe all bare footed, but the Noble men neuer goe on foote, but are
caried by men in a seate with great reputation, with a hat made of the
leaues of a tree to keepe him from the raine and Sunne, or otherwise they
ride on horsebacke with their feete bare in the stirops. [Sidenote: The
order of the womens apparel in Pegu.] All sorts of women whatsoeuer they
be, weare a smocke downe to the girdle, and from the girdle downewards to
the foote they weare a cloth of three brases, open before; so straite that
they cannot goe, but they must shewe their secret as it were aloft, and in
their going they faine to hide it with their hand, but they cannot by
reason of the straitnes of their cloth. They say that this vse was inuented
by a Queene to be an occasion that the sight thereof might remoue from men
the vices against nature, which they are greatly giuen vnto; which sight
should cause them to regard women the more. Also the women goe bare footed,
their armes laden with hoopes of golde and Iewels: And their fingers full
of precious rings, with their haire rolled vp about their heads. Many of
them weare a cloth about their shoulders instead of a cloake.
Now to finish that which I haue begunne to write, I say, that those parts
of the Indies are very good, because that a man that hath litle, shall make
a great deale thereof; alwayes they must gouerne themselues that they be
taken for honest men. For why? to such there shal neuer want helpe to doe
wel, but he that is vicious, let him tary at home and not go thither,
because he shall alwayes be a beggar, and die a poore man.
* * * * *
The money and measures of Babylon, Balsara, and the Indies, with the
customes, &c. written from Aleppo in Syria, An. 1584. by M. Will. Barret.
BABYLON:
The weight, measure, and money currant there, and the customes of
marchandize.
A Mana of Babylon is of Aleppo 1 roue 5 ounces and a halfe: and 68 manas
and three seuenth parts, make a quintall of Aleppo, which is 494 li. 8
ounces of London: and 100 manas is a quintall of Babylon, which maketh in
Aleppo 146 roues, and of London 722 li. and so much is the sayd quintall:
but the marchants accord is by so much the mana, and in the sayd place they
bate the tare in all sorts of commodities, according to the order of Aleppo
touching the tare.
The measure of Babylon is greater then that of Aleppo 21 in the 100. For
bringing 100 pikes of any measurable ware from Aleppo thither, there is
found but 82 pikes in Babylon, so that the 100 pikes of Babylon is of
Aleppo l2l pikes, very litle lesse.
The currant mony of Babylon are Saies, which Say is 5 medines, as in
Aleppo, and 40 medines being 8 Saies make a duckat currant, and 47 medines
passe in value as the duckat of gold of Venice, and the dollars of the best
sort are worth 33 medines. The roials of plate are sold by the 100 drams at
prise, according as they be in request: but amongst the marchants they
bargaine by the 100 metrals, which are 150 drams of Aleppo, which 150 drams
are 135 single roials of plate: but in the mint or castle, they take them
by the 100 drams, which is 90 roials of plate, and those of the mint giue 5
medines lesse in each 100 drams then they are woorth to be sold among the
marchants, and make paiment at the terme of 40 dayes in Sayes.
The custome in Babylon, as wel inward as outward, is in this maner: Small
wares at 6 per 100, Coral and amber at 5 and a halfe per 100, Venice cloth,
English cloth, Kersies, Mockairs, Chamblets, Silks, Veluets, Damasks,
Sattins and such like at 5 per 100: and they rate the goods without reason
as they lust themselues. The Toafo, Boabo, and other exactions 6 medines
per bale, all which they pay presently in ready mony, according to the
custome and vse of the emperor.
To the Ermin of the mint the ordinarie vse is to giue 30 Saies in curtesie,
otherwise he would by authoritie of his office come aboord, and for
despight make such search in the barke, that he would turne all things
topsie teruie.
BALSARA:
The weight, measure, and money in the citie of Balsara.
A Mana of Balsara answereth 5 roues 2 ounces and a halfe of Aleppo weight,
and 19 manas and one 4 part of Balsara, answereth the quintall of Aleppo,
which is 494 roues, 8 ounces English, and 20 manas is the quintall of
Balsara, which is 104 Alepine, and of London 514 li. 8. ounces, and so much
is the sayd quintall, but the marchants bargaine at so much the mana or
wolsene (which is all one) and they abate the tare in euery mana, as the
sort of spice is, and the order taken therefore in that place.
The measure of Balsara is called a pike, which is iust as the measure of
Babylon, to say, 100 pikes of Balsara make of Aleppo 121 pikes, vt supra in
the rate of Babylon.
The currant mony of Balsara is as foloweth. There is a sort of flusses of
copper called Estiui, whereof 12 make a mamedine, which is the value of one
medine Aleppine, the said mamedine is of siluer, hauing the Moresco stampe
on both sides, and two of these make a danine, which is 2 medines Aleppine.
The said danine is of siluer, hauing the Turkesco stampe on both sides, and
2 and a halfe of these make a Saie, which is in value as the Saie of
Aleppo.
The said Saie is of the similitude and stampe of Aleppo, being (as
appeares) 60 estiues. Also one Say and 20 estiues make a larine, which is
of Aleppo money 6 medines and a halfe.
The sayd larine is a strange piece of money, not being round as all other
currant money in Christianitie, but is a small rod of siluer of the
greatnesse of the pen of a goose feather, wherewith we vse to write, and in
length about one eight part thereof, which is wrested, so that the two ends
meet at the iust halfe part, and in the head thereof is a stampe Turkesco,
and these be the best currant money in all the Indias, and 6 of these
larines make a duckat, which is 40 medines or eight Saies of Aleppo.
The duckat of gold is woorth there 7 larines, and one danine, which is of
Aleppo money 48 medines and a halfe.
The Venetian money is worth larines 88 per hundred meticals which is 150
drams of Aleppo, vt supra.
The roials of plate are worth 88 larines by the 100 meticals, and albeit
among the marchants they sel by the 100 meticals, yet in the mint or
castle, they sel by the 100 drams, hauing there lesse then the worth 5
medines in each hundred drams, and haue their paiment in 40 dayes made them
in Saies or larines.
The custome of the said places, aswell inward as outward, are alike of all
sorts of goods, to say 6 by the 100, and Toafo, Boabo, and scriuan medines
6 by the bale inward and outward, to say, 3 inward, and as much outward:
but whoso leaueth his goods in the custome house paieth nothing, where
otherwise at the taking thereof away, he should pay 3 med. by the bale, and
of the said goods there is no other duty to pay, and this commeth to passe
when the customers esteeme the goods too high. For in such a case they may
be driuen to take so much commoditie as the custome amounteth to, and not
to pay them in money, for such is the order from the Grand Signior.
Hauing paid the custome, it behoueth to haue a quittance or cocket sealed
and firmed with the customers hand, in confirmation of the dispatch and
clearing, and before departure thence, to cause the sayd customer to cause
search to be made, to the end that at the voiages returne there be no
cauilation made, as it oftentimes happeneth.
Note that 100 meticals of Balsara weigh 17 ounces and a halfe sottile
Venetian, and of Aleppo drams 150, vt supra.
The fraight of the barkes from Ormuz to Balsara, I would say from Balsara
to Ormuz, they pay according to the greatnesse thereof. To say, for cariage
of 10 cares 180 larines, those of 15 cares 270 larines, those of 20 cares
360 larines, those of 30 cares 540 larines. Note that a cara is 4 quintals
of Balsara. They pay also to the pilot of the bark for his owne cariage one
care, and to all the rest of the mariners amongst them 3. cares fraight,
which is in the whole 4 cares, and paying the abouesayd prises and
fraights, they are at no charges of victuals with them, but it is requisite
that the same be declared in the charter partie, with the condition that
they lade not aboord one rotilo more then the fraight, vnder paines that
finding more in Ormuz, it is forfeit, and besides that to pay the fraight
of that which they haue laden.
And in this accord it behoueth to deale warilie, and in the presence of the
Ermin or some other honest man (whereof there are but few) for they are the
worst people in all Arabia. And this diligence must be put in execution, to
the end the barks may not be ouerladen, because they are to passe many
sands betwixt Balsara and Ormuz.
ORMVZ:
The weight, measure, and money currant in the kingdom of Ormuz:
Spices and drugs they weigh by the bar, and of euery sort of goods the
weight is different. To say, of some drugs 3 quintals, and 3 erubi or
roues, and other some 4 quintals 25 rotiloes, and yet both is called a
barre, which barre, as well as great as litle, is 20 frasoli, and euery
frasoll is 10 manas, and euery mana 23 chiansi, and euery chianso 10
meticals and a halfe. [Sidenote: What a rotilo is.] Note that euery
quintall maketh 4 erubi or roues, and euery roue 32 rotiloes, and euery
rotilo 16 ounces, and euery ounce 7 meticals, so that the quintall commeth
to be 128 rotiloes, which is Aleppine 26 rotiloes and one third part, which
is 132 li. English weight. And contrarywise the quintal of Aleppo (which is
494 rotiloes 8 ounces English) maketh 477 rotiloes and a halfe of Ormuz,
which is 3 quintals 2 roues, 29 rotiloes and a halfe.
Note that there are bars of diuers weights, vt supra, of which they
bargaine simply, according to the sort of commoditie, but if they bargaine
of the great barre, the same is 7 quintals and 24 rotiloes, which is 958
li. 9 ounces of London weight, and of Aleppo 193 rotiloes and a halfe.
Touching the money of Ormuz, they bargaine in marchandize at so many leches
by the barre, which lech is 100 Asaries, and maketh larines 100 and a
halfe, which maketh pardaos 38, and larines one halfe, at larines 5 by the
pardao. One asarie is sadines 10, and euery sadine is 100. danarie.
The larine is worth 5 sadines and one fourth part, so that the sadine is
worth of Aleppo mony 1 medine and 1 fourth part, and the larine as in
Balsara worth of Aleppo mony 6 medines and a half.
The pardao is 5 larines of Balsara.
There is also stamped in Ormuz a seraphine of gold, which is litle and
round, and is worth 24 sadines, which maketh 30 medines of Aleppo.
The Venetian mony is worth in Ormuz larines 88 per 100 meticals, and the
roials are worth larines 86 lesse one sadine, which is euery thousand
meticals, 382 asures: but those that will not sel them, vse to melt them,
and make them so many larines in the king of Ormuz his mint, whereby they
cleare 2 per 100, and somewhat more: and this they doe because neither
Venetian money nor roials run as currant in Ormuz, per aduise.
The measure of Ormuz is of two sorts, the one called codo which increaseth
vpon the measure of Aleppo 3 per 100, for bringing 100 pikes of any
measurable wares from Aleppo to Ormuz, it is found in Ormuz to be 103
codes. Also these measures of Ormuz increase vpon those of Balsara and
Babylon 25 and two third parts per 100: for bringing 100 pikes of any
measurable wares from Balsara or Babylon, there is found in Ormuz 125 codes
and two third parts.
The other measure is called a vare, which was sent from the king of
Portugall to the India, by which they sell things of small value, which
measure is of 5 palmes or spans, and is one code and two third parts, so
that buying 100 codes of any measurable wares, and returning to measure it
by the sayd vare, there are found but 60 vares, contrarywise 100 vares make
166 codes and two third parts.
Note that al such ships as lade horses in Ormuz for Goa or any other place
of India, lading 10 horses or vpwards, in what places soeuer the said
horses be taken a shore in the India, the marchandize which is to be
discharged out of that ship wherein the said horses come, are bound to pay
no custome at all, but if they lade one horse lesse then ten, then the
goods are bound to pay the whole custome. And this law was made by Don
Emanuel king of Portugall, but it is to be diligently foreseene, whither
all those horses laden be bound to pay the king his custome: for many times
by the king of Portugall his commandement, there is fauour shewed to the
king of Cochin his brother in armes, so that his horses that come in the
same ship, are not to answere custome. As for example: If there were 4
horses laden in one ship, all which were to pay custome to the king, and
one other of the king of Cochins which were not to pay any custome, the
same causeth all the marchandize of that ship to be subiect to pay custome,
per aduise. But if they lade ten horses vpon purpose to pay the king his
custome in Goa, and in the voyage any of them should die in that case, if
they bring the taile of the dead horse to the custome in Goa, then the
marchandize is free from all custome, because they were laden in Ormuz to
pay custome in Goa. Moreouer, if the horses should die before the midst of
the voyage, they pay no custome at all, and if they die in the midst of the
voyage, then they pay halfe custome, but if any horse die after the mid
voiage, they pay custome no lesse than if they arriue safe.
Notwithstanding, the marchandize (whether the said horses die before or in
the mid voyage or after the mid voiage) are free from all custome.