A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. 1 - Robert Kerr
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[1] Forster conjectures that the original words of Rubruquis are here
corrupted, and that this passage ought to have been "beyond Tangut,"
instead of beyond Tebet or Thibet; in which case, the countries of
Langa and Solanga, may refer to that of the Lamuts and Solonians, the
ancestors of the Mantschus or Mundschurians.--Voy. and Disc. 108.
[2] In this supposition Rubruquis was certainly mistaken, as the Seres of
the ancients appear to have lived in Turkestan, Gete, and Uigur, and
to have then ruled over a great track of eastern central Asia, and may
have extended their commerce to northern China. Hence the original
name of silk was certainly either adopted from or applied to the
intermediate nation, through whom that precious commodity was
transmitted to the western nations.--Forst.
[3] A jascot is described as a piece of silver weighing ten marks, so that
the tribute is 15,000 marks daily, or about 5 1/2 millions of marks
yearly, and is equal in weight of silver, to L. 8,650,000 Sterling;
perhaps equal, in real efficacious value, to ten times that sum, and
probably superior to the yearly revenue of all the sovereigns then in
Europe.--E
[4] Singan, or Singan-fu in the province of Shensee. In the year 1625, a
stone was found here, inscribed with Chinese characters and a Syrian
inscription round the borders, implying, that in the year 636, the
Nestorians had sent Olopuen into China to propagate the gospel; and
that the emperor Tai-sum-ven had approved this step, and allowed the
Christian religion to be propagated through all China, with many other
particulars relative to the history of Christianity in China. This
stone bore to have been erected in 782 by Mar Isdabuzzid, priest, and
Chorepiscopus of Cumdan, the royal city of the east, now Nankin. See a
dissertation on this monument, following Renaudet's translation of the
two Mahometan travellers, London, 1788, p. 76.--E.
[5] Mani or Manes is named Thenaoui by the oriental Christians, and the
sect of Manicheans they call Al-Thenaouib, or those who hold the
doctrines of the two principles. These Tuinians, therefore, of
Rubruquis, are probably the Manicheans.--Forst.
SECTION XXIX.
_Of Cailac, and the Country of the Naymans_.
We departed from the city of Cailac on St Andrew's day, 30th of November,
and in three leagues we found a village of Nestorians, where we went into
their church, and sang _salve regina_, and other hymns, with great joy. In
three days after we came to the entrance of that province, not far from the
before mentioned sea, which seemed as tempestuous as the ocean, and in
which we saw a large island. The water was slightly salt, yet might be
drank. Opposite to it was a valley with another salt sea, from which a
river ran into this one. There was so strong a wind that the passage was
dangerous, as we much feared to be blown into the lake; wherefore we went
north into the hilly country, covered with deep snow, and on St Nicholas
day, 6th December, we hastened our journey, as we found no inhabitants
except the _Jani_, or men appointed to conduct the messengers from one
day's journey to another. On the 7th of December we passed between two
terrible rocks, when the guide sent entreating me to pray to God: we sang
accordingly with a loud voice, the _credo_ and other hymns, and by the
grace of God we got through in safety.
After this the Tartars entreated me to write papers for them; but I offered
to teach them words to carry in their hearts, whereby their souls should be
saved. Yet wanting an interpreter for this, I wrote them the creed and the
Lord's prayer, desiring them to believe what was written in the one, and
that the other contained a prayer to God for all that is necessary to man,
and that though they could not understand these, I hoped God would save
them.
SECTION XXX.
_Description of the Country of the Naymans, with an Account of the Death of
Ken-khan and of his Wife and Eldest Son_.
After this we entered into the country where the court of Ken-khan used to
be held, which was formerly called the country of the Naymans, who were the
peculiar subjects of Prester John. Though I did not see that court till my
return, I shall briefly mention what befel his son and wives. Ken-khan
being dead, Baatu desired that Mangu should be khan, but I could not learn
exactly the manner of Ken-khan's death. Friar Andrew says he died of the
effects of a medicine, which Baatu was suspected of having procured to be
given him. I heard, on the other hand, that he summoned Baatu to do him
homage, who accordingly began his journey with much external pomp, but with
great inward apprehensions, sending forward his brother Stichin; who, when
he came to Keu-khan, and ought to have presented him with the cup, high
words arose between them, and they slew one another. The widow of Stichin
kept us a whole day at her house, that we might pray for her and bless her.
When Ken was dead, and Mangu chosen emperor by the consent of Baatu, which
was when friar Andrew was there, Siremon, the brother of Ken, at the
instigation of the wife and peculiar vassals of Ken, went with a great
train, as if to do homage to Mangu, but with the intention of putting him
and all his court to death. When within a few days journey of the court of
Mangu, one of his waggons broke down, and a servant of Mangu happened to
assist the waggoner in repairing it. This man was very inquisitive into the
objects of the journey, and the waggoner revealed the whole plot to him.
Pretending to make very light of the matter, he went privately and took a
good horse from the herd, and rode with great speed with the intelligence
to the court of Mangu; who quickly assembled his forces, and placing a
strong guard around his court; sent the rest against Siremon, and brought
him and all his followers prisoners to court. He confessed his intentions,
and he and his eldest son, with 300 noble Tartars of their party, were put
to death. The ladies were also sent for who were concerned in the plot, and
being beaten with burning fire-brands till they confessed, were slain
likewise. Kon, the youngest son of Siremon, who was incapable of entering
into the conspiracy, from his youth, was permitted to enjoy the inheritance
of his father; but our guide durst not enter the house either in going or
returning.
SECTION XXXI.
_Arrival at the Court of Mangu-khan_.
We still travelled in the high countries, trending towards the north; and
on St Stephen's day, 26th December, we came to a great plain, on which not
the smallest inequality was to be seen, and the next day we arrived at the
court of the great Khan. While at the distance of five days, our host
wanted us to have gone so far about as would have taken us fifteen day's
journey, and our guide had much difficulty in being allowed to take the
direct road. My opinion of this procedure in our host, was, that we might
have gone by Onam and Cherule, the original residence of Zingis[1]. On the
way, the secretary told me that Baatu, in his letters to Mangu, said that
we wanted the assistance of a Tartar army against the Saracens; by which I
was much astonished, as I knew the letters from your majesty required no
army, and only advised the khan to be a friend to all Christians, to exalt
the cross, and to be an enemy to all the enemies of the cross of Christ.
And as all the interpreters were from the Greater Armenia, who greatly
hated the Saracens, I feared they might have interpreted falsely to serve
their own purposes. I therefore held my peace, fearing to gainsay the words
of Baatu.
On our arrival at court, our guide had a large house appointed for him, and
only a small cottage was given to us three, which would hardly contain our
baggage, our beds, and a small fire. Many came to our guide with drink made
of rice, in long necked bottles, which had no difference from the best
wine, except that it smelt otherwise. We were called soon after, and
examined upon our business. I answered, "That hearing Sartach had become a
Christian, the king our master had sent us to him with a letter; that he
had sent us to Baatu, who had sent us hither, and that he therefore ought
to have assigned the cause of our being here." They then demanded if we
would make peace with them. To this I answered, "That having done them no
wrong, they had no cause of going to war with your majesty; that your
majesty, as a just king, if you had done any wrong, would make reparation,
and desire peace; but if warred against without cause, we trusted in the
help of a just God." At this they seemed all astonished, constantly
exclaiming, "Did you not come to make peace?" For they are so puffed up
with pride, that they think the whole world should make peace with them;
but if I might be suffered, I would preach war against them to the utmost
of my power. I dared not deliver the true cause of my journey, lest, in so
doing, I might contradict what had been written by Baatu, and therefore
always said we came because he sent us.
The day following I went to the court barefooted, at which the people
stared; but a Hungarian boy, who was among diem, knew our order, and told
them the reason; on which a Nestorian, who was chief secretary, asked many
questions at the Hungarian, and we went back to our lodgings. On our
return, at the end of the court, towards the east, I saw a small house,
with a little cross at top, at which I greatly rejoiced, supposing there
might be some Christians there. I went in boldly, and found an altar well
furnished, having a golden cloth, adorned with images of Christ, the
Virgin, St John the Baptist, and two angels; the lines of their body and
garments being formed with small pearls. On the altar was a large silver
cross, ornamented with precious stones, and many other embroiderings; and a
lamp with eight lights burned before the altar. Sitting beside the altar I
saw an Armenian monk, somewhat black and lean, clad in a rough hairy coat
to the middle of his leg, above which was a coarse black cloak, furred with
spotted skins, and he was girded with iron under his haircloth. Before
saluting the monk, we fell flat on the earth, singing Ave regina and other
hymns, and the monk joined in our prayers. These being finished, we sat
down beside the monk, who had a small fire before him in a pan. He told us
that he had come a month before us, being a hermit in the territories of
Jerusalem, who had been warned by God in a vision, to go to the prince of
the Tartars. After some conversation, we went to our lodgings. Having eaten
nothing that day, we made a little broth of flesh and millet for our
supper. Our guide and his companions were made drunk at the court, and very
little care was taken of us. Next morning the ends of my toes were so
frostbit by the extreme cold of the country, that I could no longer go
barefooted. From the time when the frost begins, it never ceases till May,
and even then it freezes every night and morning, but thaws with the heat
of the sun during the day. If they had much wind in that country during
winter, as we have, nothing could live there; but they have always mild
weather till April, and then the winds rise; and at that season, while we
were there, the cold rising with the wind, killed multitudes of animals. In
the winter little snow fell there; but about Easter, which was that year in
the latter end of April, there fell so great a snow, that the streets of
Caracarum were so full, it had to be carried out in carts.
[1] The country on the Onon and Kerlon, in Daouria, or the land of the
Tunguses.--Forst.
SECTION XXXII.
_The Introduction of Rubruquis to Mangu-khan_.
The people brought us from the court ram-skin coats, and breeches of the
same, with shoes, which my companion and interpreter accepted, but I
thought the fur garment which I brought from Baatu was sufficient for me.
On the 5th of January, we were brought to the court, and some Nestorian
priests, whom I did not know to be Christians, came and asked me which way
we worshipped; to which I said, that we worshipped to the east. The reason
of their making this demand was, that we had shaven our heads by the advice
of our guide, that we might appear before the khan after the fashion of our
country, which made the Nestorians take us for Tuinians or idolaters. On
being demanded what reverence we would pay to the khan, I said, that though
as priests, dedicated to God, the highest in our country did not suffer us
to bow the knee, yet we were willing to humble ourselves to all men for the
sake of the Lord. That we came from a far country, and with permission,
would first sing praises to God, who had brought us hither in safety, and
should afterwards do whatever might please the khan; providing he commanded
nothing that was derogatory to the worship and honour of God. Then they
went into the presence, and reported what we had said, and they brought us
before the entrance of the hall, lifting up the felt which hung before the
decor, and we sung _A solis ortus cardine_, &c.
When we had sung this hymn, they searched our bosoms, to see that we had no
concealed weapons, and they made our interpreter leave his girdle and knife
with one of the doorkeepers. When we came in, our interpreter was made to
stand at a sideboard, which was well supplied with cosmos, and we were
placed on a form before the ladies. The whole house was hung with cloth of
gold, and on a hearth, in the middle, there was a fire of thorns, wormwood-
roots, and cowdung. The khan sat upon a couch covered with a bright and
shining spotted fur, like seal's skin. He was a flat-nosed man, of middle
stature, about forty-five years of age, and one of his wives, a pretty
little young woman, sat beside him; likewise one of his daughters, named
Cerina, a hard-favoured young woman, with some younger children, sat on
another couch next to them. The house had belonged to the mother of Cerina,
who was a Christian, and the daughter was mistress of this court, which had
belonged to her deceased mother, We were asked whether we would drink wine
of _caracina_, which is a drink made of rice, or caracosmos, or _ball_,
which is mead made of honey; for they use these four kinds of liquor in
winter. I answered, that we had no pleasure in drink, and would be
contented with what he pleased to order; on which we were served with
caracina, which was clear and well flavoured like white wine, of which I
tasted a little out of respect. After a long interval, during which the
khan amused himself with some falcons and other birds, we were commended to
speak, and had to bow the knee. The khan had his interpreter, a Nestorian;
but our interpreter had received so much liquor from the butlers at the
sideboard, that he was quite drunk; I addressed the khan in the following
terms:
"We give thanks and praise to God, who hath brought us from such remote
parts of the world, to the presence of Mangu-khan, on whom he hath bestowed
such great power; and we beseech our God to grant him a long and prosperous
reign. Having heard that Sartach was become a Christian, the Christians of
the west, especially the King of the French, were much rejoiced, and sent
us onto him with letters, testifying that we were servants of the Lord, and
entreating him to permit us to abide in his country, as it is our office to
teach men the law of God. Sartach sent us forwards to his father Baatu, and
he hath sent us to you, to whom God hath given great dominions upon the
earth; we therefore entreat your highness to permit us to continue in your
country, that we may pray to God for you, your wives, and children. We have
neither gold nor silver, nor precious jewels to offer, but we present
ourselves to do you service, and to pray to God for you. At least, be
pleased to permit us to remain till the cold be past, as my companion is so
weak, that he cannot travel on horseback without danger of Ms life." His
answer was to this effect: "Even as sun sheds his beams everywhere, so our
power, and that of Baata, extend everywhere around, so that we have no need
of your gold or silver." I entreated his highness not to be displeased at
me for mentioning gold and silver, as I spoke in that manner only to evince
our desire to do him honour, and to serve him in heavenly things. Hitherto,
I had understood our interpreter, but he was now drunk and could not make
out any perfect sentence, and it appeared to me that the khan was drunk
likewise; wherefore I held my peace. Then he made us rise and sit down
again, and after a few words of compliment, we withdrew from the presence.
One of the secretaries, and the interpreter, who had the charge of
educating one of his daughters, went with us, and were very inquisitive
about the kingdom of France, particularly inquiring whether it had plenty
of sheep, cattle, and horses, as if they meant to make it all their own;
and I had often to bridle my indignation and anger at their presumptuous
boastings.
They appointed one to take care of us, and we went to the monk; and when we
were about to return to; our lodging, the interpreter came to us, saying,
that Mangu-khan gave us two months to stay, till the extreme cold were
past; and we might either go ten day's journey from thence to the city of
Caracarum, or might remain with the court. Then I answered, "God preserve
Mangu-khan, and grant him a long and happy life: We have found this monk,
whom we think a holy man, and we would willingly remain, and pray along
with him for the prosperity of the khan." We then went to our dwelling,
which we found very cold, as we had no fuel, and we were yet fasting,
though it was then night; but he who had the care of us provided us some
fuel and a little food; and our guide, who was now to return to Baatu,
begged a carpet from us which we had left in that court, which we gave him,
and he departed in peace.
SECTION XXXIII.
_Of a Woman of Lorain, and a Goldsmith of Paris, and several other
Christians, whom they found at the Court of Mangu-kkan_.
We had the good fortune to meet with a woman, named Pascha, from Metz in
Lorain, who belonged to the court of Cerina, who told us of the strange
poverty she had endured before she came to this court, but who now lived
well, as she had a young Russian husband, who was a skilful builder, and
much esteemed among them, by whom she had three fine children, and this
woman contributed all in her power to our comfort. She told us, that there
was a goldsmith at Caracarura, one William Bouchier from Paris, the son of
Lawrence Bouchier, and who had a brother, Roger Bouchier, yet living upon
the Great Bridge. She told me likewise, that he had a son who was an
excellent interpreter; but that Manga-khan had delivered to the goldsmith
300 jascots of silver, equal to 3000 marks, and fifty workmen, to make a
certain piece of work, so that she feared he would not then be able to
spare his son to interpret for us. I wrote to this goldsmith, requesting
him to send his son to me; he said in answer, that he could not at the
time, but would send him next moon, when his work would be finished. At the
court of Baatu no intercourse could be had with other ambassadors, as each
was under the charge of a particular _Jani_; but in that of Mangu, all were
under one Jani, and might see and converse with each other. We found here a
certain Christian from Damascus, who said that he came from the sultan of
Mons Regalis and Crax, who desired to become the ally and tributary of the
great khan.
The year before I came thither, there was a certain clerk of Aeon or
Ptolemais in Syria, who called himself Raimund, but his true name was
Theodolus. This man went with friar Andrew from Cyprus into Persia, and
procured certain instruments from Amoricus, who remained in Persia after
Andrew returned. Theodolus went forwards with these instruments to the
khan, pretending that a certain bishop had received letters from heaven in
gold characters, saying that the khan should be king of the whole earth,
but that his horse had fled from him among woods and mountains, so that he
had lost all. And Theodolus engaged to conduct ambassadors from the khan to
the Pope and the king of France. Then Mangu caused an exceedingly strong
bow to be made, which two men could hardly bend, and two arrows made of
silver, full of holes in their heads, which whistled when they were shot;
and he chose a Moal to accompany Theodolus as his ambassador, ordering him
to present these things to the king of France, and to say, if he would have
peace with the Tartars, they would conquer the country of the Saracens, and
would grant him ail the other countries of the west. But if the king
refused, the Moal was to bring back the bow and arrows, and to inform the
king that the Tartars shot far and sharp with such bows. The khan then
caused Theodolus to go out, and the son of William Bouchier, who acted as
interpreter for Theodolus, heard the khan order the Moal, who was to
accompany him, to mark well all the ways, and the castles, and the people,
and the mountains, in the course of his journey. And the young man blamed
Theodolus for engaging to conduct the Tartar messengers, as they went only
to spy the land. But Theodolus said he would take them by sea, so that they
should not know the way. Mangu gave to his Moal a golden bull or tablet of
an hand breadth, and half a cubit long, inscribed with his orders; and
whoever bears this, may everywhere command what he pleases. On their
journey through the dominions of Vestacius, whence Theodolus meant to pass
over to the Pope, that he might deceive him as he had done Mangu. Vestacius
demanded of him whether he had letters for the Pope; but having none to
show, Vestacius concluded he was an impostor, and cast him into prison. The
Moal fell sick and died there, and Vestacius sent back the golden tablet by
the servants of the Moal, whom I met at Assron, in the entrance into
Turkey, and from them I learnt all that happened to Theodolus.
SECTION XXXIV.
_Of a Grand Feast given by Mangu-khan and of the Ceremonies of the
Nestorians_.
Epiphany was now at hand, and the Armenian monk, Sergins, told me, that he
was to baptize Mangu-khan on that day. I entreated him to use his utmost
endeavours that I might be present on the occasion, which he faithfully
promised. When the day came, the monk did not call me, but I was sent for
to court at six o'clock, and I met the monk returning with his cross, and
the Nestorian priests with their censers, and the gospel of the day. It is
the custom of Mangu to make a feast on such days as are pointed out by his
soothsayers, or the Nestorian priests; and on these days the Christians
came first to court and pray for him, and bless his cup, after which the
Saracen priests do the same, and after them the idolatrous priests. The
monk pretended that he only believed the Christians, yet would have all to
pray for him; but in this Sergius lied, for he believes none, but all
follow his court as flies do honey. He gives to all, and all think they are
his familiars, and all prophecy prosperity to him. Then we sat down before
the court, and they brought us flesh to eat, which I refused, saying, that
if they would provide for us, it ought to be at our house. They then
desired us to go home, as we were only sent for that we might eat. On my
return I called on the monk, who was ashamed of the lie he had told me, and
would not, therefore, say any more of the matter; yet some of the
Nestorians affirmed, that the khan had been baptized, but I said that I
would neither believe it, nor report it to others, as I had not been
present.
We came to our old empty house, where they provided us in bedding and
coverlids, and gave us some fuel They gave us the carcase of a small lean
sheep, as food for us three in six days, and lent us a pot and trivet to
boil our flesh, and gave us a platter of millet every day. We boiled our
meat first in water, and afterwards boiled our millet in the broth; and
that was our whole allowance, which would have sufficed if we had been
suffered to eat in peace, but there were many starved fellows about the
court that thrust themselves in among us, and insisted to partake. The cold
became very severe, and Mangu-khan sent us three fur coats, with the hair
outwards, which we thankfully received; but we represented that we had not
a house in which we could pray for the khan, our cottage being so small
that we could scarcely stand up in it, neither could we open our books on
account of smoke, after the fire was lighted. On this the khan sent to ask
the monk if he would be pleased with our company, who gladly received us;
and after this we had a better house before the court, where none lodged
but we and the soothsayers, they in front of the first lady, and we at the
farthest end, towards the east, before the palace of the last lady. We made
this alteration on the 13th of January.
Next morning all the Nestorian priests collected at the chapel, and smote
on a board, instead of ringing a bell. They then sang matins very
reverently, put on all their ornaments, and prepared the censer and
incense. After waiting some time, Cotata Caten[1], the principal wife of
the khan, came into the chapel, attended by many ladies, and having with
her Baltu, her eldest son, and several other children. All these prostrated
themselves, ducking after the manner of the Nestorians; they then touched
all the images and kissed their hands, and afterwards gave the right hand
of fellowship to all who stood beside them, which is the custom among the
Nestorians. The priest sang many hymns, and gave the lady some incense in
her hand, which she threw into the fire, and then the priests perfumed her.
After this she began to put off the ornaments of her head, called Bacca,
and I saw her bareheaded; but as we were now commanded to leave the chapel,
I know not what followed. As I was going out I saw a silver basin brought,
but I am ignorant if she was then baptized, but rather think not; because
at Easter I saw a fount consecrated with great solemnity, and some persons
baptized, but no such ceremony was seen on the present occasion, and I know
they do not celebrate the mass in a tent, but only in a standing church.