A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. II - Robert Kerr
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[Transcriber's Note: The spelling inconsistencies of the original have
been retained in this etext.]
A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.
BY
ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
VOL. II.
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:
AND T. CADELL, LONDON.
MDCCCXXIV.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
PART. I.--(Continued.)
CHAP.
XX. Account of various early Pilgrimages from England to the Holy Land,
between the years 1097, and 1107.
XXI. Discovery of Madeira
XXII. Account of the Discovery and Conquest of the Canary Islands
PART II.
General Voyages and Travels, chiefly of Discovery; from the era of Don
Henry Prince of Portugal, in 1412, to that of George III. in 1760.
BOOK I. History of the Discoveries of the Portuguese along the Coast of
Africa, and of their Discovery of and Conquests in India, from 1412 to
1505[A]
[A] This title was omitted to be inserted in its proper
place, and may be supplied in writing on the blank page opposite to
page 23 of this volume.
CHAP.
I. Summary of the Discoveries of the World, from their first original, to
the year 1555, by Antonio Galvano
II. Journey of Ambrose Contarini, Ambassador from the Republic of Venice,
to Uzun-Hassan King of Persia, in the years 1473, 4, 5, and 6; written
by himself
III. Voyages of Discovery by the Portuguese along the Western Coast of
Africa, during the life, and under the direction of Don Henry
IV. Original Journals of the Voyages of Cada Mosto, and Pedro de Cintra,
to the Coast of Africa; the former in the years 1455 and 1406, and the
latter soon afterwards
V. Continuation of the Portuguese Discoveries along the Coast of Africa,
from the death of Don Henry in 1463, to the Discovery of the Cape of
Good Hope in 1486
VI. History of the Discovery and Conquest of India by the Portuguese,
between the years 1497 and 1505, from the original Portuguese of
Hernan Lopez de Castaneda
VII. Letters from Lisbon in the beginning of the Sixteenth Century,
respecting the then recent Discovery of the Route by Sea to India, and
the Indian trade
_Note_. In p. 292 of this volume, 1, 2 and 18, the date of 1525
ought to have been 1505.
A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
PART I.
(CONTINUED.)
CHAP. XX.
_Account of Various early Pilgrimages from England to the Holy Land;
between the years 1097 and 1107_[1].
INTRODUCTION.
The subsequent account of several English pilgrimages to the Holy Land.
[1] Hakluyt, I. p. 44. et sequ.
SECTION I.
_The Voyage of Gutuere, or Godwera, an English Lady, towards the Holy
Land, about 1097._
While the Christian army, under Godfrey of Buillon, was marching through
Asia Minor from Iconium, in Lycaonia, by Heraclea, to Marasia, or
Maresch[1], Gutuere, or Godwera, the wife of Baldwin, the brother of the
Duke of Lorain, who had long laboured under heavy sickness, became so
extremely ill, that the army encamped on her account near Marash, for
three days, when she expired. This lady is said to have been of noble
English parentage, and was honourably interred at Antioch in Syria[2].
[1] Now Konieh, Erekli, and Marash; the two former in Karamania,
the latter in Syria or Room.--E.
[2] For this story, Hakluyt quotes Hist Bel. Sacr. lib. iii. c.
xvii. and Chron. Hierosol. lib. iii c. xxvii.
SECTION II.
_The Voyage of Edgar Aethling to Jerusalem, in 1102_[1].
Edgar, commonly called Aethling, was son of Edward, the son of Edmond
Ironside, who was the brother of Edward the Confessor, to whom
consequently Edgar was nephew; Edgar travelled to Jerusalem in 1102, in
company with Robert, the son of Godwin, most valiant knight. Being
present in Rama, when King Baldwin was there besieged by the Turks, and
not being able to endure the hardships of the siege, he was delivered
from that danger, and escaped through the midst of the hostile camp,
chiefly through the aid of Robert; who, going before him, made a lane
with his sword, slaying numbers of the Turks in his heroic progress.
Towards the close of this chivalric enterprize, and becoming more fierce
and eager as he advanced, Robert unfortunately dropt his sword; and while
stooping to recover his weapon, he was oppressed by the multitude, who
threw themselves upon him, and made him prisoner. From thence, as some
say, Robert was carried to Babylon in Egypt, or Cairo; and refusing to
renounce his faith in CHRIST, he was tied to a stake in the market-place,
and transpierced with arrows. Edgar, having thus lost his valiant knight,
returned towards Europe, and was much honoured with many gifts by the
emperors both of Greece and Germany, both of whom would gladly have
retained him at their courts, on account of his high lineage; but he
despised all things, from regard to his native England, into which he
returned: And, having been subjected to many changes of fortune, as we
have elsewhere related, he _now_ spends his extreme old age in private
obscurity.
[1] Hakluyt. I. 44. W. Malmsb. III. 58.
SECTION III.
_Some Circumstances respecting the Siege of Joppa, about the year_
1102[1].
In the second year of Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, Joppa was besieged by
the Turks of Cairo; and Baldwin embarked from the town of Assur, in a
vessel called a _buss_, commanded by one Goderic an English freebooter,
intending to proceed to the relief of the besieged. Fixing the royal
banner aloft on a spear, that it might be seen of the Christians, they
sailed boldly towards Joppa, with but a small company of armed men. The
king knew that the Christians in Joppa were almost hopeless of his life
and safety, and he feared they might shamefully abandon the defence of
the place, or be constrained to surrender, unless revived by his presence.
On perceiving the approach of the royal banner of King Baldwin, the naval
forces of the Turks, to the number of twenty gallies and thirteen ships,
usually called _Cazh_, endeavoured to surround and capture the single
vessel in which he was embarked. But, by the aid of GOD, the billows of
the sea raged against them, while the kings ship glided easily and
swiftly through the waves, eluding the enemy, and arrived in safety into
the haven of Joppa, to the great joy of the Christians, who had mourned
him as if dead.
While the Saracens continued the siege of Joppa, 200 sail of Christian
vessels arrived there, with pilgrims who wished to perform their
devotions at Jerusalem. Of these, the chief leaders were Bernard Witrazh
of Galatia, Hardin of England, Otho of Roges, Haderwerck, one of the
principal nobles of Westphalia, and others. This power, by the blessing
of God, arrived to succour the distressed Christians then besieged in
Joppa, on the 3d of July 1102, in the second year of Baldwin king of
Jerusalem. When the numerous army of the Saracens saw that the Christians,
thus reinforced, boldly faced them without the walls, they removed their
tents, during the night, above a mile from the town, that they might
consider whether to retreat to Ascalon, or to continue to harass the
citizens of Joppa with frequent assaults. But they confided in their
numbers, and continued to annoy the Christians by severe and repeated
attacks.
Having allowed three days rest and refreshment to this powerful
reinforcement, Baldwin issued out from Joppa early in the morning of the
sixth of July, to the martial sound of trumpets and cornets, with a
strong force, both of foot and horse, marching directly toward the
Saracens, with loud shouts, and attacked their army with great spirit.
The land attack was assisted by the Christian navy, which approached the
shore, making a horrible noise, and distracting the attention of the
Saracens, who feared to be attacked in flank and rear. After a sharp
encounter, the Saracens fled towards Ascalon, many being slain in the
battle and pursuit, and others drowned, by leaping into the sea to avoid
being slain. In this battle 3000 of the Saracens perished, with a very
small loss on the side of the Christians; and the city of Joppa was
delivered from its enemies.
[1] Hakluyt, I.45. Chron. Hierosol. IX. ix. xi. xii.
SECTION IV.
_Of the Transactions of certain English, Danish, and Flemish Pilgrims in
the Holy Land, in 1107_[1].
In the seventh year of King Baldwin, a large fleet from England,
containing above 7000 men, many of whom were soldiers, arrived at the
harbour of Joppa, along with whom came other warriors from Denmark,
Flanders, and Antwerp. Having received permission and safe conduct from
King Baldwin, together with a strong band of armed men as a safeguard,
they arrived in safety at Jerusalem and all the other places of devotion,
free from all assaults and ambushes of the Gentiles; and having paid
their vows unto the Lord in the church of the Holy Sepulchre, they
returned with great joy, and without molestation, to Joppa[2]. Finding
King Baldwin in that place, they made offer to assist him in any military
enterprize; for which offer he gave them great commendations, saying,
That he could not give an immediate answer, without consulting the
patriarch and barons, of his kingdom.
He therefore called together the Lord Patriarch, Hugh of Tabaria, Gunfrid
the governor of the Tower of David, and the other principal officers of
the kingdom of Jerusalem, to consult together in the city of Rames, how
best to employ this proferred assistance of so considerable a body of
volunteers.
In that assembly, it was agreed upon to lay siege to the city of Sagitta,
otherwise called Sidon; upon which, having directed every one of the
nobles to go home, that they might provide armour and all other
necessaries for the siege, he sent messengers to the English, requiring
them not to remove their fleet and army from Joppa, but to wait there for
his farther commands; informing them, that he and his nobles had resolved,
with their aid, to lay siege to the city of Sidon, but it would require
some time to provide the necessary engines and warlike instruments, for
assaulting the walls of that place. The pilgrims answered, that they
would attend his orders at Joppa, promising to be obedient to him in all
things, even unto death. The king went soon afterwards, with the
patriarch and all his attendants to the city of Acre; where, during forty
days, he was busily employed in the construction of engines, and many
different kinds of warlike instruments, and of every thing necessary for
the intended siege.
When this intended expedition came to the knowledge of the inhabitants of
Sidon, and they understood that a powerful army of pilgrims lay in
readiness at Joppa, to assist the king of Jerusalem, they were afraid of
being subdued and destroyed by the Christians, as Caesaria, Assur, Acre,
Cayphas, and Tabaria had already been; and they sent secret emissaries to
the king, offering a large sum of money in gold byzants, and a
considerable yearly tribute, on condition that he would spare their lives
and refrain from the intended siege. After a lengthened negotiation,
during which the inhabitants of Sidon rose considerably in their offers,
the king, being in great straits for means to discharge the pay of his
soldiers, hearkened willingly to the offers of the Sidonians; yet, afraid
of reproach from the Christians, he dared not openly to consent to their
proposals.
In the meantime, Hugh of Tabaria, who was a principal warrior among the
Christians of Palestine, and indefatigable in assaulting the pagans on
all occasions, having gathered together 200 horse and 400 infantry,
suddenly invaded the country of a great Saracen lord, named Suet, on the
frontiers of the territory of Damascus, where he took a rich booty of
gold and silver and many cattle, which would have proved of great
importance in assisting the army at the siege of Sidon. On his return
with this prey by the city of Belinas, otherwise called Caesaria Philippi,
the Turks of Damascus, with the Saracen inhabitants of the country,
gathered together in great numbers, and pursued the troops of Hugh, that
they might recover the booty. Coming up with them in the mountains, over
which the infantry belonging to Hugh of Tabaria were driving their prey,
the Turks prevailed over the Christians, and the plunder was recovered.
On receiving this intelligence, Hugh, who happened to be at some distance,
hastened with his cavalry to succour his footmen, and to recover the
spoil: But happening to fall in with the Turks in a strait and craggy
place, and rushing heedlessly among the enemy, unprovided with his armour,
he was shot in the back by an arrow, which pierced his liver, and he died
on the spot. His soldiers brought back the dead body of Hugh to the city
of Nazareth near Mount Thabor, where he was honourably interred. Gerard,
the brother of Hugh, lay at this time sick of a dangerous illness, and
died within eight days afterwards.
Taking advantage of the death of these two famous princes, King Baldwin
agreed to receive the money which had been offered to him by the city of
Sidon, yet kept his intentions of making peace private, and sent to Joppa,
desiring the chiefs of the English, Danes, and Flemings, to come with
their fleet and army to Acre, as if he had meant to prosecute the siege.
When they arrived, he represented to their chiefs the great loss he had
sustained by the death of two of his chief warriors, on which account, he
was constrained to defer the siege to a more convenient opportunity, and
must now dismiss his army. On this the strangers saluted the king very
respectfully, and, embarking in their ships, returned to their own
countries.
[1] Hakluyt, I. 47. Chron. Hierosol. lib. x.
[2] Though not mentioned in the text, it seems presumable that these
pilgrims deemed it necessary for them to proceed unarmed in execution of
their devotions, under an escort.--E.
SECTION V.
_The Expedition of William Longespee, or Long-sword, Earl of Salisbury,
in the year 1248, under the Banners of St Louis, King of France, against
the Saracens_[1].
When Louis, King of France, went against the Saracens in 1248, William
Earl of Salisbury, with the Bishop of Worcester, and other great men of
the realm of England, accompanied him in the holy warfare[2]. About the
beginning of October 1249, the French king assaulted and took the city of
Damietta, which was esteemed the principal strong-hold of the Saracens in
Egypt; and having provided the place with a sufficient garrison, under
the Duke of Burgundy, he removed his camp, to penetrate farther eastwards.
In this army William Earl of Salisbury served, with a chosen band of
Englishmen under his especial command; but the French entertained a great
dislike to him and his people, whom they flouted upon all occasions,
calling them English _tails_[3], and other opprobrious names, insomuch,
that the King of France had much ado to keep peace between them. This
quarrel originated from the following circumstance: Not far from
Alexandria there was a strong castle belonging to the Saracens[4], in
which they had placed some of their principal ladies, and much treasure;
which fortress the earl and his English followers had the good fortune to
take, more by dexterous policy than by open force of arms, through which
capture he and his people were much enriched; and when the French came to
the knowledge of this exploit, which had not been previously communicated
to them, they were much enraged against the English, and could never
speak well of them afterwards.
Not long after this, the earl got secret intelligence of a rich caravan
of merchants belonging to the Saracens, who were travelling to a certain
fair which was to be held near Alexandria, with a multitude of camels,
asses, and mules, and many carts, all richly laden with silks, precious
jewels, spices, gold, silver, and other commodities, besides provisions
and other matters of which the soldiers were then in great want. Without
giving notice of this to the rest of the Christian army, the earl
gathered all the English troops, and fell by night upon the caravan,
killing many of the people, and making himself master of the whole carts
and baggage cattle with their drivers, which he brought with him to the
Christian camp, losing only one soldier in the skirmish, and eight of his
servants, some of whom were only wounded and brought home to be cured.
When this was known in the camp, the Frenchmen, who had loitered in their
tents while the earl and his people were engaged in the expedition, came
forth and forcibly took to themselves the whole of this spoil, finding
great fault with the earl and the English for leaving the camp without
orders from the general, contrary to the discipline of war; though the
earl insisted that he had done nothing but what he would readily justify,
and that his intentions were to have divided the spoil among the whole
army. But this being of no avail, and very much displeased at being
deprived in so cowardly a manner of what he had so adventurously gained,
he made his complaint to the king; and being successfully opposed there
by the pride of the Count of Artois, the kings brother, who thwarted his
claims with disdainful spite, he declared that he would serve no longer
in their army, and bidding farewell to the king, he and his people broke
up from the army and marched for Achon[5]. Upon their departure, the
Count d'Artois said that the French army was well rid of these tailed
English; which words, spoken in despite, were ill taken by many good men,
even of their own army. But not long after, when the governor of Cairo,
who was offended with the Soldan, offered to deliver that place to the
French king, and even gave him instructions now he might best conduct
himself to accomplish that enterprize, the king sent a message in all
haste to the Earl of Salisbury, requesting him to return to the army,
under promise of redressing all his grievances; on which he came back and
rejoined the French army.
The king of France now marched towards Cairo, and came to the great river
Nile, on the other side of which the Soldan had encamped with his army,
on purpose to dispute the passage. At this time, there was a Saracen in
the service of the Count of Artois, who had been lately converted to the
Christian faith, and who offered to point out a shallow ford in the river,
by which the army might easily cross over. Upon receiving this
intelligence, Artois and the master of the Knights Templars, with about a
third of the army, crossed to the other side, and were followed by
Salisbury and the English. These being all joined, made an assault upon a
part of the Saracen army which remained in the camp, and overthrew them,
the Soldan being then at some distance with the greater part of his army.
After this easy victory, Artois was so puffed up with pride and elated by
success, that he believed nothing could withstand him, and would needs
advance without waiting for the coming up of the main body of the army
under the king of France, vainly believing that he was able with the
power he had to conquer the whole force of the Saracens. The master of
the Templars, and other experienced officers, endeavoured to dissuade him
from this rash conduct; advising him rather to return to the main army,
satisfied with the signal advantage he had already achieved; that thereby
the whole army of the Christians might act in concert, and be the better
able to guard against the danger of any ambushes or other stratagems of
war, that might have been devised for their destruction. They represented
to him that the horses of this vanguard were already tired, and the
troops without food; and besides, that their numbers were utterly unable
to withstand the vastly superior multitude of the enemy; who besides,
having now obviously to fight for their last stake, the capital of their
dominions, might be expected to exert their utmost efforts. To this
salutary counsel, the proud earl arrogantly answered with opprobrious
taunts; reviling the whole Templars as dastardly cowards and betrayers of
their country, and even alleged that the Holy Land of the Cross might
easily be won to Christendom, if it were not for the rebellious spirit of
the Templars and Hospitallers, and their followers: which, indeed, was a
common belief among many. To these contumelious remarks, the master of
the Templars angrily desired him, in his own name and that of his
followers, to display his ensign when and where he dared, and he should
find them as ready to follow as he to lead. The Earl of Salisbury now
remonstrated with Artois, advising him to listen to these experienced
persons, who were much better acquainted with the country and people than
he could be; and endeavoured to convince him that their advice was
discreet and worthy to be followed. He then addressed his discourse to
the master of the Templars, prudently endeavouring to sooth his anger
against the arrogance of the Count of Artois. But Artois cut him short,
exclaiming in anger with many oaths, "Away with these cowardly Englishmen
with tails; the army would be much better rid of these tailed people;"
and many other scandalous and disdainful expressions. To this the English
earl replied, "Well, Earl Robert, wherever you dare set your foot, my
steps shall go as far as yours; and I believe we shall go this day where
you shall not dare to come near the tails of our horses."
And it so happened as Earl William said: For Earl Robert of Artois
persisted to march forward against the Soldan, vainly hoping to win all
the glory to himself, before the coming up of the main body of the host.
His first enterprize was ordering an attack on a small castle, or
fortified village, called Mansor; whence a number of the villagers ran
out, on seeing the approach of the Christians, making a great outcry,
which came to the ears of the Soldan, who was much nearer with his army
than had been supposed. In the mean time, the Christians made an assault
on Mansor with too little precaution, and were repulsed with considerable
loss, many of them being slain by large stones, thrown upon them as they
entered the place; by which the army not only lost a considerable number
of men, but was much dispirited by this unexpected repulse.
Immediately on the back of this discomfiture, the Soldan came in sight
with his whole army; and seeing the Christians in this divided state,
brother separated from brother, joyfully seized the opportunity he had
long wished for, and inclosing them on all sides, that none might escape,
attacked them with great fury. In this situation, the Earl of Artois sore
repented of his headstrong rashness, when it was too late; and, seeing
Earl William Longespee fighting bravely against the chief brunt of the
enemy, he called out to him in a cowardly manner to flee, as God fought
against them. But William bravely answered, "God forbid that my father's
son should flee from the face of a Saracen." Earl Robert turned out of
the fight, and fled away, thinking to escape from death or captivity by
the swiftness of his horse; and taking the river Thafnis[6], sank through
the weight of his armour, and was drowned. On the flight of Earl Robert,
the French troops lost heart, and began to give ground: But William
Longespee, bearing up manfully against the whole force of the enemy,
stood firm as long as he was able, slaying and wounding many of the
Saracens. At length, his horse being killed, and his legs maimed, he fell
to the ground; yet he continued to mangle their legs and feet, till at
last he was slain with many wounds, being finally stoned to death by the
Saracens. After his death, the Saracens set upon the remainder of the
army, which they had surrounded on every side, and destroyed them all, so
that scarce a single man remained alive. Of the whole, only two templars,
one hospitaller, and one common soldier escaped, to bring the melancholy
tidings to the king of France. Thus by the imprudent and foolish rashness
of Earl Robert, the French troops were utterly discomfited, and the
valiant English knight overpowered and slain, to the grief of all the
Christians, and the glory of the Saracens; and, as it afterwards fell out,
to the entire ruin of the whole French army.
[1] Hakluyt, I. 70.
[2] Hakluyt dates this expedition in the 32d year of the reign of Henry
III. of England. He mentions, in a former passage, I. p. 59. that the
same Earl of Salisbury, accompanied Richard Earl of Cornwall, in the
23d year of the same kings reign into Syria against the Saracens, with
many other English of note, where they performed good service against
the unbelievers, but gives no relation of particulars.--E.
[3] The meaning of this term of reproach does not appear; unless,
from some after circumstances, it may have proceeded from their horses
having long tails, while those of the French were dockt.--E.