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Publishers Newswire Announced Today its Latest List of Books to Bookmark, for Q4/2008
REDONDO BEACH, Calif. -- Publishers Newswire, an online resource for small publishers, as well as lesser known and first-time book authors, has announced its latest quarterly 'Books to Bookmark' list, for Q4/2008. This list is a round-up of new and interesting books which are often missed due to not originating from big name authors, or major New York book publishing houses.

Book, 'Letters From Heroes', captures triumphs of the men and women who served in World War I and II
GILROY, Calif. -- The hardships, struggles, hopes and triumphs of the men and women who served in World War I and World War II is wonderfully captured in 'Letters From Heroes' (ISBN: 978-1-58909-570-0), by Edward T. Cook, a new book just published by Bookstand Publishing. This poignant collection of real letters from real servicemen allow the reader to see things through the eyes of these soldiers and understand their thoughts about war, training, sickness, the enemy and even their food.

In New Book, Mystery of the 6,000 Year Old Science and Art of Astrology Has Been Solved
SAN FRANCISCO, Calif. -- Author of the new book, ASTROMASKS (ISBN: 978-0-615-23386-4), Vijay Rishii Ph.D., announced today that his book reveals the secret code behind the ancient and controversial science of astrology. The author decodes astrology using a new concept of complementary pairs, and gives new meanings to the zodiac signs and their real connection to humans on earth, which has never been done before in the entire history of astrology.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. II - Robert Kerr

R >> Robert Kerr >> A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. II

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While Cabral remained at Cochin, he received messages from the kings of
Cananor and Coulan, both considerable princes in the province of Malabar,
requesting him to come to their ports, where he should be supplied
cheaper than at Cochin, and giving him many offers of friendship. He made
answer, with his hearty thanks, that he could not now visit their ports,
having already begun to take in his loadings bet that he should certainly
visit them on his return to India. Immediately after the Portuguese ships
were laden, a fleet of twenty-five great ships, and other small vessels
was descried in the offing; and notice was sent by the rajah of Cochin to
our general, that this fleet contained fifteen thousand fighting men, and
had been fitted out on purpose to make him and all his people prisoners.
At the same time the rajah offered to send men to his assistance, if he
stood in need; but the general answered he had no need of any such aid at
the present, as he trusted, with God's blessing, to convince his enemies
they were ill advised in seeking now to attack him, having already given
them a trial of his strength; alluding to what he had already done to
them at Calicut. The enemy continued to hover off at sea, but did not
venture to come nearer than a league, though they seemed in fighting
order. Seeing this shyness, the general weighed anchor, and went out with
all his fleet against them, having on board the two nayres who were
hostages for the factory on shore, but his intentions were to have
returned with them to Cochin. Soon after leaving the harbour, a great
storm arose with a foul wind, so that he was forced to come to anchor
without attaining to the enemy. Next morning, being the 10th January 1501,
the wind came fair, and being desirous to attack the fleet of Calicut,
the general made sail towards them; but missing the ship commanded by
Sancho de Toar, who had parted from the fleet in the night, and that
being the largest and best manned ship of the fleet, he deemed it prudent
to avoid fighting with so large a force, especially as many of his men
were sick. The wind, likewise, was now quite fair for beginning his
voyage home, and was quite contrary for going back to Cochin to land the
hostages. He determined, therefore, to commence his voyage, and stood out
to sea; the enemy following him during the whole of that day, but
returned towards Calicut when night drew on. Cabral now turned his
attention to the forlorn nayres, who had been five days on board without
eating, and by dint of much and kind entreaty, he at length prevailed on
them to take food.

On the 15th of January, the fleet came in sight of Cananore, which lies
on the coast of Malabar, thirty-one leagues north of Cochin. This is a
large city with a fine bay, the houses being built of earth, and covered
with flat stones or slates, and it contains many Moors who trade thither
for many kinds of goods. The neighbourhood produces hardly any more
pepper than is necessary for its own consumpt; but has plenty of ginger,
cardamoms, tamarinds, mirabolans, cassia-fistula[33], and other drugs. In
several pools of water near this city there are many very large
alligators[34], similar to the crocodiles of the Nile, which devour men
when they come in their way. They have very large heads with two rows of
teeth, and their breath smells like musk, their bodies being covered all
over with hard scales like shells. In the bushes near this city there are
many large and very venomous serpents, which destroy men by means of
their breath. There are bats likewise as large as kites, which have heads
like a fox and similar teeth, and the natives often eat these animals.
The city of Cananore abounds in fish, flesh, and fruits, but has to
import rice from other places. The king or rajah is a bramin, being one
of the three kings of Malabar, but is not so rich and powerful as the
zamorin, or even as the rajah of Coulan. The general came to anchor at
this port, both because he had been invited by the rajah, and because he
wished to take on board some cinnamon, of which commodity he had not as
yet any on board. He accordingly purchased 400 quintals, and might have
had more if he would, but refused it; on which the people of the place
concluded that he had no more money. On this coming to the knowledge of
the rajah, he sent him word that he would trust him with any quantity he
had a mind for of that or any other commodity, till his return from
Portugal, or the arrival of any other in his stead. The rajah was induced
to make this offer, from his knowledge of the just dealings of the
Portuguese, and their faithful performance of their promises. The general
sent his hearty thanks to the rajah for his liberality, promising to
inform the king his master of his good will, and assuring his highness
that he might depend on his constant friendship.

Cabral now took on board an ambassador from the rajah of Cananore for the
king of Portugal, who was sent to conclude a treaty of amity between them.
Departing from Cananore, and standing across the gulf, he took a great
ship richly laden on the last of January: But on learning that it
belonged to the king of Cambaya, he permitted it to proceed on its voyage
uninjured; sending word to that sovereign, that the Portuguese did not
come to the Indies to make war on any one, excepting indeed with the
zamorin of Calicut, who had scandalously broken the peace which had been
made between them. He therefore only took a pilot out of this ship, to
conduct him through the gulf between India and Africa. While continuing
their voyage, and approaching the African shore, a great storm arose on
the 12th of February, by which in the night the ship of Sancho de Toar
was driven on shore, and taking fire was entirely burnt, the men only
being saved. As the tempest still continued, they were unable to stop at
Melinda, or any other place till they came to Mozambique, where they cast
anchor, in order to take in water and to refit their ships, the seams of
which were all open. From this place, the general dispatched Sancho de
Toar to discover Sofala, with orders to make the best of his way from
that place to Portugal, with an account of its productions.

The ships being refitted, Cabral resumed the voyage to the Cape of Good
Hope, near which they again experienced a violent storm, in which one of
the ships was separated from the fleet, after firing signals of distress,
and was never seen again during the voyage. At length, after many great
storms and dangers, which it were tedious to recount, Cabral doubled the
Cape on Whitsunday the 22d of May; whence continuing his voyage with a
fair wind, he came to anchor at Cape Verd, where he found Diego Diaz, who
had separated from the fleet on the outward bound voyage. Diaz had been
driven into the Red Sea, where he wintered and lost his boat, and as most
of his men died from sickness, his pilot could not venture to carry him
to India. He endeavoured therefore to find his way back to Portugal; but
after leaving the Red Sea, his men were so consumed with hunger, thirst,
and sickness, that only seven of his crew remained. After remaining some
time at Cape Verd waiting in vain for the missing ships, Cabral proceeded
on his voyage, and arrived safe at Lisbon on the last day of July, in the
year 1501. Soon after his arrival, the ship which had separated in a
storm off the Cape of Good Hope, came in; and shortly after that, Sancho
de Toar arrived from Sofala. He described Sofala as a small island
close on the continent of Africa, inhabited by a black people called
Caffres; and reported that much gold is brought to this place from
certain mines on the adjacent continent; on which account Sofala is much
frequented by Moors from India, who barter merchandize of small value for
gold. He brought along with him to Lisbon a Moor whom he had received as
an hostage or pledge for the safety of one of his own men, whom he had
left there to acquire a knowledge of the country and its language; and
from this Moor they got ample information respecting the people and trade
of those parts of Africa, which I shall afterwards communicate. Including
this last ship, there returned six to Portugal out of the twelve which
had sailed on the voyage for India, the other six having been lost.


[1] It will appear in the sequel that there was another captain named
Vasco de Tayde.--E.

[2] Astley says only 1200,--Astl. I. 40.

[3] According to Astley, there were eight Franciscan friars besides the
vicar, eight chaplains, and a chaplin-major; and that their orders
were to begin with preaching, and in case that failed, to enforce the
gospel by the sword. In other words, to establish the accursed
tribunal of the inquisition in India, to the eternal disgrace of
Portugal, and of the pretended followers of the ever-blessed Prince of
Peace.--E.

[4] The remainder of this paragraph is given in the precise words and
orthography of the original translator, Nicholas Lichfild, as a
curious specimen of the nautical language of Britain in 1582.--E.

[5] According to De Faria, this vessel parted in a storm near Cape Verd,
and returned to Portugal.--Astl. I. 41. a.

[6] By some unaccountable mistake, the translation of Castaneda by
Lichefild says to the _east_.--E.

[7] It appears that Cabral had twenty malefactors on board for such
purposes, who had received pardon on condition of submitting to be
landed on occasions of danger.--E.

[8] Puerto Seguro is in lat. 16 deg.S. and about long. 39 deg. 40'W. This country
of Brasil derived its name from the dye-wood so called.--E.

[9] Originally, according to Castaneda, there were only ten ships and two
caravels: Both the caravels have been already accounted for as having
left the fleet; and after the loss of four ships, six only ought to
have remained. Astley makes the whole fleet originally to have
consisted of thirteen vessels, which will allow of seven now remaining.
--E.

[10] This part of the voyage is very indistinctly described. From the lat.
of 27 deg.S. where Cabral is said to have fallen in with the eastern coast
of Africa, to Sofala, in lat. 19 deg.S. the coast stretches out nearly
five degrees to the east, to Capes Corientes and St Sebastian, with
many rivers, the great bays of Delogoa and Asnea, and the islands of
Bocica or Bozarnio, all of which must have been seen by Cabral during
the slow navigation close along shore, but all of which are omitted in
the text.--E.

[11] Named Inhazato. Sofala is in lat. 13 deg.S. and almost 36 deg.E. from
Greenwich.--E.

[12] According to De Faria, this person was uncle to the king of Melinda,
and was named Sheikh Foteyma.--Astl. I. 41. b.

[13] In modern maps this extensive line of coast is divided into the
following separate territories, Inhambane, Sabia, Sofala, Mocaranga,
Mozambico, and Querimba; which will be illustrated in future portions
of this work.--E.

[14] This word _miso_ is probably an error of the press for mylyo, by
which the African grain named millet is distinguished in other parts
of Castaneda. The _small cattle_ of the text are probably meant for
sheep, as they are frequently thus contradistinguished in other parts
of the original from _great cattle_, not here mentioned.--E.

[15] These vessels were probably precisely similar to the Arab _dows_ of
the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, which will be afterwards more
particularly described.--E.

[16] Thus the translation of Castaneda by Lichefild. It was more probably
a superstitious ceremony to guard against witches.--E.

[17] In an account of this voyage by a Portuguese pilot, inserted in the
collection of Ramusio, the name of the reigning zamorin is said to
have been Gnaffer. Ramus. I. 125.

[18] Probably the person who was carried prisoner from Anchediva by De
Gama, in the former voyage.--E.

[19] According to De Faria, the hostages demanded on this occasion were
six principal men of the Bramin cast, whose names were brought from
Portugal by Cabral, by the advice of Bontaybo or Moncayde, the Moor
who went off with De Gama.--Astl. I. 43. b.

[20] Named by De Faria, Coje Cimireci.--Astl. I. 44, a.

[21] Called Coje Bequi by De Faria; or rather Khojah Beki, or Beghi: But
most of the foreign names are so corruptly given that it is difficult
to rectify them.--Astl. I. 44. b.

[22] According to De Faria, this house was granted not without great
difficulty, and was taken possession of by Correa with sixty men.--
Astl. I. 45.

[23] According to De Faria, this event was occasioned by the Moorish
admiral of Calicut, without the knowledge of the zamorin, who
instigated Cabral to the attempt in hope of injuring the Portuguese,
and sent information to the Moors to be on their guard. He adds that
Cabral, having discovered the fraud, restored the ship and cargo to
the owners, whom he satisfied for their damages, in order to gain the
favour of the rajah of Cochin.--Astl. I. 45.

[24] Perhaps meant by Lichefild instead of emperor; or it may be some
native term of dignity.--E.

[25] The latitude of Cochin is almost 10 N. while Calient is about 11
10'.--E

[26] This Michael Jougue or Joghi, is said to have been a bramin, or
Malabar priest; one of these devotees who wander about the country,
girt with chains and daubed with filth. Those wanderers, if
idolaters, are named Jogues; and Calandars if Mahometans.--Astl. I. 47.
a.

[27] The rajah who then reigned at Cochin is named Triumpara, or
Trimumpara, by De Faria, De Barros, and other early writers.--Astl. I.
47. b.

[28] In other parts of Castaneda, this officer is called the kutwal--E.

[29] According to De Barros, the rajah of Cochin was offended by the
conduct of the zamorin, on several accounts, and among the rest for
monopolising the trade on the Malabar coast.--Astl. I. 43. a. We may
easily conceive that one strong ground of favour to the Portuguese at
Cochin, was in hopes by their means to throw off the yoke of the
zamorin.--E.

[30] One of these Christians died during the voyage, but the other, named
Joseph, arrived in Portugal. This is the _Josephus Indus_, or Joseph
the Indian, under whose name there is a short voyage in Grynaeus: which
properly speaking is only an account of Cranganore and its inhabitants,
particularly the Christians and their ceremonies, with some account of
Calient, Kambaya, Guzerat, Ormuz, and Narsinga, very short and
unsatisfactory.--Astl. I. 48. b.

[31] Called Caitaio in the original, but obviously Cathay, or Northern
China, in which we have formerly seen that there were Nestorian
Christians.--E.

[32] In Lichefilds translation, the account of the day of these Indian
Christians runs thus, which we do not pretend to understand: "They
have their day, which they do call _Intercalor_, which is of _forty_
hours."

This account of the Christians found in India by the Portuguese, is
exceedingly imperfect and unsatisfactory; but it would lead to a most
inconvenient length to attempt supplying the deficiency. Those of our
readers who are disposed to study this interesting subject, will find
it discussed at some length in Mosheim, and there is a good abstract
relative to these Oriental sects given by Gibbon, in the Decline and
Fall of the Roman Empire.--E.

[33] Named Canyfistola in Lichefilds translation.

[34] Lagartos in the original.

* * * * *


Note.--In the Novus Orbus of Simon Grynaeus, p. 202-211, there is an
article entitled, _Short Account of India, by Joseph, an Indian Christian,
who accompanied Cabral[A] to Lisbon in 1501_. We were inclined to have
inserted this account at this part of our collection as an ancient and
original document: But, on an attentive perusal, it is so jejune,
contused, and uninstructive as not to merit attention. It evidently
appears to have been penned by some person in Cabral's ship during the
voyage home, from repeated conferences with Joseph: But, as the writer of
this article informs us himself, many particulars were unknown to Joseph,
because he had little intercourse with the idolaters, or because the
reporter could not understand the answers which Joseph made to his
inquiries.--E.

[A] In Grynaeus, Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, is named Peter Aliares.--E.



SECTION IV.

_Voyage of John de Nueva, being the third made by the Portuguese to India_.


Is the same year 1501, supposing all differences to have been settled
amicably at Calicut by Cabral, and that a regular trade was established
both there and at Sofala and Quiloa, the king of Portugal dispatched
three ships and a caravel from Lisbon, under the command of John de Neuva,
a native of Galicia in Spain, who was accounted a valiant gentleman;
having under his orders, Francisco de Navoys, Diego Barboso, and Hernando
de la Pyna, as captains of three of the ships. Two ships of this fleet
were destined to carry merchandize to Sofala[1], and the other two to
Calicut, and all the four contained only eighty men[2]. The instructions
given to Nueva were, that he was to touch at the island of St Blas, where
he was to wait ten days if any of his ships had separated. He was then to
proceed for Sofala, where, if a factory were settled he was to deliver
the goods destined for that place before going to India. If a factory
were not already settled there, he was to do every thing in his power for
that purpose, leaving Alvaro de Braga there as factor, with the
merchandize embarked in the caravel for that market. From Sofala, he was
to proceed to Quiloa; and thence directly to Calicut. He was farther
directed, in case of meeting with Cabral, to obey him as general, and
desire him to settle a factory at Sofala, if his own attempt should fail.

Nueva left Lisbon on this voyage in March, four months before the return
of Cabral, and arrived in safety at the isle of St Blas; where he found a
letter in an old shoe suspended from the branch of a tree, written by
Pedro de Tayde[3], informing him that the fleet of Cabral had passed this
island on its way back to Portugal, and giving an account of what had
happened at Calicut, of the good treatment the fleet had received at
Cochin, where some of our men remained, and of the friendly disposition
of the king of Cananor[4]. On consulting with the other captains, it was
judged improper to leave the caravel at Sofala, in these circumstances,
as their whole force did not exceed eighty men; wherefore they proceeded
directly for Quiloa, where they found one of the exiles who had been left
there by Cabral, from whom they received a particular account of all that
had happened at Calicut, and of the loss of several of his ships, all of
which he had learnt from some Moors. From Quiloa Nueva sailed on to
Melinda, where the king confirmed the intelligence he had received from
the exile at Quiloa[5]. Thus fully instructed in the state of matters,
Nueva deemed it prudent to keep all the ships of his small squadron, and
sailed across from Melinda to Anchediva, where he came to anchor in
November, intending to take in a supply of water at that place. While
here, seven large ships belonging to Cambaya, which were bound for the
Red Sea, appeared off the anchoring ground, and seemed at first disposed
to attack our ships; but being afraid of the Portuguese ordnance, they
continued their voyage. From Anchediva Nueva proceeded for Cananor, where
he had an audience of the rajah, from whom he received particular notice
of all that had happened in Calicut to Cabral, and of the offer which the
rajah had made to load all his ships at Cananor. The rajah assured him of
his earnest desire of doing every thing in his power to serve the king of
Portugal, and pressed him to take in his loading at that port; but Nueva
declined this offer for the present, until he had consulted with the
factor at Cochin, for which port he took his departure from Cananor. On
his way between Cananor and Cochin, Nueva took a ship belonging to some
of the Moorish merchants at Calicut, after a vigorous resistance, and set
it on fire.

On his arrival at Cochin, the factor who had been left there by Cabral
came on board with the rest of his company, and acquainted him that the
rajah was greatly offended with Cabral for leaving the port without
seeing him, and for carrying away the hostages; yet had always kindly
entertained and the other members, of the factory, lodging them every
night in the palace for security, and always sending a guard of nayres
along with any of them who had occasion to go out during the day, on
purpose to defend them from the Moors who sought their destruction, and
who had one night set fire to the house in which they lodged before their
removal to the palace. He also informed Nueva that the Moors had
persuaded the native merchants to depreciate the price of the Portuguese
merchandize, and not to take these in exchange for pepper, so that unless
he had brought money for his purchases he would have little chance of
procuring a loading. On this intelligence, and considering that he had
not brought money, Nueva immediately returned from Cochin to Cananor,
expecting to procure his loading at that port, in consequence of the
friendly dispositions of the rajah towards the king of Portugal[6]. On
his return to Cananor, he found that money was as necessary there for his
purchases as at Cochin: But, when the rajah, was informed of his
difficulties from want of money, he became his security to the native
merchants for 1000 quintals or hundred weights of pepper, 450 quintals of
cinnamon, and fifty quintals of ginger, besides some bales of linen
cloth[7]. By this generous conduct of the rajah, Nueva procured a loading
for his ships, and left his European merchandize for sale at Cananor under
the management of a factor and two clerks.

On the 15th December, while waiting for a fair wind to begin his homeward
voyage, the rajah sent notice to Nueva that eighty _paraws_ were seen to
the northward, which were past mount _Dely_, and that these vessels were
from Calicut, sent expressly to attack the Portuguese ships; and the
rajah advised him to land his men and ordnance for greater security: But
the general was not of this mind, and sent word to the rajah that he
hoped, with the assistance of God, to be able to defend himself. Next day,
being the 16th of December, before dawn, about an hundred ships and
paraws full of Moors came into the bay, sent on purpose by the zamorin,
who was in hopes to have taken all our ships and men. As soon as Nueva
perceived this numerous armament, he hoisted anchor and removed his
squadron to the middle of the bay, where he ordered all his ships to pour
in their shot against the enemy without intermission. Doubtless, but for
this, the enemy would have boarded his ships, and they were so numerous
it would have been impossible for him to have escaped; but as the Moors
had no ordnance, they could do our people no harm from a distance, and
many of their ships and paraws were sunk, with the loss of a vast number
of men, while they did not dare to approach for the purpose of boarding,
and not a single person was killed or hurt on our side. The enemy towards
evening hung out a flag for a parley; but as Nueva feared this might be
intended as a lure, he continued firing, lest they might suppose he
stopped from weariness or fear. But the Moors were really desirous of
peace, owing to the prodigious loss they had sustained, and their
inability to escape from the bay for want of a fair wind. At length, most
of his ordnance being burst or rendered unserviceable by the
long-continued firing, and seeing that the Moors still kept up their flag
of truce, Nueva ceased firing and answered them by another flag[8].
Immediately on this, a Moor came to Neuva in a small boat, to demand a
cessation of hostilities till next day. This was granted, on condition
that they should quit the bay and put out to sea, which they did
accordingly. Although the wind was very unfavourable, Nueva stood out to
sea likewise, which the enemy could hardly do, as their ships and paraws
can only make sail with a fair wind. Notwithstanding all that had happened,
Nueva was constrained to come to anchor close to the fleet of the enemy,
and gave orders to keep strict watch during the night. At one time they
were heard rowing towards our fleet, and it was supposed they intended
setting our ships on fire; on which Neuva ordered to veer out more cable,
to get farther off. Perceiving that the boats of the enemy continued to
follow, he commanded a gun to be fired at them, on which they made off;
and the wind coming off shore and somewhat fair, they made sail for
Calicut.

Nueva, after returning thanks to God for deliverance from his enemies,
took his leave of the rajah of Cananor, and departed for Portugal, where
he arrived in safety with all his ships[9].


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