A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. II - Robert Kerr
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When the largest castle came up to our floating defence, it immediately
commenced a tremendous fire of all its ordnance upon our caravels; and at
this time Pacheco ordered a _saker_ to be shot off, which seemed to do
very little harm even at a second discharge. The remainder of the castles
now came into their stations, and the battle raged with the utmost fury.
What with incessant flights of arrows, and the smoke of so many guns, our
people could seldom see the vessels of the enemy. In this extremity, the
saker was discharged a third time against the largest castle, which had
been somewhat shaken by the two former discharges. By this shot its iron
work was broken, some of its beams were forced from their places, and
several of the men on board were slain. By two other discharges of the
saker this castle was all torn in pieces, and was forced to retire out of
the battle. Still however the rest of the castles, and the numerous fleet
of small craft kept up the fight. Towards evening all the castles were
much injured, many of the paraws were sunk and torn in pieces, and great
numbers of the enemy slain; so that at length they were constrained to
retire. On our side not one man was even wounded: One only ball went
through the caravel in which Pacheco commanded, and passed among many of
his men without doing any hurt. On the enemy retiring, Pacheco gave chase
in the two boats and some paraws; and the caravels kept up a constant
fire upon point _Arraul_, whence they forced the zamorin and the land
army to retire, after having 330 of his men slain. After this great
victory, the inhabitants of Cochin became quite reassured, and were no
longer in dread of the power of the zamorin. Trimumpara came to visit
Pacheco, whom he embraced, and congratulated on his great prowess: Many
of the principal naires of Cochin went to compliment him; and even
numbers of the Moorish merchants brought him rich presents, hoping to
secure his favour.
The zamorin was greatly disheartened by the overthrow of all his mighty
preparations, and losing all hope of victory wished seriously to end the
war. In a council of his allies and great men, they represented the great
losses they had already endured in the war with the Portuguese, and
proposed to treat with them for peace. His brother Naubea Daring, who had
always been averse to the war, seemed to believe that Pacheco would
refuse any treaty, and advised rather to defer making an offer of peace
till the arrival of the next captain-general from Portugal. This prince
was likewise of opinion that the Calicut army should still keep the field
till the coming on of the rainy season made it advisable to retire; as it
would look like flight to retreat at this time. Yet he recommended that
no more attacks should be made on the pass, in which attempts they had
already met with so much loss. Elankol, the lord of Repelim, urged the
continuance of the war, and to make reiterated assaults on the Christians,
which must be at last successful; by which means all the Portuguese that
were in Cochin, Cananor, and Coulan would be destroyed. He advised
likewise, to send false intelligence to these places, saying that they
had taken our caravels and slain all our men; on which news the people of
Cananor and Coulan would put the people in our factories to death. This
was accordingly done; but as the inhabitants of these places had already
received notice of the real state of affairs, they gave no credit to this
false story. Yet, owing to the malice of the Moors who dwelt in these
places, our men were in great danger and durst not come out of their
factories, and one of our men was slain in Coulan.
By the persuasion of Elankol and the Moors, the zamorin reluctantly
consented to try the event of another battle: And, the castles being
repaired, a fresh assault was made both by land and water, with many more
men and vessels than before. This battle continued longer than the other,
and the enemy was overthrown with far greater loss than they had ever
received before. In consequence of this new victory, the inhabitants of
Cochin became quite confident in their security from the power of their
enemies; and the rajah, who had hitherto been in much dread of the event,
became quite elated. He now came to visit Pacheco in a chair of state,
with far more splendour than he had ever assumed since the commencement
of the war. When this was told in the enemies camp, the chiefs urged the
zamorin to a fresh attack, lest the rajah of Cochin might hold him in
contempt. He desired them to cease their evil counsels, from which he had
already sustained great loss, and which would still lead him into greater
danger; but to leave him to consider what was best to be done for revenge
against his enemies.
The zamorin gave orders to some of his naires in whom he reposed great
confidence, that they should go to Cochin on some false pretence, and
endeavour to assassinate the general of the Portuguese and such of his
men as they could meet with. But the naires are an inconsiderate people
unable to keep any of their affairs secret, so that this shameful device
became immediately known to Pacheco, who appointed two companies of the
Cochin naires to keep strict watch for these _spies_; one company at the
ford, and the other along the river, waiting by turns day and night. By
this means these _spies_ were detected and made prisoners. The chief
_spy_ was a naire of Cochin, of the family or stock of the _Lecros_ who
had certain other naires attending upon him, who were strangers. On being
brought before him, he ordered them to be all cruelly whipt and then to
be hanged. The Cochin naires remonstrated against this punishment,
because they were naires whose customs did not allow of this mode of
execution; but he would not listen to their arguments, saying that their
treachery richly merited to be so punished. The Portuguese officers
represented to him the great troubles which the _rajah_ of Cochin had
endured for giving protection to their nation, and how much this action
might displease him, when he was informed of naires having been put to
death in his dominions without his authority. Besides, that this might
give occasion to some of those about the rajah, who were known to be
already unfriendly to the Portuguese, to insinuate that the captain-
general had usurped the authority from the rajah, and might in that way
wean his affections from them. Pacheco was convinced by these arguments
that he had acted wrong, and immediately sent to countermand the
execution. Two of them were already _half-dead_; but _those who were
still living_, he sent to the rajah, informing him that they had deserved
death, but that from respect to him he had spared their lives. The rajah
was singularly gratified by this mark of respect, and the more so because
there happened to be then present several of his principal nobles and
some chiefs from other places, besides sundry of the chief of the Moors
of Cochin, who had endeavoured to impress on his mind that the Portuguese
were willing to assume the command in his dominions[8]. Henceforwards
Pacheco had such good intelligence, that all the subtle devices of the
zamorin were counteracted.
The month of June was now ended and the rainy season, or winter, began to
come on, from which Pacheco naturally concluded that the zomorin would
soon break up his encampment, on which occasion he was fully resolved to
give them an assault, having sufficient experience of the pusillanimity
of the enemy. But the zamorin, being afraid that Pacheco might attack him
at his departure, gave out that he intended to make another assault on
the ford with a greater fleet than ever, and even directed the floating
castles to be repaired. He even gave out that he meant to assail the
passage of _Palurte_ and the ford both at once; that Pacheco might occupy
himself in preparing to defend both places, and he might have the better
opportunity to steal away unperceived. Accordingly, on the evening of
Saturday, which was the eve of St John[9], the whole army of the enemy
appeared as usual, and Pacheco fully expected to have been attacked that
night. Next morning, however, he learnt from two bramins that the zamorin
had withdrawn with all his army into the island of Repelim. Pacheco was
much disappointed at this news, yet he made a descent that very day into
Repelim, where he fought with many of the enemy, killing and wounding a
great number of them, and then returned to the ford, where he remained
several days, because the rajah was still afraid lest the zamorin might
return and get across the ford into the island of Cochin.
The zamorin was so crest-fallen by the great and repeated losses he had
sustained in this war from a mere handful of men, that he resolved to
retire into religions seclusion, that he might conciliate the favour of
his gods, and dismissed his allies and chiefs to act as they thought best.
His princes and nobles endeavoured to dissuade him from this resolution,
but he continued firm to his purpose, and went into the _torcul_ or
religious state of seclusion, accompanied by some of his chief bramins or
chaplains. Soon afterwards, his mother sent him word that great changes
had taken place in Calicut since his seclusion. That many of the
merchants had already deserted the place, and others were preparing to
follow. That the city was becoming ill provided with victuals, as those
who used to import them were afraid of the Christians. Yet she advised
him never to return to Calicut, unless he could do so with honour; and
that he should therefore continue in seclusion for a time, and afterwards
endeavour to recover his credit and reputation by victory, or lose all in
the attempt. On this message which greatly increased his discontent, the
zamorin sent for his brother, to whom he confided the government of his
dominions till such time as he should have completed his religious
austerities in seclusion.
On this strange resolution of the zamorin, the rajahs and nobles who had
joined him in the war departed to their own countries, most of which lay
on the coast. And being under great apprehensions that Pacheco might
reduce their dominions, they endeavoured to enter into treaties with him
for peace and concord; for which purpose they sent messages to Trimumpara,
requesting that he would act as mediator between them and Pacheco. The
rajah of Cochin was a prince of a mild and forgiving disposition; and
forgetting all the past injuries they had done him in these wars, he
undertook the office of mediation, and sent them safe conducts to come to
Cochin to make their peace. On their arrival, he accompanied them to wait
upon Pacheco, and even became their advocate with him to accept of their
proferred friendship, which he readily consented to at the desire of the
rajah. Some of these princes were unable to come personally, but sent
their ambassadors to solicit peace, which was accorded to all who asked
it. Several even of the great Moorish merchants of Calicut, that they
might quietly enjoy their trade, forsook that place and came to dwell in
Cochin, having previously secured the consent of Pacheco. Others of them
went to Cananor and Coulan, by which means the great trade which used to
be carried on at Calicut suddenly fell off.
Owing to the great resort of Moors to Cochin, in whom Pacheco could not
repose much confidence, and because, by the orders of Naubea Daring, the
paraws of Calicut frequently made excursions into the rivers, the captain-
general continued for a long while to defend the passage of the ford,
where he often fought with and did much injury to his enemies. He made
frequent incursions, likewise, into the island of Repelim, whence he
carried off cattle and other provisions, and often fought with his
enemies, always defeating them with much slaughter[10]. At length Elankol,
the lord of that island, wishing to put an end to the miseries of his
country, waited on Pacheco and entered into a treaty of friendship with
him, making him a present of a great quantity of pepper, which was
abundant in his country[11].
[1] This paragraph, enumerating the forces of the zamorin, is added to
the text of Castaneda from Astley, Vol. I. p. 56.
[2] The particular distribution of the force under Pacheco at this time
is thus enumerated in Astleys Collection: In the fort thirty-nine men;
in the ship left to defend Cochin twenty-five; in the caravel which
accompanied him in the expedition to Cambalan twenty-six; into one
boat twenty-three; and in the boat along with himself twenty-two;
making his whole effective force 135 men; seventy-one only of which
went along with him to defend the pass.--Astl. I. 56.
[3] A very short space before these are only stated as twenty; but the
numbers and names in the text seem much corrupted.--E.
[4] In a former note we have given a list of the names and circumstances
of the English ordnance near this period. In that list the saker is
described as a light cannon of only 5-1/2 pound ball, now looked upon
as one of very small importance; we may therefore conclude that the
other cannon used on the present occasion could hardly exceed
_falcouns_, or two-pounders.--E.
[5] Such is the unintelligible expression in Lichefilds translation. In
the account of this war compiled by the editor of Astleys Collection
from the Portuguese historians, the enemy are said to have lost in the
former part of this battle, twenty paraws sunk, 180 persons of note,
and above 1000 common men; while in the second attack, nineteen paraws
were sunk, sixty-two fled, and 360 men were slain. In this account, a
third naval engagement is mentioned, in which sixty-two paraws were
sunk, and sixty fled; after which 15,000 men were defeated by land,
and four towns were burnt by Pacheco.--Astl. I. 56.
[6] Castaneda tells a long ridiculous story at this place, of a ceremonial
defiance of the zamorin, not worth inserting. In Astley, I. 56. we are
told that the Moors of Cochin were detected about this time
communicating intelligence to the enemy, and that Trimumpara allowed
Pacheco to punish them. On which he put five of their chief men into
strict confinement, giving out that they were hanged; which gave much
offence to the rajah and his people.--E.
[7] Such are the words of Lichefild; which, perhaps may have been intended
to imply that there was not yet sufficient depth of water to allow of
their approach to the caravels; or it may mean that they waited for
the tide of ebb, to carry them towards the Portuguese caravels, being
too cumbrous for management by means of oars.--E.
[8] This seems the same story which has been already mentioned in a former
note, from Astleys Collection; but which is there related as having
taken place with _Moors_.--E.
[9] The nativity of St John the Baptist is the 24th June; the eve
therefore is the 23d, yet Castaneda has already said that June was
ended.--E.
[10] About this time, in consequence of a message from the Portuguese
factor at Coulan, stating that the Moors obstructed the market for
pepper, Pacheco went to that place, where he made five Moorish ships
submit, and settled the pepper market on fair terms, yet without doing
them any harm.--Astl. I. 57.
[11] According to Astley, the zamorin lost 18,000 men in this war in five
months, and desired peace, which was granted by the rajah of Cochin.--
Astl. I. 57. Yet this could hardly be the case, as the first operation
of the new commander-in-chief in India was to cannonade Calicut.--E.
SECTION IX.
_The Voyage of Lope Suarez de Menesis to India, in 1504; being the sixth
of the Portuguese Expeditions to the East Indies._
Learning the necessity of sending powerful succours to protect the
Portuguese trade from the hostilities of the zamorin, the king of
Portugal fitted out a fleet of twelve[1] large ships in 1504, of which
the command was given to Lope Suarez de Menesis, who had been captain of
the _Mina_ on the coast of Guinea in the reign of John II. The captains
of these ships were, Pedro de Mendoza, Lionel Cotinho, Tristan de la
Silva, Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, Lope de Abreu, Philip de Castro,
Alonso Lopez de Castro, Alonzo Lopez de la Cocta, Pero Alonzo de Aguilar,
Vasco de la Silvero, Vasco Carvallo, and Pedro Dynez de Sutunell: All of
whom were gentlemen by birth or service. Having embarked many valiant
soldiers, the whole fleet left Lisbon on the 22d of April and arrived on
the 2d of May near Cape Verd. Having observed during this part of the
voyage, that several of the ships were very irregularly navigated, not
keeping in their proper course, by which they had run foul of each other;
some pushing before, while others lagged behind, and others stood athwart
the order of the fleet; Suarez convened an assemblage of all the captains,
masters, and pilots of the fleet, to whom he communicated the following
written instructions: 1. As soon as it is night, every ship shall keep in
regular order a-stern of the admiral; and no vessel to carry any light
except in the binnacle and in the cabin. 2. The masters and pilots to
keep regular watch, taking special care not to run foul of each other. 3.
All to answer the signals of the admiral. 4. As soon as day appears,
every ship shall come to salute the admiral, and all are carefully to
avoid getting before him during the night. The penalty for breach of any
of these articles was a fine of ten crowns, besides which the offender
was to be put under arrest without being entitled to wages, and so to
remain to the end of the voyage. As some of the masters and pilots had
been very negligent, allowing some of the ships to fall aboard of others,
he removed these to other ships. By this attention to discipline, the
fleet was kept afterwards in good sailing order.
In the month of June, at which time they reckoned themselves off the Cape
of Good Hope, the fleet was surprised by a heavy storm, and had to drive
for two days and nights under bare poles in imminent danger of being cast
away, the weather during all this time being wonderfully dark, so that
the ships were in great hazard of running aboard of each other. To guard
against this danger, the admiral caused guns to be fired at intervals
from all the ships, to give notice of their situations, and the better to
keep company. On the subsidence of the storm, the ship commanded by Lope
Mendez was missing, and the admiral caused the fleet to lie to for some
days in hopes of her reappearance. While in this situation, two of the
ships ran foul of each other, by which a large hole was broken in the bow
of one of the ships, through which she took in so much water as to be in
great danger of sulking. The admiral immediately bore up to her
assistance, and encouraged the crew to stop the leak, and even sent his
boats on board to give every aid. By great exertions they got the leak
effectually stopped, by nailing hides over the hole, and covering the
whole with pitch. On St Jameses day, 25th July, the fleet arrived at
Mozambique, where they were well received by the governor, who supplied
them abundantly with fresh provisions, and sent off the letter which
Pedro de Tayde had written respecting the state of affairs in India a
short time before his death, as formerly mentioned. The admiral expedited
the refitting of the ships which had been so much injured, as quickly as
possible, and departed from Mozambique on the 1st of August. The king of
Melinda sent off one of his principal Moors to visit the admiral, to whom
likewise he sent sixteen of our men who had deserted from Pedro de Tayde.
Having stopt only two days at Melinda for refreshment, the fleet sailed
across for India, and came to Anchediva, where they found two Portuguese
ships commanded by Antonio de Saldanna and Ruy Lorenzo, who were much
afraid of our fleet, suspecting it to have belonged to the Rumes[2].
Saldanna informed Suarez, that he had been sent out the year before from
Portugal along with Lorenzo, as vice-admiral, with orders to explore the
Red Sea and adjacent countries. That they were separated in a storm off
the Cape of Good Hope. That Lorenzo proceeding alone in the voyage, had
taken a ship belonging to the Moors near Sofala, out of which he had
taken a large quantity of gold, and had left the hull at Melinda. That
Saldanna prosecuted his voyage to Cape Guardafui, where he had taken many
rich prizes, without having entered the Red Sea; after which he had
sailed to India, and the winter coming on, had taken shelter in Anchediva,
where he was afterwards joined by Lorenzo. At this place, Lope Mendez de
Vasconcelles, who had been separated in the storm off the Cape of Good
Hope, rejoined the fleet. The admiral used every expedition to get the
fleet ready to proceed for Cananor, where he arrived on the 1st of
September, and was informed by the factor of the events in the war with
Calicut; and how he and his companions in the factory had been often in
great hazard of their lives.
The day after his arrival, the admiral went on shore in great state to
visit the rajah of Cananor, attended by all the captains of the fleet in
their boats, decorated with flags and streamers, and armed with ordnance,
all the boats crews being dressed in their best apparel. The admirals
barge had a rich awning, and was dressed out with carpets, on which stood
a chair of state covered with unshorn crimson velvet and two cushions of
the same for his feet. His doublet and hose were of satin of divers
colours, wrought diamond fashion; his shoes of black velvet, studded with
gold; his cap covered over with gold buttons. Over all he wore a loose
robe or gown of black velvet, in the French fashion, trimmed all round
with gold lace. From his neck hung a triple chain of gold enamelled, from
which depended a golden whistle. His rapier and dagger, which were borne
by a page, had handles of pure gold. Two lackeys preceded him in
splendid attire and six trumpeters with silk flags. He was also
accompanied by a band of wind instruments, in a small boat In another
boat were the presents which he carried for the rajah from the king of
Portugal. There were, six beds of fine Holland, with their pillows of the
same, all wrought with gold embroidery. Two coverlets or carpets of
unshorn crimson velvet, quilted all over, having three guards of cloth of
gold, that in the middle a span in width, and the others two fingers
broad. The bedstead was gilded all over, having curtains of crimson satin,
fringed with cold thread. On putting off from his ship, all the fleet
saluted him with their cannon; then the trumpets and drums sounded for a
long time; after which the organs never ceased to play till the boats
reached the shore, where vast numbers of Moors and Gentiles waited to
receive the admiral.
On his landing, the admiral Was conducted into a _sarame_ or house
appointed for his reception and audience of the rajah, in which he
ordered the bed and all its rich furniture to be set up, close to which
was placed a chair for the admiral to sit upon. Soon afterwards, the
rajah was brought to the house, carried in a rich chair of state,
preceded by three armed elephants, three thousand nayres, armed with
swords, spears, and targets, and two thousand armed with bows and arrows.
The admiral, apprized of the rajah's approach by the fleet saluting him
with all their guns, went to the door to receive him, where they embraced.
Then going together into the apartment, the admiral presented him with
the bed already described, on which the rajah immediately lay down, and
the admiral sat down beside him in the place appointed. They here
conferred together for two hours, when they were interrupted by the
barking of a greyhound belonging to the admiral, which wanted to attack
one of the elephants.
Soon afterwards a Moor from Calicut waited upon the admiral, having along
with him a Portuguese boy, who brought a letter from some of our men who
were captives at Calicut ever since the time of Cabral being there. This
boy informed the admiral, that the zamorin was so humbled by the defeats
he had sustained from Pacheco, that he had gone into religious seclusion.
That many of the Moorish merchants had gone from Calicut to other places,
as they could carry on no trade there owing to the war, and that even
provisions had become extremely scarce. That the zamorin and the prince
of Calicut, and the magistrates of that place, were exceedingly desirous
of peace with the Portuguese, for which reason they had sent him to the
admiral, and had allowed the Portuguese prisoners there to write him to
that effect, which they had done accordingly, but chiefly in hopes that
he would free them from captivity. After reading the letter, the admiral
would have sent a written answer, meaning to have sent it by the Moor.
But the boy told him, they had no permission to carry any letter, and
that he must return along with the Moor, as the people of Calicut had
threatened to put all their Portuguese prisoners to death in case he did
not return. On this account, the admiral gave the boy a verbal message
for the prisoners; saying that he would very soon come to Calicut, where
he would anchor as near as possible to the shore; and as the captives
were allowed to go about the city without irons, they might find an
opportunity to come off to the fleet either in boats or by swimming.