The Works of Samuel Johnson, Vol. 10. - Samuel Johnson
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THE WORKS OF SAMUEL JOHNSON, LL.D,
VOLUME THE TENTH.
MDCCCXXV.
CONTENTS
Debate on the bill for prohibiting the exportation of corn.
Debate on a seditious paper.
Debate on incorporating the new-raised men into the standing regiments.
Debate on taking the state of the army into consideration.
Debate respecting officers on half-pay.
Debate on an address for papers relating to admiral Haddock.
Debate regarding the departure of the French and Spanish squadrons.
Debate on addressing his majesty for the removal of sir R. Walpole.
Debate on cleansing the city of Westminster.
Debate on the bill to prevent inconveniencies arising from the insurance
of ships.
Debate on the bill for the encouragement and increase of seamen.
Debate on the bill for the punishment of mutiny and desertion.
Debate on addressing the king.
Debate on supporting the queen of Hungary.
Debate on choosing a speaker.
Debate on the address.
PREFATORY OBSERVATIONS TO THE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES.
The government of this country has long and justly been considered the
best among the nations of Europe; and the English people have ever
evinced a proportionate desire for information in its proceedings. But
in the earlier days of our constitution, we shall find that much
jealousy on the part of our rulers debarred the people from access to
the national deliberations. Queen Elizabeth, with a sagacity that
derived no assurance from the precedents of former times, foresaw the
mighty power of the press, as an engine applied to state purposes, and
accordingly aroused the spirit of her subjects, by causing the first
gazettes to be published in the year of the armada [Footnote: See sir J.
Mackintosh's Defence in the Peltier case.]: and D'Ewes's journals of her
parliaments contain the earliest reports of parliamentary debates.
The first volume of the commons' journals comprises the debates from the
accession of James the first, to the cessation of parliaments under
Charles the first. The publication, in 1766, of a member's notes,
furnished authentic debates of the session in 1621. Rushworth, in his
voluminous collections, presents us with many of the debates during the
civil wars. Gray's more regular debates succeeded. From these, until the
times that followed the glorious revolution in 1688, we have no reports
of parliamentary proceedings, interesting as they must have been, on
which we can place any more reliance, than on those of Dr. Johnson,
which, we shall presently see, cannot pretend to the character of
faithful reports, however deservedly eminent they are as eloquent and
energetic compositions. But the revolution was not immediately followed
by a liberal diffusion of parliamentary intelligence, for the newspapers
of William's reign only give occasionally a detached speech. That
sovereign scarcely allowed liberty of speech to the members of
parliament themselves, and was fully as tyrannical in disposition as his
predecessor on the throne; but, happily for the English nation, he was
tied and bound by the strong fetters of law.
The stormy period that ensued on William's death, is somewhat
illustrated by Boyer's POLITICAL STATE. The HISTORICAL REGISTERS which
appeared on the accession of George the first, may be considered as more
faithful depositories of political information than Boyer's partial
publication. The spirited opposition to sir Robert Walpole excited an
unprecedented anxiety in the nation to learn the internal proceedings of
parliament. This wish on the part of constituents to know and scrutinize
the conduct of their representatives, which to us appears so reasonable
a claim, was regarded in a different light by our ancestors. But the
frown of authority in the reign of George the second began to have less
power to alarm a people whose minds were undergoing progressive
illumination. A general desire was then loudly expressed for
parliamentary information, which Cave sought to gratify by the insertion
of the debates in the GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE. The jealousy of the houses,
however, subjected that indefatigable man to the practices of stratagem
for the accomplishment of his design. He held the office of inspector of
franks in the postoffice, which brought him into contact with the
officers of both houses of parliament, and afforded him frequent and
ready access to many of the members. Cave, availing himself of this
advantage, frequented the houses when any debate of public interest was
expected, and, along with a friend, posted himself in the gallery of the
house of commons, and in some retired station in that of the lords,
where, unobserved, they took notes of the several speeches. These notes
were afterwards arranged and expanded by Guthrie, the historian, then in
the employment of Cave, and presented to the public, monthly, in the
Gentleman's Magazine. They first appeared in July, 1736 [Footnote: Gent.
Mag. vol. vi.], and were perused with the greatest eagerness. But it was
soon intimated to Cave, that the speaker was offended with this freedom,
which he regarded in the light of a breach of privilege, and would
subject Cave, unless he desisted, to parliamentary censure, or perhaps
punishment. To escape this, and likewise to avoid an abridgment of his
magazine, Cave had recourse to the following artifice. He opened his
magazine for June, 1738, with an article entitled, "Debates in the
senate of Magna Lilliputia;" in which he artfully deplores the
prohibition that forbids him to present his readers with the
consultations of their own representatives, and expresses a hope that
they will accept, as a substitute, those of that country which Gulliver
had so lately rendered illustrious, and which untimely death had
prevented that enterprising traveller from publishing himself. Under
this fiction he continued to publish the debates of the British
parliament, hiding the names of persons and places by the transposition
of letters, in the way of anagram. These he contrived to explain to his
readers, by annexing to his volume for 1738, feigned proposals for
printing a work, to be called Anagrammata Rediviva. This list, and
others from different years, we give in the present edition, though we
have rejected the barbarous jargon from the speeches themselves. A
contemporary publication, the LONDON MAGAZINE, feigned to give the
debates of the Roman senate, and adapted Roman titles to the several
speakers. This expedient, as well as Cave's contrivance, sufficed to
protect its ingenious authors from parliamentary resentment; as the
resolution of the commons was never enforced.
The debates contained in the following volumes, commence with the 19th
November, 1740, and terminate with the 23d February, 1742-3. The
animated attempts that were made to remove sir Robert Walpole from
administration, seemed, in Cave's opinion, to call for an abler reporter
than Guthrie. Johnson was selected for the task; and his execution of it
may well justify the admiration which we have so often avowed for those
wonderful powers of mind, which, apparently, bade defiance to all
impediments of external fortune.
He was only thirty-two years of age, little acquainted with the world;
had never, perhaps, been in either house, and certainly had never
conversed with the men whose style and sentiments he took upon himself
to imitate. But so well and skilfully did he assume, not merely the
sedate and stately dignity of the lords, and the undaunted freedom of
the commons, but also the tone of the respective parties, that the
public imagined they recognised the individual manner of the different
speakers. Voltaire, and other foreigners of distinction, compared
British with Greek and Roman eloquence; and ludicrous instances are
detailed by Johnson's biographers, of praises awarded to Pulteney or to
Pitt, in the presence of the unsuspected author of the orations which
had excited such regard [Footnote: See Boswell, and sir John Hawkins.]!
For Johnson confessed, that he composed many of the speeches entirely
from his own imagination, and all of them from very scanty materials.
This confession he undoubtedly made from his love of truth, and not for
the gratification of vanity. When he heard that Smollett was preparing
his History of England, he warned him against relying on the debates as
authentic; and, on his death-bed, he professed that the recollection of
having been engaged in an imposture was painful to him. That this was a
refined scrupulosity the most rigid moralist must allow; but,
nevertheless, it is matter for congratulation, that the liberality of
parliament no longer subjects its reporters to the subterfuges which we
have thus briefly attempted to describe. And a comparison of this age
and its privileges with the restrictions of former times, may not be
without its use, if, by reminding us that we were not always free, it
teaches us political contentment, suggests to us the policy of
moderation, and enables us to love liberty, and yet be wise.
OXFORD, NOVEMBER, 1825.
_The List of fictitious Terms used by Cave to disguise the real Names
that occur in his Debates._
Abingdon, Ld. ... Adonbing or Plefdrahn
Ambrose, Captain ... Ambreso
Archer ... Arech
Argyle, Duke of ... Agryl
Arthur ... Aruth
Anne ... Nuna
Aston ... Anots
Aylesford, Lord ... Alysfrop
Baltimore, Lord ... Blatirome
Barnard, Sir John ... Branard
Barrington ... Birrongtan
Bath, Earl of ... Baht
Bathurst, Lord ... Brustath
Bedford, Duke of ... Befdort
Berkeley, Lord ... Berelky
Bishop ... Flamen
Bladen, Mr. ... Bledna
Bootle, Mr. ... Butul
Bowles, Mr. ... Bewlos
Bristol, Lord ... Broslit
Bromley, Mr. ... Bormlye
Brown, Mr. ... Brewon or Buron
Burleigh ... Bruleigh
Burrell, Mr. ... Berrull
Campbell ... Campobell
Carew, Mr. ... Cawar
Carlisle, Earl of ... Carsilel
Carteret, Lord ... Quadrert
Castres, Mons ... Cahstrehs
Cavendish ... Candevish
Charles ... Chorlo
Chesterfield, Earl of ... Castroflet
Cholmondeley, Earl of ... Sholmlug
Churchill ... Chillchurch
Clutterbuck, Mr. ... Cluckerbutt
Cocks ... Cosck
Coke, Mr. ... Quoke
Cooke ... Coeko
Cooper, Mr. ... Quepur
Corbet, Mr. ... Croteb
Cornwall, Mr. ... Carnwoll
Cromwell ... Clewmro
Danes ... Danians
Danvers ... Dranevs
Delawarr, Lord ... Devarlar
Devonshire, Duke of ... Dovenshire
Digby ... Dibgy
Drake, Mr. ... Dekra
Earle, Mr. ... Eral
Edmund ... Emdond
Edward ... Eddraw
Elizabeth ... Ezila
Erskine, Mr. ... Eserkin
Eugene, Prince ... Eunege
Falconberg, Lord ... Flacnobrug
Falkland ... Flakland
Fanshaw, Mr. ... Fashnaw
Fazakerly ... Fakazerly
Fenwick, Mr. ... Finweck
Ferrol ... Ferlor
Fox, Mr. ... Feaux
Francis ... Farncis or Friscan
Gage, Lord ... Gega
George ... Gorgenti
Gibbon, Mr. ... Gibnob
Gloucester, Duke of ... Glustre
Godolphin, Lord ... Golphindo
Gore ... Gero
Gower, Lord ... Gewor
Grenville, Mr. ... Grevillen
Gybbon, Mr. ... Gybnob
Halifax, Lord ... Haxilaf
Haddock, Admiral ... Hockadd
Handasyd, Mr. ... Hasandyd
Harding, Mr. ... Hadringe
Hardwick, Lord ... Hickrad
Harrington ... Hargrinton
Hay, Mr. ... Heagh
Heathcote ... Whethtoc
Henry ... Hynrec
Herbert ... Hertreb
Hervey, Lord ... Heryef
Hessian ... Hyessean
Hind Cotton ... Whind Cotnot
Hindford ... Honfryd
Hinton ... Hwenton
Hobart ... Hobrat
Holdernesse, Lord ... Hodrelness
Hooper ... Horeop
Hosier, Admiral ... Hozeri
Howe ... Hewo
Islay, Lord ... Yasli
Isham ... Ishma
Ilchester ... Itchletser
James ... Jacomo
Jekyl ... Jelyco
Jenkins ... Jenkino
John ... Juan
Joseph ... Josippo
Keene, Mr. ... Knee
Ledbury, Mr. ... Lebdury
Lindsay ... Lisnayd
Litchneld ... Liftchield
Lockwood ... Lodowock
Lombe ... Lebom
Lonsdale, Lord ... Lodsneal
Lovel ... Levol
Lymerick, Lord ... Lyromick
Lyttleton ... Lettyltno
Marlborough, Duke of ... Maurolburgh
Malton, Lord ... Matlon
Manley ... Manly
Mary ... Marya
Montrose, Duke of ... Morontosse
Mordaunt ... Madrount
Morton ... Motron
Newcastle, Duke of ... Nardac secretary
Noel ... Neol
Norris, Admiral ... Nisror
Nugent ... Netgun
Ogle, Admiral ... Oleg
Onslow ... Olswon
Orange ... Organe
Ord, Mr. ... Whord
Orford, Earl of ... Orfrod
Orleans ... Olreans
Ormond, Duke of ... Omrond
Oxford, Earl of ... Odfrox
Oxenden ... Odnexen
Paxton ... Pantox
Pelham, Mr. ... Plemahm
Perry ... Peerur
Peterborough ... Petraborauch
Pitt, Mr. ... Ptit
Plumer, Mr. ... Plurom
Polwarth ... Polgarth
Portland, Duke of ... Poldrand
Powlett ... Powltet or Pletow
Pretender ... Rednetrep
Puffendorf ... Pudenfforf
Pulteney ... Pulnub
Quarendon ... Quenardon
Rainsford ... Rainsfrod
Ramelies ... Ramles
Raymond ... Ramonyd
Robert ... Retrob
Rochester ... Roffen
Saint Aubyn ... St. Aybun
Salisbury ... Sumra
Samuel ... Salvem
Sandwich, Earl of ... Swandich
Sandys, Mr. ... Snadsy
Scarborough, Lord ... Sarkbrugh
Scroop, Mr. ... Screop
Sidney, Lord ... Sedyin
Selwin, Mr. ... Slenwy
Shaftsbury, Lord ... Shyftasbrug
Shippen, Mr. ... Skeiphen
Sloper ... Slerop
Somers ... Sosrem
Somerset ... Sosermet
Southwell ... Suthewoll
Strafford ... Stordraff
Stair ... Stari
Stanislaus ... Stasinlaus
Sundon ... Snodun
Talbot ... Toblat
Thomas ... Tsahom
Thomson, Mr. ... Thosmon
Tracey ... Tryace
Trenchard ... Trachnerd
Trevor, Mr. ... Tervor
Turner ... Truron
Tweedale, Marquis of ... Tewelade
Tyrconnel, Lord ... Trinocleng
Vernon, Admiral ... Venron
Vyner, Mr. ... Vynre or Venry
Wade ... Weda
Wager, Admiral ... Werga
Wakefield ... Wafekeild
Waller, Mr. ... Welral
Walpole, Sir Robert ... Walelop
Walpole, Mr. ... Walelop
Walter, Mr. ... Gusbret
Watkins, Mr. ... Waknits
Wendover ... Wednevro
Westmoreland ... Westromland
William ... Wimgul
Willimot, Mr. ... Guillitom
Winchelsea, Lord ... Wichensale
Winnington, Mr. ... Wintinnong
Wortley, Mr. ... Wolresyt or Werotyl
Wyndham ... Gumdahm
Wynn ... Ooyn
Yonge ... Yegon
_The List of fictitious Characters used by Cave to disguise the Places
that occur in his Debates._
Almanza ... Almanaz
America ... Columbia
Amsterdam ... Amstredam
Aschaffenburg ... Aschafnefburg
Austria ... Aurista
Barbadoes ... Bardosba
Barcelona ... Bracolena
Brittany ... Brateney
Bavaria ... Baravia
Blenheim ... Blehneim or Blenhem
Bourbon ... Buorbon
Brandenburg ... Brangburden
Bristol ... Broslit
Britain ... Lilliput
Cadiz ... Cazid
Cambridge ... Guntar
Campechy ... Capemchy
Carolina ... Carolana
Carthagena ... Carthanega
Cologne ... Colgone
Commons ... Clinabs
Connecticut ... Contecticnu
Cressy ... Cerlsy
Cuba ... Cabu
Denmark ... Dancram
Dettingen ... Detteneg
Dunkirk ... Donkirk
Dutch ... Belgians
Edinburgh ... Edina
Europe ... Degulia
Flanders ... Flandria
France ... Blefuscu
Georgia ... Gorgentia
Germany ... Allemanu
Gibraltar ... Grablitra
Guastalla ... Gua Stalla
Guernsey ... Guensrey
Hanover ... Hanevro
Haversham ... Havremarsh
Hesse Cassel ... Hyesse Clessa
Hispaniola ... Iberionola
Holland ... Belgia
Hungary ... Hungruland
India ... Idnia
Ireland ... Ierne
Italy ... Itlascu
Jamaica ... Zamengol
Jucatan ... Jutacan
Leghorn ... Lehgron
London ... Mildendo
Madrid ... Mardit
Malplaquet ... Malpalquet
Mardyke ... Mardryke
Martinico ... Marnitico
Mediterranean ... Middle Sea
Minorca ... Minocra
Munster ... Munstru
Muscovy ... Mausqueeta
New York ... Noveborac
Orkney ... Orkyen
Orleans ... Olreans
Ostend ... Odsten
Parma ... Par Ma
Pennsylvania ... Pennvasilia
Poland ... Poldrand
Portugal ... Lusitania
Port Mahon ... Port Mohan
Prussia ... Parushy
Prague ... Praga
Sardinia ... Sadrinia
Schellembourg ... Schemelbourg
Seville ... Sebfule
Sicily ... Cilisy
South Sea ... Pacific Ocean
Spain ... Iberia
Straits ... Narrow Seas
Sweden ... Swecte
Turkey ... Korambec
Utrecht ... Ultralt
Vienna ... Vinena
Virginia ... Vegrinia
Westminster ... Belfaborac
Wolfenbuttle ... Wobentuffle
_The List of fictitious Characters used by Cave to disguise the Names of
Things that occur in his Debates._
Admiral ... Galbet
Baronet ... Hurgolen
Commons ... Clinabs
Duke ... Nardac
Earl ... Cosern
Esquire ... Urg
Gentleman ... Urgolen
High Heels or Tory ... Tramecsan
Knight ... Hurgolet
Legal ... Snilpal
Lord ... Hurgo
Penny ... a Grull
Popery ... Missalsm
Prophet ... Lustrug
Sprug ... a Pound
Squire ... Urg
Viscount ... Comvic
Years ... Moons
REFERENCES TO THE SPEAKERS
Abingdon, Lord,
Archer, Mr. Hy.
Argyle, Duke of,
Attorney General,
Bathurst, Mr.
Baltimore, Lord,
Barnard, Sir John,
Barrington, Mr.
Bedford, Duke of,
Bladen, Mr.
Bowles, Mr.
Brown, Mr.
Burrel, Mr.
Campbell, Mr.
Carew, Mr.
Carlisle, Lord,
Carteret, Lord,
Cholmondeley, Lord,
Clutterbuck, Mr.
Cocks, Mr.
Cornwall, Capt.
Cornwall, Mr.
Cotton, Sir Hind,
Devonshire, Duke of,
Digby, Mr.
Earle, Mr.
Fazakerly, Mr.
Fox, Mr.
Gage, Lord,
Gore, Mr.
Gore, Mr.
Gower, Lord,
Gybbon, Mr.
Halifax, Lord,
Hardwick, Lord,
Harrington, Lord,
Hay, Mr.
Hervey, Lord,
Howe, Mr.
Littleton, Mr.
Lockwood, Mr.
Lord Chancellor,
Lovel, Lord,
Marlborough, Duke of,
Mordaunt, Col.
Newcastle, Duke of,
Norris, Admiral,
Onslow, Mr.
Ord, Mr.
Pelham, Mr.
Pitt, Mr.
Pulteney, Mr.
Quarendon, Lord,
Salisbury, Bishop of,
Sandys, Mr.
Shippen, Mr.
Sloper, Mr.
Southwell, Mr.
Talbot, Lord,
Thompson, Lord,
Tracey, Mr.
Tyrconnel,
Vyner, Mr.
Wade, General,
Wager, Sir Charles,
Waller, Mr.
Walpole, Sir Robert,
Walpole, Mr.
Westmoreland, Lord,
Willimot, Mr.
Winnington, Mr.
Yonge, Sir Wm.
DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, NOVEMBER 19, 1740.
PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATE, WITH REGARD TO THE BILL FOR PROHIBITING THE
EXPORTATION OF CORN, ETC.
On the first day of the session, his majesty, in his speech from the
throne, recommended to parliament to consider of some good law to
prevent the growing mischief of the exportation of corn to foreign
countries.
On the fourth day, a bill for preventing, for a limited time, the
exportation, etc, was read a first time in the house of commons, and the
question put, whether it should be printed, which passed in the
negative.
This day the agent for the colonies of Pennsylvania and New Jersey,
presented a petition against the said corn bill, which was referred to
the committee.
Another petition was also presented by the agent for the colony of
Connecticut, in New England, setting forth that the chief trade of that
colony arose from supplying other British colonies with corn, so that
unless that colony be excepted from the restraints intended by this
bill, both that and those which are supplied by it will be reduced to
great distress, and praying, therefore, that such exception may be
allowed.
The allegations in this petition were confirmed by another, from one of
the provinces supplied by the colony of Connecticut.
Another petition was presented by the agent for South Carolina, setting
forth, that unless the rice produced in that province were allowed to be
exported, the colony must be ruined by the irretrievable loss of their
whole trade, as the countries now supplied from thence might easily
procure rice from the French settlements, already too much their rivals
in trade.
This petition was supported by another, offered at the same time by the
merchants of Bristol.
A petition was likewise presented by the agent for the sugar islands, in
which it was alleged, that if no provisions be imported thither from
Britain, they must, in one month, suffer the extremities of famine.
All these petitions were referred to the committee for the bill.
A printed paper was also delivered to the members, entitled,
'considerations on the embargo,' which enumerated many dangerous
consequences likely to be produced by an embargo on provisions, and
suggested that it was no better than a wicked scheme for private profit,
with other reflections, for which the paper was deemed a libel, and the
author committed to prison.
The bill being read in the committee, produced the following memorable
debate.
Mr. PULTNEY spoke to this effect:--Sir, after all the attention which
has been bestowed upon the bill now before us, I cannot yet conceive it
such as can benefit the nation, or such as will not produce far greater
inconveniencies than those which it is intended to obviate, and
therefore, as those inconveniencies may be prevented by other means, I
cannot but declare that I am far from approving it.
Our ancestors, sir, have always thought it the great business of this
house to watch against the encroachments of the prerogative, and to
prevent an increase of the power of the minister; and the commons have
always been considered as more faithful to their trust, and more
properly the representatives of the people, in proportion as they have
considered this great end with more attention, and prosecuted it with
more invariable resolution. If we inquire into the different degrees of
reputation, which the several assemblies of commons have obtained, and
consider why some are remembered with reverence and gratitude, and
others never mentioned but with detestation and contempt, we shall
always find that their conduct, with regard to this single point, has
produced their renown or their infamy. Those are always, by the general
suffrage of mankind, applauded as the patterns of their country, who
have struggled with the influence of the crown, and those condemned as
traitors, who have either promoted it by unreasonable grants, or seen it
increase by slow degrees, without resistance.
It has not, indeed, sir, been always the practice of ministers to make
open demands of larger powers, and avow, without disguise, their designs
of extending their authority; such proposals would, in former times,
have produced no consequences but that of awakening the vigilance of the
senate, of raising suspicions against all their proceedings, and of
embarrassing the crown with petitions, addresses, and impeachments.
They were under a necessity, in those times, of promoting their schemes;
those schemes which scarcely any ministry has forborne to adopt, by more
secret and artful and silent methods, by methods of diverting the
attention of the publick to other objects, and of making invisible
approaches to the point in view, while they seemed to direct all their
endeavours to different purposes.
But such, sir, have been the proofs of implicit confidence, which the
administration has received from this assembly, that it is now common to
demand unlimited powers, and to expect confidence without restriction,
to require an immediate possession of our estates by a vote of credit,
or the sole direction of our trade by an act for prohibiting, during
their pleasure, the exportation of the produce of our lands.
Upon what instances of uncommon merit, of regard to the pnblick
prosperity, unknown in former times, or of discernment superior to that
of their most celebrated predecessors, the present ministers found their
new claims to submission and to trust, I am, indeed, at a loss to
discover; for, however mankind may have determined concerning the
integrity of those by whom the late memorable convention was transacted,
defended, and confirmed, I know not that their wisdom has yet appeared
by any incontestable or manifest evidence, which may set their abilities
above question, and fix their reputation for policy out of the reach of
censure and inquiries.
The only act, sir, by which it can be discovered that they have any
degree of penetration proportionate to their employments, is the embargo
lately laid upon provisions in Ireland, by which our enemies have been
timely hindered from furnishing themselves, from our dominions, with
necessaries for their armies and their navies, and our fellow-subjects
have been restrained from exposing themselves to the miseries of famine,
by yielding to the temptation of present profit; a temptation generally
so powerful as to prevail over any distant interest.
But as nothing is more contrary to my natural disposition, or more
unworthy of a member of this house, than flattery, I cannot affirm that
I ascribe this useful expedient wholly to the sagacity or the caution of
the ministry, nor can I attribute all the happy effects produced by it
to their benign solicitude for the publick welfare.
I am inclined to believe that this step was advised by those who were
prompted to consider its importance by motives more prevalent than that
of publick spirit, and that the desire of profit which has so often
dictated pernicious measures, has, for once, produced, in return, an
expedient just and beneficial; and it has, for once, luckily fallen out,
that some of the friends of the administration have discovered that the
publick interest was combined with their own.