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Biographical Memorials of James Oglethorpe - Thaddeus Mason Harris

T >> Thaddeus Mason Harris >> Biographical Memorials of James Oglethorpe

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There are great difficulties in ascertaining the age of Oglethorpe.
The newspapers, soon after his decease, in 1785. and the _Gentleman's_
and _London Magazine_, contain several articles about it.

While these inquiries, investigations, and statements were going the
round of all the periodicals of the day, it is unaccountably strange
that the family did not produce the desired rectification, and yet
more surprising that in the inscription on the monument erected to his
memory by his widow, and which was drawn up by her request, she should
not have furnished the writer with the date of his birth, and the
years of age to which he had arrived.

The _London Gazette_, first announcing his death, stated it _one
hundred and four years_. The _Westminster Magazine_ for July 1785,
(a periodical published in the very neighborhood of the old family
mansion,) in the monthly notice of deaths, has "June 30th, General
Oglethorpe, aged 102. He was the oldest general in England." And I
have a fine engraved portrait of him taken in February preceding his
decease, or which is inscribed "he died 30th of June, 1785, aged 102."
A writer in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for September, 1785 p. 701,
who was one of the first emigrants to Georgia, and personally and
intimately acquainted with the General, declares that "he lived to be
_near a hundred years old_, but was not _one hundred and two_, as has
been asserted."

In the Biographical Memoir of him in the 8th volume of the _European
Magazine_; in NICHOLS's _Anecdotes of Literature_ and in McCALL's
_History of Georgia_, his birth is said to have been in 1698; and yet
it is asserted by the best authorities, that he bore the military rank
of Ensign in 1710, when, according to their date of his nativity,
he could have been but _twelve years of age_; and this before his
entering College at Oxford.

Again, some make him Captain Lieutenant in the first troop of the
Queen's Guards in 1714; the same year that others put him to College.
According to such statements, he must on both these military
advancements, have been of an age quite too juvenile for military
service, and more so for military rank. And yet, to account for his
obtaining such early, and, indeed, immature promotion, the writers
suggest that "he withdrew precipitately from the sphere of his
education." But I see no reason for supposing that he left the
University before he had completed the usual term of residence for
obtaining a degree; though he did not obtain that of _Master of Arts_
till the 31st of July, 1731.[1]

[Footnote 1: See _Catalogue of Oxford Graduates_.]

PRIOR, in _The Life of Goldsmith_, page 457, expressly says that
Oglethorpe, "_after being educated at Oxford_, served under Prince
Eugene against the Turks."[1]

[Footnote 1: About this time he presented a manuscript French
paraphrase of the Bible, in two folio volumes, finely illuminated, to
the library of Corpus Christi College in Oxford. "The gift of James
Oglethorpe, Esq., Member of Parliament." GUTCH's _Appendix to Wood's
History and Antiquities of the Colleges and Halls in the University of
Oxford_.]

Again, CROKER has a long note upon a passage in Boswell's _Life
of Johnson_, II. p. 173, to invalidate a narative of Oglethorpe's
respecting a writing of Colonel Sir Thomas Prendergast, who was killed
at the battle of Malplaquet, on the 31st of August, 1709, which thus
concludes: "At the battle of Malplaquet, Oglethorpe was _only eleven
years old_. Is it likely that Oglethorpe, at the age of _eleven
years_, was present at Pope's interview with Colonel Cecil? And, even
if he were, what credit is to be given to the recollections, after the
lapse of sixty-three years, of what a boy of _eleven_ heard?"[1]

[Footnote 1: CROKER means that the time when Oglethorpe told the story
to Dr. Johnson was _sixty-three_ years after the battle of Malplaquet,
when the event referred to took place.]

In reply to this, I would observe, that it is not even probable, as
this statement would imply, that the interview of Pope with Colonel
Cecil was directly after the battle. There might have been intervening
years. Moreover, Croker goes upon the presumption that the birth of
Oglethorpe was in 1698. Now, to assign his birth to that year would
make him only _eighty-seven years_ old when he died; but Dr. Lettsom,
in "a letter on prisons," in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. LXXI. p.
21, has this remark: "I spent an evening, which agreeably continued
till two o'clock in the morning, with the late General Oglethorpe,
when this veteran was in the _ninety-sixth_ year of his age; who told
me, that he planted Georgia chiefly from prisons." And Hannah More
writes of being in company with him when he was _much above ninety
years_ of age. He was, therefore, born before 1698. And, finally,
the record of his admission into Corpus Christi College, at Oxford,
decides the matter beyond all controversy; and, by certifying his
age to be _sixteen_, proves that he was born in _sixteen hundred and
eighty-eight_. For the _month_ and _day_, I receive the testimony of
William Stephens, Esq., Secretary for the affairs of the Trustees in
Georgia, in the first volume of his Journal. On Thursday, December,
21st, [1738,] he makes this record.

"Another heavy rain of all last night, and this whole day's
continuance; which, whatever impediments it might occasion to our
other affairs, was no hindrance to our celebration of _the General's
birth-day_, as had been always the custom hitherto; and in the very
same manner as we did last year, under the discharge of cannon, &c."
And McCall, who has named _December_ 21st, says, "I am indebted to the
Encyclopedia Perthensis, and to the Journal of a private gentleman in
Georgia, where his birth-day was celebrated, for the date which I have
inserted."[1]

[Footnote 1: _History of Georgia_, Vol. I. p. 321.]

This assignment will tally with the other dates and their attendant
circumstances; allow time, with becoming propriety, for finishing his
education at the University; and show that he was not so precocious a
soldier as has been represented, but that, instead of the _juvenile_
age of _eleven_, he entered the army at the _manly_ age of
_twenty-one_.

_Memorandum_. This attempt to ascertain the exact age of Oglethorpe,
was written in 1837. I have, since then, received the following
letter, dated London, October 2d, 1840.

My Dear Sir.
In compliance with your request, I. have been, this morning,
to the vestry of St. James, Westminster, where I examined
the record of Oglethorpe's baptism, of which the following is
an exact copy in substance and form.

Bapt. | June 1689
2. | James Oglethorpe of Sir Theophilus and
| his lady Elinor, b. 1.

I certify that the above is a true extract from the Register
Book of Baptisms belonging to the Parish of St. James,
Westminster.
J.G. GIFFORD, _Preacher and Assistant_.

Hence it appears that Oglethorpe was born on _the first_ of
June, 1669, and baptized on the _second_. I was assured by
Mr. Gifford that this is the true meaning of the record; and
I observed in the Register Book that other names were recorded
in like manner. There were several other baptisms the
same day, with different days of birth.
Most truly your friend and obedient servant,
JARED SPARKS.

This will be deemed decisive; though to me not entirely satisfactory.
I think I see cause for questioning the "b.1." not their _import_, but
their _correctness_: occasioned either for family reasons, or that
the date given at the font either was not distinctly heard by the
officiating clergyman, or misremembered at the time when the entry
was made in the Book. Besides, there would seem no occasion for the
presentation so immediately after the birth; for, according to custom,
it is very unusual before _the eighth day_. On the other hand, from
the statement of Nichols, Vol. II. p. 19, that of the children of Sir
Theophilus, "the five eldest were born at St. James London," we may
infer that JAMES, who was the _sixth_ in the order of births in the
family, was born at Godalming. This is proved, also, by Shaftoe's
narrative, which mentions the going down of the mother to London, in
consequence of the sickness and death of one of the nurslings. Now,
though the main statement of that document may not be true, such an
incidental circumstance as this, which has no direct bearing on "the
vexed question," may be admitted. If, therefore, born at Godalming,
he could not be taken to London, for baptism, _on the day after his
birth_. And, admitting that his nativity was on the 21st of December,
the season of the year alone would be sufficient reason for deferring
the public ceremony till after the inclement weather, and the
opportunity favored for having it in the Parish Church, where all the
other children had been baptized.

After all, the fact that on the _ninth_ of July, _seventeen hundred
and four_, he was _sixteen years_ old, as is testified on the Record
of his admission into College, is incompatible with the date of June
1st, 1689, for the day of his birth, but consistent with that of
December 21st, 1688.

To adjust all these discrepancies respecting the time of his birth,
and others of the time of his death, one needs the ingenuity of the
Benedictins of St. Maur, who published a 4to volume with this title:
"_L'art de verifier les dates des faits historiques_."


III.


CHARLES MORDAUNT, _Earl of Peterborough_. This great man died on his
passage to Lisbon, 25th of October, 1735, aged 77. To bravery and
heroism, he added a penetrating genius and a mind highly polished and
well instructed in ancient and modern literature, as his _Familiar
Epistles_, preserved among those of his friend Pope, fully evince.

Of REV. GEORGE BERKELEY, D.D., the celebrated Dean of Derry, and
afterwards Bishop of Cloyne, I give the following particulars.

His learning and virtues, his lively and agreeable conversation,
introduced him to the acquaintance, and procured him the esteem and
friendship of many great and learned men, and among others the Earl of
Peterborough, who made him his Chaplain, and took him as a companion
on a tour of Europe in 1714-15. Soon after his return, the Dean
published a proposal for the better supplying of the churches in
the American Plantations with Clergymen, and for instructing and
converting the savages to Christianity, by erecting a College in
Bermuda. The first branch of this design appeared to him in the light
of importance; but his principal view was to train up a competent
number of young Indians, in succession, to be employed as missionaries
among the various tribes of Indians. It appeared to be a matter of
very material consequence, that persons should be employed in this
service who were acquainted with the language necessary to be used;
and he had also a strong persuasion that such missionaries as he
proposed would be much better received by the savages than those of
European extraction. These Indian lads were to be obtained from the
different tribes in the fairest manner, and to be fed, clothed and
instructed at the expense of the Institution.

The scheme, for some time, met with all the encouragement that was
due to so benevolent a proposal. The King granted a charter; and the
Parliament voted a very considerable sum to be obtained from the
sale of lands in St. Christophers. Such a prospect of success in
the favorite object of his heart, drew from Berkeley some beautiful
verses, "in which," a writer of the day remarks, "another age,
perhaps, will acknowledge the old conjunction of the _prophetic_
character with that of the _poetic_, to have again taken place."

In consequence of this encouragement, he resigned his rich Deanry;
and in execution of his noble design, embarked in the latter part of
Autumn, 1728; his lady and her sister accompanying him; and arrived
at Newport, in Rhode Island, in February following. This situation
he pitched upon with a view of settling a correspondence there for
supplying his College. He purchased a country-seat and farm in the
neighborhood, where he resided about two years and a half. His
residence in this country had some influence on the progress of
literature, particularly in Rhode Island and Connecticut. The presence
and conversation of a man so illustrious for talents, learning,
virtue, and social attractions, could not fail of giving a spring
to the literary diligence and ambition of many who enjoyed his
acquaintance.

Finding, at length, that the promised aid of the ministry towards his
College would fail him, he embarked at Boston in September 1731, on
his return to England. At his departure he distributed the books which
he had brought with him, among the Clergy of Rhode Island. He sent,
as a gift to Yale College, a deed of his farm; and afterwards made a
present to its Library of about a thousand volumes.

Immediately after his arrival in London, he returned all the
private subscriptions that had been advanced for the support of his
undertaking.

The fund, which had been calculated upon for his College, had been
chiefly appropriated as a marriage portion of the Princess Ann, on her
nuptials with the Prince of Orange. There remained, however, L10,000,
which General Oglethorpe had interest enough in Parliament to obtain
for the purpose of carrying over and settling foreign and other
Protestants in his new Colony of Georgia in America;[1] "having
first paid Dean Berkeley the compliment of asking his consent to the
application for the money, before he moved for it in Parliament."

[Footnote 1: See _Journal of the House of Commons_, May 10, 1733.]

He passed the latter part of his life at Oxford; and deceased January
14th, 1753, aged 74.

The character of this worthy prelate was expressed in few words by
Bishop Atterbury, who, having heard much of him, wished to see him.
Accordingly, he was one day introduced to him by the Earl of Berkeley.
After some time, Mr. Berkeley quitted the room; on which the Earl said
to the Bishop, "Does my cousin answer your Lordship's expectations?"
The Bishop, lifting up his hands in astonishment, replied, "So
much understanding, so much knowledge, so much innocence, and such
humility, I did not think had been the portion of any but angels, till
I saw this gentleman."

Mr. Pope sums up Bishop Berkeley's character in one line. After
mentioning some particular virtues that distinguished other Prelates,
he ascribes

"To Berkeley every virtue under heaven."

I close these memoirs of the early companion, and congenial and
lasting friend of Oglethorpe, with the verses referred to, written by
him.

"ON THE PROSPECT OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IN AMERICA."

The muse, disgusted at an age and time,
Barren of every glorious theme,
In distant lands now waits a better clime,
Producing subjects worthy fame.

In happy climes, where from the genial sun
And virgin earth such scenes ensue,
The force of art by nature seems outdone,
And fancied beauties by the true:

In happy climes, the seat of innocence,
Where nature guides and virtue rules;
Where men shall not impose, for truth and sense,
The pedantry of courts and schools:

There shall be seen another golden age,
The rise of empire and of arts;
The good and great inspiring epic page,
The wisest heads and noblest hearts.

Not such as Europe breeds in her decay,
Such as she bred when fresh and young,
When heavenly flame did animate her clay,
By future ages shall be sung.

Westward the course of empire takes its way,--
The four first acts already past,
A fifth shall close the drama with the day,--
Time's noblest offspring is the last.


IV.


REFERENCE TO DEBATES IN THE BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS IN WHICH
OGLETHORPE TOOK A PART.

[_See History and Proceedings of the House of Commons_.]

Against the banishment of Francis Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester.
April 6, 1723.

On ecclesiastical benefices.

On the preference of a militia to a standing army. Plea in behalf of
the persecuted Protestants in Germany January, 1731-2.

On the bill for the better securing and encouraging the trade of the
sugar Colonies. January 28, 1732.

On the petition of Sir Thomas Lombe relating to his silk winding
machine.

On the petition from the proprietors of the Charitable Corporation,
complaining of the mismanagement of their directors &c. February,
1732.

On a second reading of the sugar colony bill.

On the motion for an address of thanks in answer to the King's speech.
January 27, 1734. [His speech fills more than three pages.]

On the motion in the grand committee on the supply for granting thirty
thousand men for the sea service for the year 1735. February 7th,
1734-5. [This speech fills six pages and a half.]

Against committing the bill for limiting the number of officers in the
House of Commons.

On Sir J. Barnard's motion for taking off such taxes as are burdensome
to the poor and the manufacturers.

Against the act for disabling Alexander Wilson, Esq., from the holding
office, &c.

On the petition, in 1747, of the United Brethren to have the _Act for
naturalizing foreigners in North America_, extended to them and other
settlers who made a scruple of performing military service.

On another petition of the United Brethren presented 20th of February,
1749.

[All the speeches in both Houses of Parliament on each of these
petitions, were printed in the _Universal Magazine_ for the months of
April and May, 1749.]

He spoke on other occasions, to have indicated which would have
required more research than I could spare.


V.


PRISON-VISITING COMMITTEE.

This committee consisted of the following gentlemen:

James Oglethorpe, Esquire, Chairman,
The Right Honorable the Lord Finch,
The Right Honorable Lord Percival,
Sir Robert Sutton, Knight of the Bath,
Sir Robert Clifton, Knight of the Bath,
Sir Abraham Elton, Baronet,
Sir Gregory Page, Baronet,
Sir Edmund Knatchbull, Baronet,
Vultus Cornwall, Esquire,
General Wade,
Humphry Parsons, Esquire,
Captain Vernon,
Robert Byng, Esquire,
Judge Advocate Hughes.

On Thursday, the 27th of February, they went to the Fleet prison to
examine into the state of that gaol, in order for the relief of the
insolvent debtors, &c., when the irons were ordered to be taken off
Sir William Rich, Baronet. The next day, the same committee went a
second time to the Fleet prison, where, upon complaint made to them
that Sir William Rich was again put in irons, they made report thereof
to the House of Commons, who thereupon ordered Mr. Bambridge, the
warden of the Fleet, to be taken into the custody of their sergeant at
arms.

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

"On Thursday, the 20th of March, Mr. Oglethorpe from the committee
appointed to inquire into the state of the gaols of this kingdom, made
a REPORT of some progress they had made, with the RESOLUTIONS of
the committee thereupon, and he read the Report in his place, and
afterwards delivered the same (with two appendixes) in at the table,
where the Report was read, and the resolutions of the committee
being severally read a second time, were agreed to by the House, in
substance as follows, viz.:

"Resolved, _nemine contradicente_, that Thomas Bambridge, the acting
Warden of the prison at the Fleet, hath wilfully permitted several
debtors to the crown in great sums of money, as well as debtors to
divers of his Majesty's subjects to escape; hath been guilty of the
most notorious breaches of his trust; great extortions, and the
highest crimes and misdemeanors in the execution of his said office;
and hath arbitrarily and unlawfully loaded with irons, put into
dungeons, and destroyed prisoners for debt under his charge, treating
them in the most barbarous and cruel manner, in high violation and
contempt of the laws of this kingdom:

"Resolved, _nemine contradicente_, that John Higgins, Esq., late
warden of the prison of the Fleet, did during the time of his
wardenship, wilfully permit many in his custody to escape, and was
notoriously guilty of great breaches of his trust, extortions,
cruelties, and many other high crimes and misdemeanors, &c., &c.

"And that James Barnes, William Pindar, John Everett, and Thomas King
were agents of, and accomplices with the said Thomas Bambridge in the
commission of his said crimes.

"At the same time, upon a motion made by Mr. Oglethorpe, by direction
of the committee, it was unanimously resolved to address his Majesty
that he would be graciously pleased to direct his Attorney General
forthwith to prosecute, in the most effectual manner, the said Thomas
Bambridge, John Higgins, James Barnes, William Pindar, John Everett,
and Thomas King for their said crimes.

"It was also ordered that the said Bambridge, Higgins, Barnes, Pindar,
Everett, and King be committed close prisoners in His Majesty's gaol
of Newgate.

"Then, upon Mr. Oglethorpe's motions, two bills were ordered to be
brought in, one to disable Thomas Bambridge from holding or executing
the office of Warden of the Prison of the Fleet, or to have or
exercise any authority relating therein. The other, for better
regulating the prison of the Fleet, and for more effectually
preventing and punishing arbitrary and illegal practices of the Warden
of the said prison.

"In the last place the Commons ordered the Report from the Committee
relating to the Fleet prison to be printed." [N.B. The substance of
this report is given in BOYER's _Political State of Europe_, Vol.
XXXVII. p. 359-377.]

The labors of Oglethorpe and his associates to correct prison abuses,
were warmly acknowledged by their country, and were the grateful theme
of the poet. They were alluded to by THOMSON in the following strain:

"And here can I forget the generous hand
Who, touched with human woe, redressive searched
Into the horrors of the gloomy jail?
Where misery moans unpitied and unheard,
Where sickness pines, where thirst and hunger burn,
And poor misfortune feels the lash of vice?

* * * * *

"Ye sons of mercy! yet resume the search,
Drag forth the legal monsters into light;
Wrench from their hands oppression's iron rod
And bid the cruel feel the pains they give!"

[_Winter_, l. 359-388.]

"The wretched condition of confined debtors, and the extortions and
oppressions to which they were subjected by gaolers, thus came to be
known to persons in high stations, and this excited the compassion of
several gentlemen to think of some method of relieving the poor from
that distress in which they were often involved without any fault
of their own, but by some conduct which deserved pity rather than
punishment."


VI.


RELEASE TO INSOLVENT DEBTORS, FROM PRISON.

In a very excellent publication entitled "_Reasons for establishing
the Colony of_ GEORGIA, _with regard to the trade of Great Britain,
the increase of our people, and the employment and support it
will afford to great numbers of our own poor, as well as foreign
Protestants_," by BENJAMIN MARTIN, Esq. _Lond_. 1733; are some remarks
in reference to the release of insolvent debtors from gaol, which I
deem it proper to extract and annex here; and the rather, because the
work is exceedingly rare.

After describing the deplorable condition of those who are in reduced
circumstances, and need assistance and would be glad of employment,
the writer refers to the situation of those who are thrown into
prison for debt, and judges that the number may be estimated at _four
thousand every year_; and that above one third part of the debts is
never recovered hereby; and then adds, "If half of these, or only
five hundred of them, were to be sent to Georgia every year to be
incorporated with those foreign Protestants who are expelled their own
country for religion, what great improvements might not be expected in
our trade, when those, as well as the foreigners, would be so many new
subjects gained by England? For, while they are in prison, they are
absolutely lost,--the public loses their labor, and their knowledge.
If they take the benefit of the Act of Parliament that allows them
liberty on the delivery of their all to their creditors, they come
destitute into the world again. As they have no money and little
credit, they find it almost impossible to, get into business,
especially when our trades are overstocked. They, therefore, by
contracting new debts, must return again into prison, or, how honest
soever their dispositions may be, by idleness and necessity will be
forced into bad courses, such as begging, cheating, or robbing. These,
then, likewise, are useless to the state; not only so, but dangerous.
But these (it will be said) may be serviceable by their labor in
the country. To force them to it, I am afraid, is impracticable; to
suppose they will voluntarily do it, I am sure is unlikely. The Colony
of Georgia will be a proper asylum for these. This will make the act
of parliament of more effect. Here they will have the best motive for
industry; a possession of their own, and no possibility of subsisting
without it.


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