An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, Particularly the African - Thomas Clarkson
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CHAP. VIII.
But if men therefore, at a time when under the influence of religion
they exercised their serious thoughts, abolished slavery, how impious
must they appear, who revived it; and what arguments will not present
themselves against their conduct![030] The Portuguese, within two
centuries after its suppression in Europe, in imitation of those
_piracies_, which we have shewn to have existed in the _uncivilized_
ages of the world, made their descents on Africa, and committing
depredations on the coast,[031] _first_ carried the wretched
inhabitants into slavery.
This practice, however trifling and partial it might appear at first,
soon became serious and general. A melancholy instance of the depravity
of human nature; as it shews, that neither the laws nor religion of any
country, however excellent the forms of each, are sufficient to bind the
consciences of some; but that there are always men, of every age,
country, and persuasion, who are ready to sacrifice their dearest
principles at the shrine of gain. Our own ancestors, together with the
Spaniards, French, and most of the maritime powers of Europe, soon
followed the _piratical_ example; and thus did the Europeans, to their
eternal infamy, renew a custom, which their _own_ ancestors had so
lately exploded, from a _conscientiousness_ of its _impiety_.
The unfortunate Africans, terrified at these repeated depredations, fled
in confusion from the coast, and sought, in the interiour parts of the
country, a retreat from the persecution of their invaders. But, alas,
they were miserably disappointed! There are few retreats, that can
escape the penetrating eye of avarice. The Europeans still pursued them;
they entered their rivers; sailed up into the heart of the country;
surprized the unfortunate Africans again; and carried them into slavery.
But this conduct, though successful at first, defeated afterwards its
own ends. It created a more general alarm, and pointed out, at the same
instant, the best method of security from future depredations. The banks
of the rivers were accordingly deserted, as the coasts had been before;
and thus were the _Christian_ invaders left without a prospect of
their prey.
In this situation however, expedients were not wanting. They now formed
to themselves the resolution of settling in the country; of securing
themselves by fortified ports; of changing their system of force into
that of pretended liberality; and of opening, by every species of
bribery and corruption, a communication with the natives. These plans
were put into immediate execution. The Europeans erected their
forts[032]; landed their merchandize; and endeavoured, by a peaceable
deportment, by presents, and by every appearance of munificence, to
seduce the attachment and confidence of the Africans. These schemes had
the desired effect. The gaudy trappings of European art, not only caught
their attention, but excited their curiosity: they dazzled the eyes and
bewitched the senses, not only of those, to whom they were given, but of
those, to whom they were shewn. Thus followed a speedy intercourse with
each other, and a confidence, highly favourable to the views of avarice
or ambition.
It was now time for the Europeans to embrace the opportunity, which this
intercourse had thus afforded them, of carrying their schemes into
execution, and of fixing them on such a permanent foundation, as should
secure them future success. They had already discovered, in the
different interviews obtained, the chiefs of the African tribes. They
paid their court therefore to these, and so compleatly intoxicated their
senses with the luxuries, which they brought from home, as to be able to
seduce them to their designs. A treaty of peace and commerce was
immediately concluded: it was agreed, that the kings, on their part,
should, from this period, sentence _prisoners of war_ and _convicts_
to _European servitude_; and that the Europeans should supply them, in
return, with the luxuries of the north. This agreement immediately took
place; and thus begun that _commerce_, which makes so considerable a
figure at the present day.
But happy had the Africans been, if those only, who had been justly
convicted of crimes, or taken in a just war, had been sentenced to the
severities of servitude! How many of those miseries, which afterwards
attended them, had been never known; and how would their history have
saved those sighs and emotions of pity, which must now ever accompany
its perusal. The Europeans, on the establishment of their western
colonies, required a greater number of slaves than a strict adherence to
the treaty could produce. The princes therefore had only the choice of
relinquishing the commerce, or of consenting to become unjust. They had
long experienced the emoluments of the trade; they had acquired a taste
for the luxuries it afforded; and they now beheld an opportunity of
gratifying it, but in a more extentive manner. _Avarice_ therefore,
which was too powerful for _justice_ on this occasion, immediately
turned the scale: not only those, who were fairly convicted of offences,
were now sentenced to servitude, but even those who were _suspected_.
New crimes were invented, that new punishments might succeed. Thus was
every appearance soon construed into reality; every shadow into a
substance; and often virtue into a crime.
Such also was the case with respect to prisoners of war. Not only those
were now delivered into slavery, who were taken in a state of publick
enmity and injustice, but those also, who, conscious of no injury
whatever, were taken in the _arbitrary_ skirmishes of these _venal_
sovereigns. War was now made, not as formerly, from the motives of
retaliation and defence, but for the sake of obtaining prisoners alone,
and the advantages resulting from their sale. If a ship from Europe came
but into sight, it was now considered as a sufficient motive for a war,
and as a signal only for an instantaneous commencement of hostilities.
But if the African kings could be capable of such injustice, what vices
are there, that their consciences would restrain, or what enormities,
that we might not expect to be committed? When men once consent to be
unjust, they lose, at the same instant with their virtue, a considerable
portion of that sense of shame, which, till then, had been found a
successful protector against the sallies of vice. From that awful
period, almost every expectation is forlorn: the heart is left
unguarded: its great protector is no more: the vices therefore, which so
long encompassed it in vain, obtain an easy victory: in crouds they pour
into the defenceless avenues, and take possession of the soul: there is
nothing now too vile for them to meditate, too impious to perform. Such
was the situation of the despotick sovereigns of Africa. They had once
ventured to pass the bounds of virtue, and they soon proceeded to
enormity. This was particularly conspicuous in that general conduct,
which they uniformly observed, after any unsuccessful conflict.
Influenced only by the venal motives of European traffick, they first
made war upon the neighbouring tribes, contrary to every principle of
justice; and if, by the flight of the enemy, or by other contingencies,
they were disappointed of their prey, they made no hesitation of
immediately turning their arms against their own subjects. The first
villages they came to, were always marked on this occasion, as the first
objects of their avarice. They were immediately surrounded, were
afterwards set on fire, and the wretched inhabitants seized, as they
were escaping from the flames. These, consisting of whole families,
fathers, brothers, husbands, wives, and children, were instantly driven
in chains to the merchants, and consigned to slavery.
To these calamities, which thus arose from the tyranny of the kings, we
may now subjoin those, which arose from the avarice of private persons.
Many were kidnapped by their own countrymen, who, encouraged by the
merchants of Europe, previously lay in wait for them, and sold them
afterwards for slaves; while the seamen of the different ships, by every
possible artifice, enticed others on board, and transported them to the
regions of servitude.
As these practices are in full force at the present day, it appears that
there are four orders of _involuntary_ slaves on the African
continent; of [033]_convicts_; of _prisoners of war_; of
those, who are publickly seized by virtue of the _authority_ of
their prince; and of those, who are privately _kidnapped_ by
individuals.
It remains only to observe on this head, that in the sale and purchase
of these the African commerce or _Slave Trade_ consists; that they
are delivered to the merchants of Europe in exchange for their various
commodities; that these transport them to their colonies in the west,
where their _slavery_ takes place; and that a fifth order arises
there, composed of all such as are born to the native Africans, after
their transportation and slavery have commenced.
Having thus explained as much of the history of modern servitude, as is
sufficient for the prosecution of our design, we should have closed our
account here, but that a work, just published, has furnished us with a
singular anecdote of the colonists of a neighbouring nation, which we
cannot but relate. The learned [034]author, having described the method
which the Dutch colonists at the Cape make use of to take the Hottentots
and enslave them, takes occasion, in many subsequent parts of the work,
to mention the dreadful effects of the practice of slavery; which, as he
justly remarks, "leads to all manner of misdemeanours and wickedness.
Pregnant women," says he, "and children in their tenderest years, were
not at this time, neither indeed are they ever, exempt from the effects
of the hatred and spirit of vengeance constantly harboured by the
colonists, with respect to the [035]Boshies-man nation; _excepting such
indeed as are marked out to be carried away into bondage_.
"Does a colonist at any time get sight of a Boshies-man, he takes fire
immediately, and spirits up his horse and dogs, in order to hunt him
with more ardour and fury than he would a wolf, or any other wild beast?
On an open plain, a few colonists on horseback are always sure to get
the better of the greatest number of Boshies-men that can be brought
together; as the former always keep at the distance of about an hundred,
or an hundred and fifty paces (just as they find it convenient) and
charging their heavy fire-arms with a very large kind of shot, jump off
their horses, and rest their pieces in their usual manner on their
ramrods, in order that they may shoot with the greater certainty; so
that the balls discharged by them will sometimes, as I have been
assured, go through the bodies of six, seven, or eight of the enemy at a
time, especially as these latter know no better than to keep close
together in a body."--
"And not only is the capture of the Hottentots considered by them merely
as a party of pleasure, but in cold blood they destroy the bands which
nature has knit between their husbands, and their wives and children,
&c."
With what horrour do these passages seem to strike us! What indignation
do they seem to raise in our breasts, when we reflect, that a part of
the human species are considered as _game_, and that _parties of
pleasure_ are made for their _destruction_! The lion does not
imbrue his claws in blood, unless called upon by hunger, or provoked by
interruption; whereas the merciless Dutch, more savage than the brutes
themselves, not only murder their fellow-creatures without any
provocation or necessity, but even make a diversion of their sufferings,
and enjoy their pain.
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FOOTNOTES
[Footnote 030: The following short history of the African servitude, is
taken from Astley's Collection of Voyages, and from the united
testimonies of Smyth, Adanson, Bosman, Moore, and others, who were
agents to the different factories established there; who resided many
years in the country; and published their respective histories at their
return. These writers, if they are partial at all, may be considered as
favourable rather to their own countrymen, than the unfortunate
Africans.]
[Footnote 031: We would not wish to be understood, that slavery was
unknown in Africa before the _piratical_ expeditions of the
_Portuguese_, as it appears from the _Nubian's Geography_,
that both the slavery and commerce had been established among the
natives with one another. We mean only to assert, that the
_Portuguese_ were the first of the _Europeans_, who made their
_piratical_ expeditions, and shewed the way to that _slavery_,
which now makes so disgraceful a figure in the western colonies of the
_Europeans_. In the term "Europeans," wherever it shall occur in
the remaining part of this first dissertation, we include the
_Portuguese_, and _those nations only_, who followed their
example.]
[Footnote 032: The _Portuguese_ erected their first fort at
_D'Elmina_, in the year 1481, about forty years after Alonzo
Gonzales had pointed the Southern Africans out to his countrymen
as articles of commerce.]
[Footnote 033: In the ancient servitude, we reckoned _convicts_
among the _voluntary_ slaves, because they had it in their power,
by a virtuous conduct, to have avoided so melancholy a situation; in the
_African_, we include them in the _involuntary_, because, as
virtues are frequently construed into crimes, from the venal motives of
the traffick, no person whatever possesses such a _power_ or
_choice_.]
[Footnote 034: Andrew Sparrman, M.D. professor of Physick at Stockholm,
fellow of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Sweden, and inspector of its
cabinet of natural history, whose voyage was translated into English,
and published in 1785.]
[Footnote 035: Boshies-man, or _wild Hottentot_.]
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End of the First Part.
* * * * *
PART II.
THE AFRICAN COMMERCE,
OR
SLAVE TRADE.
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CHAP. I.
As we explained the History of Slavery in the first part of this Essay,
as far as it was necessary for our purpose, we shall now take the
question into consideration, which we proposed at first as the subject
of our inquiry, viz. how far the commerce and slavery of the human
species, as revived by some of the nations of Europe in the persons of
the unfortunate Africans, and as revived, in a great measure, on the
principles of antiquity, are consistent with the laws of nature, or the
common notions of equity, as established among men.
This question resolves itself into two separate parts for discussion,
into _the African commerce (as explained in the history of
slavery)_ and _the subsequent slavery in the colonies, as founded
on the equity of the commerce_. The former, of course, will be first
examined. For this purpose we shall inquire into the rise, nature, and
design of government. Such an inquiry will be particularly useful in the
present place; it will afford us that general knowledge of subordination
and liberty, which is necessary in the case before us, and will be
found, as it were, a source, to which we may frequently refer for many
and valuable arguments.
It appears that mankind were originally free, and that they possessed an
equal right to the soil and produce of the earth. For proof of this, we
need only appeal to the _divine_ writings; to the _golden age_
of the poets, which, like other fables of the times, had its origin in
truth; and to the institution of the _Saturnalia_, and of other
similar festivals; all of which are so many monuments of this original
equality of men. Hence then there was no rank, no distinction, no
superiour. Every man wandered where he chose, changing his residence, as
a spot attracted his fancy, or suited his convenience, uncontrouled by
his neighbour, unconnected with any but his family. Hence also (as every
thing was common) he collected what he chose without injury, and enjoyed
without injury what he had collected. Such was the first situation of
mankind; [036]a state of _dissociation_ and _independence_.
In this dissociated state it is impossible that men could have long
continued. The dangers to which they must have frequently been exposed,
by the attacks of fierce and rapacious beasts, by the proedatory
attempts of their own species, and by the disputes of contiguous and
independent families; these, together with their inability to defend,
themselves, on many such occasions, must have incited them to unite.
Hence then was _society_ formed on the grand principles of
preservation and defence: and as these principles began to operate, in
the different parts of the earth, where the different families had
roamed, a great number of these _societies_ began to be formed and
established; which, taking to themselves particular names from
particular occurrences, began to be perfectly distinct from one another.
As the individuals, of whom these societies were composed, had
associated only for their defence, so they experienced, at first, no
change in their condition. They were still independent and free; they
were still without discipline or laws; they had every thing still in
common; they pursued the same, manner of life; wandering only, in
_herds_, as the earth gave them or refused them sustenance, and
doing, as a _publick body_, what they had been accustomed to do as
_individuals_ before. This was the exact situation of the Getae and
Scythians[037], of the Lybians and Goetulians[038], of the Italian
Aborigines[039], and of the Huns and Alans[040]. They had left their
original state of _dissociation_, and had stepped into that, which
has been just described. Thus was the second situation of men a state of
_independent society_.
Having thus joined themselves together, and having formed themselves
into several large and distinct bodies, they could not fail of
submitting soon to a more considerable change. Their numbers must have
rapidly increased, and their societies, in process of time, have become
so populous, as frequently to have experienced the want of subsistence,
and many of the commotions and tumults of intestine strife. For these
inconveniences however there were remedies to be found.
_Agriculture_ would furnish them with that subsistence and support,
which the earth, from the rapid increase of its inhabitants, had become
unable spontaneously to produce. An _assignation_ of _property_
would not only enforce an application, but excite an emulation,
to labour; and _government_ would at once afford a security
to the acquisitions of the industrious, and heal the intestine
disorders of the community, by the introduction of laws.
Such then were the remedies, that were gradually applied. The
_societies_, which had hitherto seen their members, undistinguished
either by authority or rank, admitted now of magistratical pre-eminence.
They were divided into tribes; to every tribe was allotted a particular
district for its support, and to every individual his particular spot.
The Germans[041], who consisted of many and various nations, were
exactly in this situation. They had advanced a step beyond the
Scythians, Goetulians, and those, whom we described before; and thus was
the third situation of mankind a state of _subordinate society_.
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FOOTNOTES
[Footnote 036: This conclusion concerning the dissociated state of
mankind, is confirmed by all the early writers, with whose descriptions
of primitive times no other conclusion is reconcileable.]
[Footnote 037: Justin. L. 2. C. 2.]
[Footnote 038: Sallust. Bell. Jug.]
[Footnote 039: Sallust. Bell. Catil.]
[Footnote 040: Ammianus Marcellinus. L. 31. C. 2. et. inseq.]
[Footnote 041: Agri pro Numero Cultorum ab universis per vicos
occupantur, quos mox inter se secundum dignationem partiuntur. Tacitus.
C. 26. de Mor. Germ.]
* * * * *
CHAP. II.
As we have thus traced the situation of man from unbounded liberty to
subordination, it will be proper to carry our inquiries farther, and to
consider, who first obtained the pre-eminence in these _primoeval
societies_, and by what particular methods it was obtained.
There were only two ways, by which such an event could have been
produced, by _compulsion_ or _consent_. When mankind first saw
the necessity of government, it is probable that many had conceived the
desire of ruling. To be placed in a new situation, to be taken from the
common herd, to be the first, distinguished among men, were thoughts,
that must have had their charms. Let us suppose then, that these
thoughts had worked so unusually on the passions of any particular
individual, as to have driven him to the extravagant design of obtaining
the preeminence by force. How could his design have been accomplished?
How could he forcibly have usurped the jurisdiction at a time, when, all
being equally free, there was not a single person, whose assistance he
could command? Add to this, that, in a state of universal liberty, force
had been repaid by force, and the attempt had been fatal to the usurper.
As _empire_ then could never have been gained at first by
_compulsion_, so it could only have been obtained by _consent_;
and as men were then going to make an important sacrifice,
for the sake of their _mutual_ happiness, so he alone could
have obtained it, (not whose _ambition_ had greatly distinguished
him from the rest) but in whose _wisdom, justice, prudence_,
and _virtue_, the whole community could confide.
To confirm this reasoning, we shall appeal, as before, to facts; and
shall consult therefore the history of those nations, which having just
left their former state of _independent society_, were the very
people that established _subordination_ and _government_.
The commentaries of Caesar afford us the following accounts of the
ancient Gauls. When any of their kings, either by death, or deposition,
made a vacancy in the regal office, the whole nation was immediately
convened for the appointment of a successor. In these national
conventions were the regal offices conferred. Every individual had a
voice on the occasion, and every individual was free. The person upon
whom the general approbation appeared to fall, was immediately advanced
to pre-eminence in the state. He was uniformly one, whose actions had
made him eminent; whose conduct had gained him previous applause; whose
valour the very assembly, that elected him, had themselves witnessed in
the field; whose prudence, wisdom and justice, having rendered him
signally serviceable, had endeared him to his tribe. For this reason,
their kingdoms were not hereditary; the son did not always inherit the
virtues of the sire; and they were determined that he alone should
possess authority, in whose virtues they could confide. Nor was this
all. So sensible were they of the important sacrifice they had made; so
extremely jealous even of the name of superiority and power, that they
limited, by a variety of laws, the authority of the very person, whom
they had just elected, from a confidence of his integrity; Ambiorix
himself confessing, "that his people had as much power over him, as he
could possibly have over his people."
The same custom, as appears from Tacitus, prevailed also among the
Germans. They had their national councils, like the Gauls; in which the
regal and ducal offices were confirmed according to the majority of
voices. They elected also, on these occasions, those only, whom their
virtue, by repeated trial, had unequivocally distinguished from the
rest; and they limited their authority so far, as neither to leave them
the power of inflicting imprisonment or stripes, nor of exercising any
penal jurisdiction. But as punishment was necessary in a state of civil
society, "it was permitted to the priests alone, that it might appear to
have been inflicted, by the order of the gods, and not by any superiour
authority in man."
The accounts which we have thus given of the ancient Germans and Gauls,
will be found also to be equally true of those people, which had arrived
at the same state of subordinate society. We might appeal, for a
testimony of this, to the history of the Goths; to the history of the
Franks and Saxons; to, the history, in short, of all those nations, from
which the different governments, now conspicuous in Europe, have
undeniably sprung. And we might appeal, as a farther proof, to the
Americans, who are represented by many of the moderns, from their own
ocular testimony, as observing the same customs at the present day.
It remains only to observe, that as these customs prevailed among the
different nations described, in their early state of subordinate
society, and as they were moreover the customs of their respective
ancestors, it appears that they must have been handed down, both by
tradition and use, from the first introduction of _government_.