The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition - Thomas Clarkson
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In the year 1773, William Dillwyn, in conjunction with Richard Smith and
Daniel Wells, two of his own society, wrote a pamphlet in answer to
arguments then prevailing, that the manumission of slaves would be
injurious. This pamphlet--which was entitled, _Brief Considerations on
Slavery, and the Expediency of its Abolition; with some Hints on the
Means whereby it may be gradually effected_,--proved that in lieu of the
usual security required, certain sums paid at the several periods of
manumission would amply secure the public, as well as the owners of the
slaves, from any future burdens. In the same year also, when the
society, joined by several hundreds of others in New Jersey, presented a
petition to the legislature, (as mentioned in the former chapter,) to
obtain an act of assembly for the more equitable manumission of slaves
in that province, William Dillwyn was one of a deputation, which was
heard at the bar of the assembly for that purpose.
In 1774, he came to England, but his attention was still kept alive to
the subject; for he was the person by whom Anthony Benezet sent his
letter to the Countess of Huntingdon, as before related. He was also the
person to whom the same venerable defender of the African race sent his
letter, before spoken of, to be forwarded to the Queen.
That William Dillwyn, and those of his own class in England, acted upon
motives very distinct from those of the former class, may be said with
truth; for they acted upon the constitutional principles of their own
society, as incorporated into its discipline: which principles would
always have incited them to the subversion of slavery, as far as they
themselves were concerned, whether any other person had abolished it or
not. To which it may be added, as a further proof of the originality of
their motives, that the Quakers have had, ever since their institution
as a religious body, but little intercourse with the world.
The third class, to which I now come, consisted, as we have seen, first
of the Quakers in America; and secondly, of an union, of these with
others on the same continent. The principal individuals concerned in
this union were James Pemberton and Dr. Rush. The former of these,
having taken an active part in several of the yearly meetings of his own
society relative to the oppressed Africans, and having been in habits of
intimacy and friendship with John Woolman and Anthony Benezet, with the
result of whose labours he was acquainted, may be supposed to have
become qualified to take a leading station in the promotion of their
cause. Dr. Rush also had shown himself, as has appeared, an able
advocate, and had even sustained a controversy in their favour. That the
two last mentioned acted also on motives of their own, or independently
of those belonging to the other two classes, when they formed their
association in Pennsylvania, will be obvious from these circumstances;
first, that most of those of the first class, who contributed to throw
the greatest light and odium upon the Slave Trade, had not then made
their public appearance in the world. And, with respect to the second
class, the little committee belonging to it had neither been formed nor
thought of.
And as the individuals in each of the three classes, who have now been
mentioned, had an education as it were to qualify them for acting
together in this great cause, and had moved independently of each other;
so it will appear that, by means of circumstances, which they themselves
had neither foreseen nor contrived, a junction between them was rendered
easily practicable, and that it was beginning to take place at the
period assigned.
To show this, I must first remind the reader, that Anthony Benezet, as
soon as he heard of the result of the case of Somerset, opened a
correspondence with Granville Sharp, which was kept up to the
encouragement of both. In the year 1774, when he learned that William
Dillwyn was going to England, he gave him letters to that gentleman.
Thus one of the most conspicuous of the second class was introduced,
accidentally as it were, to one of the most conspicuous of the first. In
the year 1775, William Dillwyn went back to America, but, on his return
to England to settle, he renewed his visits to Granville Sharp. Thus the
connexion was continued. To these observations I may now add, that
Samuel Hoare, of the same class as William Dillwyn, had, in consequence
of the Bishop of Chester's sermon, begun a correspondence in 1784, as
before mentioned, with Mr. Ramsay, who was of the same class as Mr.
Sharp. Thus four individuals of the two first classes were in the way of
an union with one another.
But circumstances equally natural contributed to render an union between
the members of the second and the third classes easily practicable also.
For what was more natural than that William Dillwyn, who was born and
who had resided long in America, should have connexions there? He had
long cultivated a friendship (not then knowing to what it would lead)
with James Pemberton. His intimacy with him was like that of a family
connexion. They corresponded together; they corresponded also as kindred
hearts, relative to the Slave Trade. Thus two members of the second and
third classes had opened an intercourse on the subject and thus was
William Dillwyn the great medium, through whom the members of the two
classes now mentioned, as well as the members of all the three, might be
easily united also, if a fit occasion should offer.
CHAPTER VII.
[Sidenote: Fourth class of forerunners and coadjutors up to 1787.--Dr.
Peckard, vice-chancellor of the University of Cambridge, the first of
these; gives out the Slave Trade as the subject for one of the annual
prizes.--Author writes and obtains the first of these; reads his
Dissertation in the Senate-house in the summer of 1785; his feelings on
the subject during his return home; is desirous of aiding the cause of
the Africans, but sees great difficulties; determines to publish his
prize essay for this purpose; is accidentally thrown into the way of
James Phillips, who introduces him to W. Dillwyn, the connecting medium
of the three classes before mentioned; and to G. Sharp and Mr. Ramsay,
and to R. Phillips.]
I proceed now to the fourth class of forerunners and coadjutors up to
the year 1787 in the great cause of the abolition of the Slave Trade.
The first of these was Dr. Peckard. This gentleman had distinguished
himself in the earlier part of his life by certain publications on the
intermediate state of the soul, and by others in favour of civil and
religious liberty. To the latter cause he was a warm friend, seldom
omitting any opportunity of declaring his sentiments in its favour. In
the course of his preferment he was appointed by Sir John Griffin,
afterwards Lord Howard of Walden, to the mastership of Magdalen College
in the University of Cambridge. In this high office he considered it to
be his duty to support those doctrines which he had espoused when in an
inferior station; and accordingly, when in the year 1784 it devolved
upon him to preach a sermon, before the University of Cambridge, he
chose his favourite subject: in the handling of which he took an
opportunity of speaking of the Slave Trade in the following nervous
manner:--
"Now, whether we consider the crime with respect to the
individuals concerned in this most barbarous and cruel traffic,
or whether we consider it as patronized and encouraged by the
laws of the land, it presents to our view an equal degree of
enormity. A crime, founded on a dreadful pre-eminence in
wickedness--a crime, which being both of individuals and the
nation, must sometime draw down upon us the heaviest judgment of
Almighty God, who made of one blood all the sons of men, and who
gave to all equally a natural right to liberty; and who, ruling
all the kingdoms of the earth with equal providential justice,
cannot suffer such deliberate, such monstrous iniquity, to pass
long unpunished."
But Dr. Peckard did not consider this delivery of his testimony, though
it was given before a learned and religious body, as a sufficient
discharge of his duty, while any opportunity remained of renewing it
with effect. And, as such an one offered in the year 1785, when he was
vice-chancellor of the University, he embraced it. In consequence of his
office, it devolved upon him to give out two subjects for Latin
dissertations, one to the middle bachelors, and the other to the senior
bachelors of arts. They who produced the best were to obtain the prizes.
To the latter he proposed the following: _Anne liceat Invitos in
Servitutem dare?_ or, _Is it right to make slaves of others against
their will?_
This circumstance of giving out subjects for the prizes, though only an
ordinary measure, became the occasion of my own labours, or of the real
honour which I feel in being able to consider myself as the next
coadjutor of this class in the cause of the injured Africans. For it
happened in this year that, being of the order of senior bachelors, I
became qualified to write. I had gained a prize for the best Latin
dissertation in the former year, and, therefore, it was expected that I
should obtain one in the present, or I should be considered as having
lost my reputation both in the eyes of the University and of my own
College. It had happened also, that I had been honoured with the first
of the prizes[A], in that year, and therefore it was expected again,
that I should obtain the first on this occasion. The acquisition of the
second, however honourable, would have been considered as a falling off,
or as a loss of former fame. I felt myself, therefore, particularly
called upon to maintain my post. And, with feelings of this kind, I
began to prepare myself for the question.
[Footnote A: There are two prizes on each subject, one for the best and
the other for the second-best essays.]
In studying the thesis, I conceived it to point directly to the African
Slave Trade, and more particularly as I knew that Dr. Peckard, in the
sermon which I have mentioned, had pronounced so warmly against it. At
any rate, I determined to give it this construction. But, alas! I was
wholly ignorant of this subject; and, what was unfortunate, a few weeks
only were allowed for the composition. I was determined, however, to
make the best use of my time. I got access to the manuscript papers of a
deceased friend, who had been in the trade. I was acquainted also with
several officers who had been in the West Indies, and from these I
gained something. But I still felt myself at a loss for materials, and I
did not know where to get them; when going by accident into a friend's
house, I took up a newspaper then lying on his table. One of the
articles which attracted my notice, was an advertisement of ANTHONY
BENEZET'S _Historical Account of Guinea_. I soon left my friend and his
paper, and, to lose no time, hastened to London to buy it. In this
precious book I found almost all I wanted. I obtained, by means of it, a
knowledge of, and access to, the great authorities of Adanson, Moore,
Barbot, Smith, Bosman, and others. It was of great consequence to know
what these persons had said upon this subject. For, having been
themselves either long resident in Africa, or very frequently there,
their knowledge of it could not be questioned. Having been concerned
also in the trade, it was not likely that they would criminate
themselves more than they could avoid. Writing too at a time when the
abolition was not even thought of, they could not have been biassed with
any view to that event. And, lastly, having been dead many years, they
could not have been influenced, as living evidences may be supposed to
have been, either to conceal or exaggerate, as their own interest might
lead them, either by being concerned in the continuance of the trade, or
by supporting the opinions of those of their patrons in power, who were
on the different sides of this question.
Furnished then in this manner, I began my work. But no person can tell
the severe trial which the writing of it proved to me. I had expected
pleasure from the invention of the arguments, from the arrangement of
them, from the putting of them together, and from the thought in the
interim that I was engaged in an innocent contest for literary honour.
But, all my pleasure was damped by the facts which were now continually
before me. It was but one gloomy subject from morning to night. In the
day-time I was uneasy. In the night I had little rest. I sometimes never
closed my eye-lids for grief. It became now not so much a trial for
academical reputation, as for the production of a work, which might be
useful to injured Africa. And keeping this idea in my mind ever after
the perusal of Benezet, I always slept with a candle in my room, that I
might rise out of my bed and put down such thoughts as might occur to me
in the night, if I judged them valuable, conceiving that no arguments of
any moment should be lost in so great a cause. Having at length finished
this painful task, I sent my Essay to the vice-chancellor, and soon
afterwards found myself honoured as before with the first prize.
As it is usual to read these Essays publicly in the senate-house soon
after the prize is adjudged, I was called to Cambridge for this purpose.
I went and performed my office. On returning however to London, the
subject of it almost wholly engrossed my thoughts. I became at times
very seriously affected while upon the road. I stopped my horse
occasionally, and dismounted and walked. I frequently tried to persuade
myself in these intervals that the contents of my Essay could not be
true. The more, however, I reflected upon them, or rather upon the
authorities on which they were founded, the more I gave them credit.
Coming in sight of Wades Mill, in Hertfordshire, I sat down disconsolate
on the turf by the roadside and held my horse. Here a thought came into
my mind, that if the contents of the Essay were true, it was time some
person should see these calamities to their end. Agitated in this
manner, I reached home. This was in the summer of 1785.
In the course of the autumn of the same year I experienced similar
impressions. I walked frequently into the woods, that I might think on
the subject in solitude, and find relief to my mind there. But there the
question still recurred, "Are these things true?" Still the answer
followed as instantaneously "They are." Still the result accompanied it,
"Then surely some person should interfere." I then began to envy those
who had seats in parliament, and who had great riches, and widely
extended connexions, which would enable them to take up this cause.
Finding scarcely any one at that time who thought of it, I was turned
frequently to myself. But here many difficulties arose. It struck me,
among others, that a young man of only twenty-four years of age could
not have that solid judgment or knowledge of men, manners, and things,
which were requisite to qualify him to undertake a task of such
magnitude and importance;--and with whom was I to unite? I believed
also, that it looked so much like one of the feigned labours of
Hercules, that my understanding would be suspected if I proposed it. On
ruminating, however, on the subject, I found one thing at least
practicable, and that this also was in my power. I could translate my
Latin dissertation. I could enlarge it usefully. I could see how the
public received it, or how far they were likely to favour any serious
measures, which should have a tendency to produce the abolition of the
Slave Trade. Upon this then I determined; and in the middle of the month
of November 1785, I began my work.
By the middle of January, I had finished half of it, though I had made
considerable additions. I now thought of engaging with some bookseller
to print it when finished. For this purpose I called upon Mr. Cadell, in
the Strand, and consulted him about it. He said that as the original
essay had been honoured by the University of Cambridge with the first
prize, this circumstance would insure it a respectable circulation among
persons of taste. I own I was not much pleased with his opinion. I
wished the essay to find its way among useful people, and among such as
would act and think with me. Accordingly I left Mr. Cadell, after having
thanked him for his civility, and determined, as I thought I had time
sufficient before dinner, to call upon a friend in the city. In going
past the Royal Exchange, Mr. Joseph Hancock, one of the religious
society of the Quakers, and with whose family my own had been long
united in friendship, suddenly met me. He first accosted me by saying
that I was the person whom he was wishing to see. He then asked me why I
had not published my prize essay. I asked him in return what had made
him think of that subject in particular. He replied that his own society
had long taken it up as a religious body, and individuals among them
were wishing to find me out. I asked him who. He answered, James
Phillips, a bookseller, in Georgeyard, Lombard-street, and William
Dillwyn, of Walthamstow, and others. Having but little time to spare, I
desired him to introduce me to one of them. In a few minutes he took me
to James Phillips, who was then the only one of them in town; by whose
conversation I was so much interested and encouraged, that without any
further hesitation I offered him the publication of my work. This
accidental introduction of me to James Phillips was, I found afterwards,
a most happy circumstance for the promotion of the cause which I had
then so deeply at heart, as it led me to the knowledge of several of
those, who became afterwards material coadjutors in it. It was also of
great importance to me with respect to the work itself: for he possessed
an acute penetration, a solid judgment, and a literary knowledge, which
he proved by the many alterations and additions he proposed; and which I
believe I uniformly adopted, after mature consideration, from a sense of
their real value. It was advantageous to me also, inasmuch as it led me
to his friendship, which was never interrupted but by his death.
On my second visit to James Phillips, at which time I brought him about
half my manuscript for the press, I desired him to introduce me to
William Dillwyn, as he also had mentioned him to me on my first visit,
and as I had not seen Mr. Hancock since. Matters were accordingly
arranged, and a day appointed before I left him. On this day I had my
first interview with my new friend. Two or three others of his own
religious society were present, but who they were, I do not now
recollect. There seemed to be a great desire among them to know the
motive, by which I had been actuated in contending for the prize. I told
them frankly that I had no motive but that which, other young men in the
University had on such occasions; namely, the wish of being
distinguished, or of obtaining literary honour; but that I had felt so
deeply on the subject of it, that I had lately interested myself in it
from a motive of duty. My conduct seemed to be highly approved by those
present, and much conversation ensued, but it was of a general nature.
As William Dillwyn wished very much to see me at his house at
Walthamstow, I appointed the 13th of March to spend the day with them
there. We talked for the most part, during my stay, on the subject of my
essay. I soon discovered the treasure I had met with in his local
knowledge, both of the Slave Trade and of slavery, as they existed in
the United States; and I gained from him several facts, which, with his
permission, I afterwards inserted in my work. But how surprised was I to
hear, in the course of our conversation, of the labours of Granville
Sharp, of the writings of Ramsay, and of the controversy in which the
latter was engaged, of all which I had hitherto known nothing! How
surprised was I to learn that William Dillwyn himself had, two years
before, associated himself with five others for the purpose of
enlightening the public mind upon this great subject! How astonished was
I to find that a society had been formed in America for the same object,
with some of the principal members of which he was intimately
acquainted! And how still more astonished at the inference which
instantly rushed upon my mind, that he was capable of being made the
great medium of connexion between them all. These thoughts almost
overpowered me. I believe that after this I talked but little more to my
friend. My mind was overwhelmed with the thought that I had been
providentially directed to his house; that the finger of Providence was
beginning to be discernible; that the day-star of African liberty was
rising, and that probably I might be permitted to become an humble
instrument in promoting it.
In the course of attending to my work, as now in the press, James
Phillips introduced me also to Granville Sharp, with whom I had
afterwards many interesting interviews from time to time, and whom I
discovered to be a distant relation by my father's side.
He introduced me also by letter to a correspondence with Mr. Ramsay, who
in a short time afterwards came to London to see me.
He introduced me also to his cousin, Richard Phillips, of Lincoln's Inn,
who was at that time, on the point of joining the religious society of
Quakers. In him I found much sympathy, and a willingness to co-operate
with me. When dull and disconsolate, he encouraged me. When in spirits,
he stimulated me further. Him I am now to mention as a new, but soon
afterwards as an active and indefatigable, coadjutor in the cause. But I
shall say more concerning him in a future chapter. I shall only now add
that my work was at length printed; that it was entitled _An Essay on
the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, particularly the African,
translated from a Latin Dissertation, which was honoured with the first
Prize in the University of Cambridge, for the year 1785; with
Additions_; and that it was ushered into the world in the month of June,
1786, or in about a year after it had been read in the Senate-house in
its first form.
CHAPTER VIII.
[Sidenote: Continuation of the fourth class of forerunners and
coadjutors up to 1787; Bennet Langton; Dr. Baker; Lord and Lady
Scarsdale.--Author visits Ramsay at Teston.--Lady Middleton and Sir
Charles (afterward Lord Barham).--Author declares himself at the house
of the latter ready now to devote himself to the cause; reconsiders this
declaration or pledge; his reasoning and struggle upon it; persists in
it; returns to London; and pursues the work as now a business of his
life.]
I had purposed, as I said before, when I determined to publish my essay,
to wait to see how the world would receive it, or what disposition there
would be in the public to favour my measures for the abolition of the
Slave Trade. But the conversation which I had held on the 13th of March
with William Dillwyn, continued to make such an impression upon me, that
I thought now there could be no occasion for waiting for such a purpose.
It seemed now only necessary to go forward. Others I found had already
begun the work. I had been thrown suddenly among these, as into a new
world of friends. I believed, also, that a way was opening under
Providence for support; and I now thought that nothing remained for me
but to procure as many coadjutors as I could.
I had long had the honour of the friendship of Mr. Bennet Langton, and I
determined to carry him one of my books, and to interest his feelings in
it, with a view of procuring his assistance in the cause. Mr. Langton
was a gentleman of an ancient family and respectable fortune in
Lincolnshire, but resided then in Queen Square, Westminster. He was
known as the friend of Dr. Johnson, Jonas Hanway, Edmund Burke, Sir
Joshua Reynolds, and others. Among his acquaintance, indeed, were most
of the literary, and eminent professional, and public-spirited men of
the times. At court, also, he was well known, and had the esteem of his
majesty (George III.), with whom he frequently conversed. His friends
were numerous also, in both houses of the legislature. As to himself, he
was much noted for his learning, but most of all for the great example
he gave, with respect to the usefulness and integrity of his life.
By introducing my work to the sanction of a friend of such high
character and extensive connexions, I thought I should be doing great
things. And so the event proved. For when I went to him after he had
read it, I found that it had made a deep impression upon his mind. As a
friend to humanity, he lamented over the miseries of the oppressed
Africans; and over the crimes of their tyrants, as a friend to morality
and religion. He cautioned me, however, against being too sanguine in my
expectations, as so many thousands were interested in continuing the
trade. Justice, however, which he said weighed with him beyond all
private or political interest, demanded a public inquiry, and he would
assist me to the utmost of his power in my attempts towards it. From
this time he became a zealous and active coadjutor in the cause, and
continued so to the end of his valuable life.