The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition - Thomas Clarkson
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The other remained in the hold for twelve hours. Scalding water mixed
with fat was poured down upon him, to make him come up. Though his flesh
was painfully blistered by these means, he kept below. A promise was
then made to him in the African tongue by the same trader, that no
injury should be done him if he would come among them. To this at length
he consented; but on observing, when he was about half way up, that a
sailor was armed between decks, he flew to him, and clasped him, and
threw him down. The sailor fired his pistol in the scuffle, but without
effect; he contrived, however, to fracture his skull with the butt end
of it, so that the slave died on the third day.
The second circumstance took place after the arrival of the same vessel
at St. Vincent's. There was a boy-slave on board, who was very ill and
emaciated. The mate, who, by his cruelty, had been the author of the
former mischief, did not choose to expose him to sale with the rest,
lest the small sum he would fetch in that situation should lower the
average price, and thus bring down[A] the value of the privileges of the
officers of the ship. This boy was kept on board, and no provisions
allowed him.
[Footnote A: Officers are said to be allowed the privilege of one or
more slaves, according to their rank. When the cargo is sold, the sum
total fetched is put down, and this being divided by the number of
slaves sold, gives the average price of each. Such officers, then,
receive this average price for one or more slaves, according to their
privileges, but never the slaves themselves.]
The mate had suggested the propriety of throwing him overboard, but no
one would do it. On the ninth day he expired, having never been allowed
any sustenance during that time.
I asked Mr. Arnold if he was willing to give evidence of these facts in
both cases. He said he had only one objection, which was, that in two or
three days he was to go in the Ruby on his third voyage: but on leaving
me, he said, that he would take an affidavit before the mayor of the
truth of any of those things which he had related to me, if that would
do; but, from motives of safety, he should not choose to do this till
within a few hours before he sailed.
In two or three days after this he sent for me; he said the Ruby would
leave King-road the next day, and that he was ready to do as he had
promised. Depositions were accordingly made out from his own words. I
went with him to the residence of George Daubeny, Esq., who was then
chief magistrate of the city, and they were sworn to in his presence,
and witnessed as the law requires.
On taking my leave of him, I asked him how he could go a third time in
such a barbarous employ; he said he had been distressed. In his voyage
in the Alexander he had made nothing; for he had been so ill-used, that
he had solicited his discharge in Grenada, where, being paid in
currency, he had but little to receive. When he arrived in Bristol from
that island, he was quite penniless; and finding the Little Pearl going
out, he was glad to get on board her as her surgeon, which he then did
entirely for the sake of bread. He said, moreover, that she was but a
small vessel, and that his savings had been but small in her. This
occasioned him to apply for the Ruby, his present ship; but if he
survived this voyage he would never go another. I then put the same
question to him as to Gardiner, and he promised to keep a journal of
facts, and to give his evidence, if called upon, on his return.
The reader will see, from this account, the difficulty I had in
procuring evidence from this port. The owners of vessels employed in the
trade there forbade all intercourse with me; the old captains, who had
made their fortunes in it, would not see me; the young, who were making
them, could not be supposed to espouse my cause, to the detriment of
their own interest. Of those whose necessities made them go into it for
a livelihood, I could not get one to come forward, without doing so much
for him as would have amounted to bribery. Thus, when I got one of these
into my possession, I was obliged to let him go again. I was, however,
greatly consoled by the consideration, that I had procured two sentinels
to be stationed in the enemy's camp, who keeping a journal of different
facts, would bring me some important intelligence at a future period.
CHAPTER XVI.
[Sidenote: Author goes to Monmouth; confers relative to a petition from
that place; returns to Bristol; is introduced to Alexander Falconbridge;
takes one of the mates of the Africa out of that ship; visits disabled
seamen from the ship Thomas; puts a chief mate into prison for the
murder of William Lines.--Ill-usage of seamen in various other
slave-vessels; secures Crutwell's Bath paper in favour of the abolition;
lays the foundation of a committee at Bristol; and of a petition from
thence also; takes his leave of that city.]
By this time I began to feel the effect of my labours upon my
constitution. It had been my practice to go home in the evening to my
lodgings, about twelve o'clock, and then to put down the occurrences of
the day. This usually kept me up till one, and sometimes till nearly two
in the morning. When I went my rounds in Marsh-street, I seldom got home
till two, and into bed till three. My clothes, also, were frequently wet
through with the rains. The cruel accounts I was daily in the habit of
hearing, both with respect to the slaves, and to the seamen employed in
this wicked trade, from which, indeed, my mind had no respite, often
broke my sleep in the night, and occasioned me to awake in an agitated
state. All these circumstances concurred in affecting my health; I
looked thin; my countenance became yellow; I had also rheumatic
feelings. My friends, seeing this, prevailed upon me to give myself two
or three days' relaxation; and as a gentleman, of whom I had some
knowledge, was going into Carmarthenshire, I accompanied him as far as
Monmouth.
After our parting at this place, I became restless and uneasy, and
longed to get back to my work. I thought, however, my journey ought not
to be wholly useless to the cause; and hearing that Dr. Davis, a
clergyman at Monmouth, was a man of considerable weight among the
inhabitants, I took the liberty of writing him a letter, in which I
stated who I was and the way in which I had lately employed myself, and
the great wish I had to be favoured with an interview with him; and I
did not conceal that it would be very desirable, if the inhabitants of
the place could have that information on the subject which would warrant
them in so doing, that they should petition the legislature for the
abolition of the Slave Trade. Dr. Davis returned me an answer, and
received me. The questions which he put to me were judicious. He asked
me, first, whether, if the slaves were emancipated, there would not be
much confusion in the islands? I told him that the emancipation of them
was no part of our plan; we solicited nothing but the stopping of all
future importations of them into the islands. He then asked what the
planters would do for labourers? I replied, they would find sufficient
from an increase of the native population, if they were obliged to pay
attention to the latter means. We discoursed a long time upon this last
topic. I have not room to give the many other questions he proposed to
me: no one was ever more judiciously questioned. In my turn, I put him
into possession of all the discoveries I had made. He acknowledged the
injustice of the trade; he confessed, also, that my conversation had
enlightened him as to the impolicy of it; and, taking some of my
_Summary View_ to distribute, he said he hoped that the inhabitants
would, after the perusal of them, accede to my request.
On my return to Bristol, my friends had procured for me an interview
with Mr. Alexander Falconbridge, who had been to the coast of Africa, as
a surgeon, for four voyages; one in the Tartar, another in the
Alexander, and two in the Emilia slave-vessels.
On my introduction to him, I asked him if he had any objection to give
me an account of the cruelties which were said to be connected with the
Slave Trade; he answered, without any reserve, that he had not; for that
he had now done with it. Never were any words more welcome to my ears
than these: "Yes--I have done with the trade;"--and he said, also, that
he was free to give me information concerning it. Was he not then one of
the very persons, whom I had so long been seeking, but in vain?
To detail the accounts which he gave me at this and at subsequent
interviews, relative to the different branches of this trade, would fill
no ordinary volume. Suffice it to say, in general terms, as far as
relates to the slaves, that he confirmed the various violent and
treacherous methods of procuring them in their own country; their
wretched condition, in consequence of being crowded together in the
passage; their attempts to rise in defence of their own freedom, and,
when this was impracticable, to destroy themselves by the refusal of
sustenance, by jumping overboard into the sea, and in other ways; the
effect also of their situation upon their minds, by producing insanity
and various diseases; and the cruel manner of disposing of them in the
West Indies, and of separating relatives and friends.
With respect to the seamen employed in this trade, he commended Captain
Frazer for his kind usage to them, under whom he had so long served. The
handsome way in which he spoke of the latter pleased me much, because I
was willing to deduce from it his own impartiality, and because I
thought I might infer from it, also, his regard to truth as to other
parts of his narrative. Indeed I had been before acquainted with this
circumstance. Thompson, of the Seven Stars, had informed me that Frazer
was the only man sailing out of that port for slaves who had not been
guilty of cruelty to his seamen: and Mr. Burges alluded to it, when he
gave me advice not to proceed against the captain of the Alfred; for he
then said, as I mentioned in a former chapter, "that he knew but one
captain in the trade, who did not deserve long ago to be hanged." Mr.
Falconbridge, however, stated, that though he had been thus fortunate in
the Tartar and Emilia, he had been as unfortunate in the Alexander; for
he believed there were no instances upon naval record, taken altogether,
of greater barbarity, than of that which had been exercised towards the
seamen in this voyage. In running over these, it struck me that I had
heard of the same from some other quarter, or at least that these were
so like the others, that I was surprised at their coincidence. On taking
out my notes, I looked for the names of those whom I recollected to have
been used in this manner; and on desiring Mr. Falconbridge to mention
the names of those, also, to whom he alluded, they turned out to be the
same. The mystery, however, was soon cleared up, when I told him from
whom I had received my intelligence: for Mr. Arnold, the last-mentioned
person in the last chapter, had been surgeon's mate under Mr.
Falconbridge in the same vessel.
There was one circumstance of peculiar importance, but quite new to me,
which I collected from the information which Mr. Falconbridge had given
me. This was, that many of the seamen, who left the slave-ships in the
West Indies, were in such a weak, ulcerated, and otherwise diseased
state, that they perished there. Several, also, of those who came home
with the vessels were in the same deplorable condition. This was the
case, Mr. Falconbridge said, with some who returned in the Alexander. It
was the case, also, with many others; for he had been a pupil for twelve
months in the Bristol Infirmary, and had had ample means of knowing the
fact. The greatest number of seamen, at almost all times, who were
there, were from the slave-vessels. These, too, were usually there on
account of disease, whereas those from other ships were usually there on
account of accidents. The health of some of the former was so far
destroyed, that they were never wholly to be restored. This information
was of great importance; for it showed that they who were reported dead
upon the muster-rolls, were not all that were lost to the country by the
prosecution of this wicked trade. Indeed, it was of so much importance,
that in all my future interviews with others, which were for the purpose
of collecting evidence, I never forgot to make it a subject of inquiry.
I can hardly say how precious I considered the facts with which Mr.
Falconbridge had furnished me from his own experience, relative to the
different branches of this commerce. They were so precious, that I began
now to be troubled lest I should lose them. For, though he had thus
privately unbosomed himself to me, it did not follow that he would come
forward as a public evidence. I was not a little uneasy on this account.
I was fearful lest, when I should put this question to him, his future
plan of life, or some little narrow consideration of future interest,
would prevent him from giving his testimony, and I delayed asking him
for many days. During this time, however, I frequently visited him; and
at length, when I thought I was better acquainted, and probably in some
little estimation, with him, I ventured to open my wishes on this
subject. He answered me boldly, and at once, that he had left the trade
upon principle, and that he would state all he knew concerning it,
either publicly or privately, and at any time when he should be called
upon to do it. This answer produced such an effect upon me, after all my
former disappointments, that I felt it all over my frame. It operated
like a sudden shock, which often disables the impressed person for a
time. So the joy I felt rendered me quite useless, as to business, for
the remainder of the day.
I began to perceive in a little time the advantage of having cultivated
an acquaintance with Thompson of the Seven Stars. For nothing could now
pass in Bristol, relative to the seamen employed in this trade, but it
was soon brought to me. If there was anything amiss, I had so arranged
matters that I was sure to hear of it. He sent for me one day to inform
me that several of the seamen, who had been sent out of Marsh Street
into the Prince, which was then at Kingroad, and on the point of sailing
to Africa for slaves, had, through fear of ill usage on the voyage,
taken the boat and put themselves on shore. He informed me, at the same
time, that the seamen of the Africa, which was lying there also, and
ready to sail on a like voyage, were not satisfied, for that they had
been made to sign their articles of agreement without being permitted to
see them. To this he added, that Mr. Sheriff, one of the mates of the
latter vessel, was unhappy, also, on this account. Sheriff had been a
mate in the West India trade, and was a respectable man in his line. He
had been enticed by the captain of the Africa, under the promise of
peculiar advantages, to change his voyage. Having a wife and family at
Bristol, he was willing to make a sacrifice on their account: but when
he himself was not permitted to read the articles, he began to suspect
bad work, and that there would be nothing but misery in the approaching
voyage. Thompson entreated me to extricate him if I could. He was sure,
he said, if he went to the coast with that man, meaning the captain,
that he would never return alive.
I was very unwilling to refuse anything to Thompson. I was deeply bound
to him in gratitude for the many services he had rendered me, but I
scarcely saw how I could serve him on this occasion. I promised,
however, to speak to him in an hour's time. I consulted my friend Truman
Harford in the interim; and the result was, that he and I should proceed
to Kingroad in a boat, go on board the Africa, and charge the captain in
person with what he had done, and desire him to discharge Sheriff, as no
agreement, where fraud or force was used in the signatures, could be
deemed valid. If we were not able to extricate Sheriff by these means,
we thought that at least we should know, by inquiring of those whom we
should see on board, whether the measure of hindering the men from
seeing their articles on signing them had been adopted. It would be
useful to ascertain this because such a measure had been long reported
to be usual in this, but was said to be unknown in any other trade.
Having passed the river's mouth, and rowed towards the sea, we came near
the Prince first, but pursued our destination to the Africa. Mr. Sheriff
was the person who received us on board. I did not know him till I asked
his name. I then told him my errand, with which he seemed to be much
pleased. On asking him to tell the captain that I wished to speak with
him, he replied that he was on shore. This put me to great difficulty,
as I did not know then what to do. I consulted with Truman Harford, and
it was our opinion that we should inquire of the seamen, but in a very
quiet manner, by going individually to each, if they had ever demanded
to see the articles on signing them, and if they had been refused. We
proposed this question to them. They replied, that the captain had
refused them in a savage manner, making use of threats and oaths. There
was not one contradictory voice on this occasion. We then asked Mr.
Sheriff what we were to do. He entreated us by all means to take him on
shore. He was sure that under such a man as the captain, and
particularly after the circumstance of our coming on board should be
made known to him, he would never come from the coast of Africa alive.
Upon this, Truman Harford called me aside, and told me the danger of
taking an officer from the ship; for that, if any accident should happen
to her, the damage might all fall upon me. I then inquired of Mr.
Sheriff if there was any officer on board who could manage the ship. He
pointed one out to me, and I spoke to him in the cabin. This person told
me I need be under no apprehension about the vessel, but that every one
would be sorry to lose Mr. Sheriff. Upon this ground, Truman Harford,
who had felt more for me than for himself, became now easy. We had
before concluded, that the obtaining any signature by fraud or force
would render the agreement illegal. We therefore joined in opinion, that
we might take away the man. His chest was accordingly put into our boat.
We jumped into it with our rowers, and he followed us, surrounded by the
seamen, all of whom took an affectionate leave of him, and expressed
their regret at parting. Soon after this there was a general cry of
"Will you take me, too?" from the deck; and such a sudden movement
appeared there, that we were obliged to push off directly from the side,
fearing that many would jump into our boat and go with us.
After having left the ship, Sheriff corroborated the desertion of the
seamen from the Prince, as before related to me by Thompson. He spoke
also of the savage disposition of his late captain, which he had even
dared to manifest through lying in an English port. I was impressed by
this account of his rough manners; and the wind having risen before and
the surf now rolling heavily, I began to think what an escape I might
have had; how easy it would have been for the savage captain, if he had
been on board, or for any one at his instigation, to have pushed me over
the ship's side. This was the first time I had ever considered the peril
of the undertaking. But we arrived safe; and though on the same evening
I left my name at the captain's house, as that of the person who had
taken away his mate, I never heard more about it.
In pursuing my inquiries into the new topic suggested by Mr.
Falconbridge, I learnt that two or three of the seamen of the ship
Thomas, which had arrived now nearly a year from the Coast, were in a
very crippled and deplorable state; I accordingly went to see them. One
of them had been attacked by a fever, arising from circumstances
connected with these voyages. The inflammation, which had proceeded from
it, had reached his eyes; it could not be dispersed; and the consequence
was, that he was then blind. The second was lame; he had badly ulcerated
legs, and appeared to be very weak. The third was a mere spectre; I
think he was the most pitiable object I ever saw. I considered him as
irrecoverably gone. They all complained to me of their bad usage on
board the Thomas. They said they had heard, of my being in Bristol, and
they hoped I would not leave it without inquiring into the murder of
William Lines.
On inquiring who William Lines was, they informed me that he had been
one of the crew of the same ship, and that all on board believed that he
had been killed by the chief mate; but they themselves had not been
present when the blows were given him; they had not seen him till
afterwards; but their shipmates had told them of his cruel treatment,
and they knew that soon afterwards he had died.
In the course of the next day, the mother of Lines, who lived in
Bristol, came to me and related the case. I told her there was no
evidence as to the fact, for that I had seen three seamen, who could not
speak to it from their own knowledge. She said, there were four others
then in Bristol who could; I desired her to fetch them. When they
arrived I examined each separately, and cross-examined them in the best
manner I was able; I could find no variation in their account, and I was
quite convinced that the murder had taken place. The mother was then
importunate that I should take up the case. I was too much affected by
the narration I had heard to refuse her wholly, and yet I did not
promise that I would; I begged a little time to consider of it. During
this I thought of consulting my friend Burges, but I feared he would
throw cold water upon it, as he had done in the case of the captain of
the Alfred. I remembered well what he had then said to me, and yet I
felt a strong disposition to proceed, for the trade was still going on.
Every day, perhaps, some new act of barbarity was taking place; and one
example, if made, might counteract the evil for a time. I seemed
therefore to incline to stir in this matter, and thought, if I should
get into any difficulty about it, it would be better to do it without
consulting Mr. Burges, than, after having done it, to fly as it were in
his face. I then sent for the woman, and told her that she might appear
with the witnesses at the Common Hall, where the magistrates usually sat
on a certain day.
We all met at the time appointed, and I determined to sit as near to the
mayor as I could get. The hall was unusually crowded. One or two
slave-merchants, and two or three others, who were largely concerned in
the West India trade, were upon the bench; for I had informed the mayor
the day before of my intention, and he, it appeared, had informed them.
I shall never forget the savage looks which these people gave me; which
indeed were so remarkable, as to occasion the eyes of the whole court to
be turned upon me. They looked as if they were going to speak to me, and
the people looked as if they expected me to say something in return.
They then got round the mayor, and began to whisper to him, as I
supposed, on the business before it should come on. One of them,
however, said aloud to the former, but fixing his eyes upon me, and
wishing me to overhear him, "Scandalous reports had lately been spread,
but sailors were not used worse in Guineamen than in other vessels."
This brought the people's eyes upon me again; I was very much irritated,
but I thought it improper to say anything. Another, looking savagely at
me, said to the mayor, "that he had known Captain Vicars a long time;
that he was an honourable man[A], and would not allow such usage in his
ship. There were always vagabonds to hatch up things;" and he made a
dead point at me, by putting himself into a posture which attracted the
notice of those present, and by staring me in the face. I could now no
longer restrain myself, and I said aloud, in as modest manner as I
could, "You, sir, may know many things which I do not; but this I know,
that if you do not do your duty, you are amenable to a higher court."
The mayor upon this looked at me, and directly my friend Mr. Burges, who
was sitting as the clerk to the magistrates, went to him and whispered
something in his ear; after which all private conversation between the
mayor and others ceased, and the hearing was ordered to come on.
[Footnote A: We may well imagine what this person's notion of another
man's honour was; for he was the purser of the Brothers and of the
Alfred, who, as before mentioned, sent the captains of those ships out a
second voyage; after knowing their barbarities in the former; and he was
also the purser of this very ship Thomas, where the murder had been
committed. I by no means, however, wish by these observations to detract
from the character of Captain Vicars, as he had no concern in the cruel
deed.]
I shall not detain the reader by giving an account of the evidence which
then transpired. The four witnesses were examined, and the case was so
far clear; Captain Vicars, however, was sent for. On being questioned,
he did not deny that there had been bad usage, but said that the young
man had died of the flux. But this assertion went for nothing when
balanced against the facts which had come out; and this was so evident,
that an order was made out for the apprehension of the chief mate. He
was accordingly taken up. The next day, however, there was a rehearing
of the case, when he was returned to the gaol, where he was to lie till
the Lords of the Admiralty should order a sessions to be held for the
trial of offences committed on the high seas.