The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition - Thomas Clarkson
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As soon as it began to be perceived that such was likely to be the
result of the abolition in regard to the emancipation, Mr. Stephen's
authority with his coadjutors, always high, rose in proportion to the
confirmations which the event had lent his predictions; and his zealous
endeavours and unwearied labours for the subversion of the accursed
system became both more extensive and more effectual. If, however,
strict justice requires the tribute which we have paid to this eminent
person's distinguished services, justice also renders it imperative on
the historian of the Abolition in all its branches, to record an error
into which he fell. Having originally maintained that the traffic would
survive the Act of 1807, in which he was right, that Act only imposing
pecuniary penalties, he persisted in the same opinion after the Act of
1811 had made slave-trading a felony; and long after it had been
effectually put down in the British dominions, he continued to maintain
that it was carried on nearly as much as ever, reasoning upon
calculations drawn from the island returns. Hence he insisted upon a
general Registry Act, as essential to prevent the continuance of an
importation which had little or no real existence. The importance of
such a measure was undeniable, with a view to secure the good treatment
of the negroes in the islands; but the extinction of the Slave Trade had
long before been effectually accomplished.
In the efforts to obtain Negro Emancipation, all the Abolitionists were
now prepared to join. The conduct of the Colonial Assemblies having long
shown the fallacy of those expectations which had been entertained of
the good work being done in the islands as soon as the supply of new
hands should be stopped by the Abolition, there remained no longer any
doubt whatever, that the mother country alone could abate a nuisance
hateful in the sight of God and man. Constant opportunities were
therefore offered to agitate this great question, which was taken up by
the enlightened, the humane, and the religious, all over the empire.
The magnitude of the subject was indeed worthy of all the interest it
excited. The destiny of nearly a million of human beings--nay, the
question whether they should be treated as men with rational souls, or
as the beasts which perish--should enjoy the liberty to which all God's
creatures are entitled, as of right, or be harassed, oppressed,
tormented, and stinted, both as regarded bodily food, and spiritual
instruction--whether the colonies should be peopled with tyrants and
barbarians, or inhabited by civilized and improving christian
communities--was one calculated to put in action all the best principles
of our nature, and to move all the noblest feelings of the human heart.
Thomas Clarkson, as far as his means extended, aided this great
excitement. He renewed his committees of correspondence all over the
country; aided by the Society of Friends, his early and steady
coadjutors in this pious work, he recommenced the epistolary intercourse
with the provinces, held for so many hopeless years on the Slave Trade,
but now made far more promising by the victory which had been obtained,
and by the unanimity with which all Abolitionists now were resolved to
procure emancipation. He also recommenced his journeys through the
different parts of the island, and visited in succession part of
Scotland, almost all England, and the whole of Wales, encouraging and
interesting the friends of humanity wherever he went, and forming local
societies and committees for furthering the common object.
But it was, after all, in Parliament that the battle must be fought; and
Mr. Buxton, of whose invaluable services in the House of Commons the
cause has lately been deprived, repeatedly, with the support of Messrs.
Wilberforce, William Smith, Brougham, Lushington, and others, urged the
necessity of interference upon the representatives of a people unanimous
in demanding it; and he repeatedly urged it in vain. The Government
always leaned towards the planter, and the most flimsy excuses were
constantly given for preferring to the effectual measures propounded by
the Abolitionists, the most flimsy of expedients, useless for any one
purpose, save that of making pretences and gaining time.
At length came the great case of the missionary Smith's persecution,
trial, and untimely death, when all the forms of judicature had been
prostituted, all the rules of law broken, all the principles of justice
outraged, by men assuming to sit in judgment as a court of criminal
jurisprudence; and though assisted by legal functionaries, exhibiting
such a spectacle of daring violation of the most received and best known
canons of procedure, as no civilized community ever before were called
upon to endure. This subject was immediately brought before Parliament
by Mr. Brougham, and his motion of censure, which might have been an
impeachment of the governor and the court of Demerara, was powerfully
supported by Mr. Wilberforce, the amiable, eloquent, and venerable
leader of the party, Mr. Denman, Mr. Williams, and Dr. Lushington, but
rejected by a majority of the Commons, whom Mr. Canning led, in a speech
little worthy of his former exertions against the Slave Trade, and far
from being creditable either to his judgment or to his principles. Yet
this memorable debate was of singular service to the cause. The great
speeches delivered were spread through all parts of the country; the
nakedness of the horrid system was exposed; the corruptions as well as
cruelty of slavery were laid bare; the determination of colonies to
protect its worst abuses was demonstrated; necessity of the
mother-country interfering with a strong hand was declared; and even the
loss of the motion showed the people of England how much their own
exertions were still required if they would see slavery extirpated, by
proving that upon them alone the fate of the execrable system hung.
The effects of this great debate cannot be over estimated. The case of
the missionary became the universal topic; The name of the martyred
Smith, the general rallying cry. The superior interest excited by
individual sufferings to any general misery inflicted upon masses of the
people, or any evil, however gigantic, which operates over a large
space, and in a course of time, has always been observed. The remark was
peculiarly applicable in this instance. Although all reflecting men had,
for many long years, been well aware of the evils pervading our colonial
system, and though the iniquity and perverseness of West Indian
judicatures had long been the topic of universal comment, yet this
single case of a persecuted individual falling a victim to those gross
perversions of law and justice which are familiar to the colonial
people, produced an impression far more general and more deep than all
that had ever been written or declaimed against system of West India
slavery; and looking back on the consummation of all our hopes in 1833
and 1838, we at once revert from this auspicious era to that ever
memorable occasion as having laid the solid foundation of our ultimate
triumph.
In this important day, which has thus by its effects proved decisive of
the Emancipation question, Mr. Stephen bore no part. He had long ceased
to adorn and enlighten the House of Commons. His retirement was the
result of honest differences of opinion respecting West India slavery
with his political friends, then in the plenitude of their power. Those
differences caused him to take the noble part, so rarely acted by
politicians, of withdrawing from Parliament rather than lend his great
support to men with whom he differed upon a question admitting no
compromise; and he devoted his exertions in private life to the
furtherance of the cause ever nearest his heart, the publication of his
able and elaborate work on the Colonial Slave Laws was the fruit of his
leisure; and had he never lent any other aid to the Emancipation, this
would alone have placed him high among its most able and effective
supporters. In all the consultations which were held before Mr.
Brougham's motion in 1824, he bore an active and useful part. In pushing
the advantages gained by the debate he was unwearied and successful.
Unhappily it pleased Providence that he should not receive here below
the final reward of his long and valued labours; for he was called to
his final repose some months before the Emancipation Bill passed into a
law.
There remains little to add, except that this measure, which was carried
with little opposition in 1833, owed its success in Parliament to the
ample bribe of twenty millions, by which the acquiescence of the West
Indians was purchased. The measure had hardly come into operation, when
all men perceived that the intermediate state of apprenticeship was
anything rather than a preparation for freedom, and anything rather than
a mitigation of slavery. It is due to some able and distinguished
friends of the negro race to state, that they all along were averse to
this plan of a transition state. Lord Howick, then in the Colonial
Office as Under-Secretary, went so far as to leave the department, from
his dislike of this part of the measure. Mr. Buxton and others protested
against it. Even its friends intimated that they wished the period of
apprenticeship to end in 1838 instead of 1840; but there was a general
belief of the preparatory step being necessary,--a belief apparently
founded on experience of the negro character, and indeed of the vicious
tendency of all slavery, to extinguish the power of voluntary labour, as
well as to make the sudden change to freedom unsafe for the peace of the
community. The fact soon dispersed these opinions. Antigua in a minute
emancipated all her slaves to the number of thirty thousand and upwards.
Not a complaint was ever heard of idleness or indolence; and, far from
any breach of the peace being induced by the sudden change in the
condition of the people, the Christmas of 1833 was the first, for the
last twenty years, that martial law was not proclaimed, in order to
preserve the public peace. Similar evidence from Jamaica and other
islands, proving the industrious and peaceable habits of the
apprentices, showed that there was nothing peculiar in the circumstances
of Antigua.
An important occurrence is now to be recorded as having exercised a
powerful influence upon the question of immediate emancipation. Joseph
Sturge, of Birmingham, a member of the Society of Friends, stricken with
a sense of the injustice perpetrated against the African race, repaired
to the West Indies, in order that he might examine, with his own eyes,
the real state of the question between the two classes. He was
accompanied by John Scoble and Thomas Harvey; and these able, excellent,
and zealous men returned in a few months with such ample evidence of the
effects produced by apprenticeship, and the fitness of the negroes for
liberty, that the attention of the community was soon awakened to the
subject, even more strenuously than it ever before had been; and the
walls of Parliament were soon made once more to ring with the sufferings
of the slave, only emancipated in name, and the injustice of withholding
from him any longer the freedom which was his indefeasible right, as
soon as he was shown capable of enjoying it beneficially for himself and
safely for the rest of the community.
In these transactions, both in Jamaica, where he is one of the largest
planters, and in Parliament, where he is one of the most respected
members, the Marquess of Sligo bore an eminent and an honourable part.
His praise has been justly sounded by all who have supported the cause
of negro freedom, and his conduct was by all admitted to be as much
marked by the disinterested virtue of a good citizen and amiable man, as
it was by the sagacity and ability of an enlightened statesman. Both as
governor of Jamaica, as the owner of slaves whom he voluntarily
liberated, and as a peer of Parliament, his patriotism, his humanity,
and his talents, shone conspicuously through this severe and glorious
struggle. While such was the conduct of those eminent philanthropists,
some difference of opinion prevailed among the other and older leaders
of the cause, chiefly grounded upon doubts whether the arrangement made
by Parliament in 1833, might not be regarded as a compact with the
planters which it would be unjust to violate by terminating their right
to the labour of the apprentices at a period earlier than the one fixed
in the Emancipation Act. A little consideration of the question at issue
soon dispelled those doubts, and removed every obstacle to united
exertion, by restoring entire unanimity of opinion. The slaves, it was
triumphantly affirmed, were no party to the compact. But moreover, the
whole arrangement of the apprenticeship was intended as a benefit to
them, by giving them the preparation thought to be required before they
could, safely for themselves, be admitted to unrestricted freedom,--not
as a benefit to the planters, whose acquiescence was purchased with the
grant of twenty millions. Experience having shown that no preparation at
all was required, it was preposterous to continue the restraint upon
natural liberty an hour longer, as regarded the negroes,--the only party
whom we had any right to consider in the question; and as for the
planters there was the grossest absurdity in further regarding any
interests or any claims of theirs. The arrangement of 1833, as far as
regards the transition or intermediate state, had been made under an
error in fact, an error propagated by the representations of the
masters. That error was now at an end, and an immediate alteration of
the provisions to which it had given rise was thus a matter of strict
justice;--not to mention that the planters had failed to perform their
part of the contract. The Colonial Assemblies had, except in Antigua,
done nothing for the slave in return for the large sum bestowed upon the
West India body. So that in any view there was an end of all pretext for
the further delay of right and justice.
The ground now taken by the whole Abolitionists; therefore, both in and
out of Parliament was, that the two years which remained of the
indentured apprenticeship must immediately be cut off, and freedom given
to the slaves in August, 1838, instead of 1840; The peace of the West
Indian community, and the real interests of the planters, were affirmed
to be as much concerned in this change as the rights of the negroes
themselves. Far from preparing them for becoming peaceable subjects and
contented members of society at the end of their apprenticeship, those
two years of compulsory labour would, it was justly observed, be a
period of heart-burning and discontent between master and servant, which
must, in the mean while, be dangerous to the peace of society, and must
leave, at the end of the time, a feeling of mutual ill-will and
distrust. The question could no longer be kept from the cognizance of
the negro people. Indeed, their most anxious expectations were already
pointed towards immediate liberty, and their strongest feelings were
roused to obtain it.
Of these sentiments the whole community partook; meetings were
everywhere held; petitions crowded the tables of Parliament; the press
poured forth innumerable tracts which were eagerly received; the pulpit
lent its aid to this holy cause; and discussions upon petitions and upon
incidental motions shook the walls of Parliament, while they stimulated
the zeal of the people. The Government adopted an unfortunate course,
which contributed greatly to weaken their hold on the confidence and
affections of the country; they resisted all the motions that were made
on behalf of the slaves, and appeared to regard only the interests of
the master, turning a deaf ear to the arguments of right and of justice.
It was found, during the course of these debates, that a new Slave Trade
had sprung up in the East Indies, with the sanction of an English Order
in Council. Under pretence that hands were wanted to cultivate their
estates, the Demerara planters had obtained permission to import what
they termed, with a delicacy borrowed from the vocabulary of the African
Slave Trade, "labourers" from Asia and from Africa east of the Cape, and
to make them Indentured Apprentices for a term of years. No restrictions
whatever were imposed by this unheard-of Order. No tonnage was required
in proportion to the numbers shipped, no amount of provision, no medical
assistance; no precautions were taken, or so much as thought of, to
prevent kidnapping and fraud, nay, to prevent main force being used in
any part of Eastern Africa, or of all Asia, in carrying on board the
victims of West Indian avarice; in short, a worse Slave Trade than the
African was established, and all the dominions of the East India
Company, with all the African and Asiatic coasts, as yet independent,
were given over to its ravages. This was repeatedly denounced by Lord
Brougham in the House of Lords; and although his motion for rescinding
the order was supported by Lord Lyndhurst, Lord Ellenborough, and Lord
Wharncliffe, the influence of the Government and the planters prevailed,
and the House rejected it. A bill was afterwards brought in to check the
enormities complained of; but no remedy at all effectual is as yet
applied. The official documents, however, proved that already men had
been inveigled on board, by the agents of the Mauritius planters, in
different parts of the East, and that the mortality on that
comparatively short voyage exceeded even the dreadful waste of life
which had characterized, and impressed with marks of horrid atrocity,
the accursed Middle Passage.
This subject, as might well be expected, once more roused the energies
of Thomas Clarkson: he addressed an able and convincing letter to Lord
Brougham, his old friend and coadjutor in the sacred cause; and it was
printed and universally circulated. The subject still remains unsettled:
and the labours of the enlightened philanthropist cannot now be directed
to one more important, or more urgent.
Meanwhile, in the spring of 1838, the question of Immediate Emancipation
was agitated throughout the country. The Government proved hostile.
Immense meetings were held at Exeter Hall, which were attended by many
members of Parliament, over which Lord Brougham presided. Among others
who were present and bore a distinguished part, were certain
representatives of Ireland who promised their strenuous support. It is a
painful duty to add, that their fellow-members from Ireland did not, on
this great occasion, follow their good example; for eleven only of
those, on whose votes reliance had been placed, opposed the Government,
while no less than twenty-seven gave them support.
The question was rejected by the House of Lords, when brought forward by
Lord Brougham; but in spite of the efforts of the Government; the
defalcation of the Irish, of a still greater proportion of the Scotch
representatives, two hundred and seventeen members of the House of
Commons voted for Immediate Abolition, out of four hundred and
eighty-nine who were present on the occasion. A second effort in the
same session placed Ministers in a minority; but they immediately gave
notice, they should strenuously oppose any attempt to carry into
practical effect this decision of the House; and in this determination
they were supported by a majority on a third division.
The word, however, had gone forth all over England, that the _Slave
should be free_. It had not only pervaded Europe, it had reached
America; and the West Indians at length perceived that they could no
longer resist the voice of the British people, when it spoke the accents
of humanity and of justice. The slaves would have met the dawn of the
first of August,--the day which all the motions in Parliament and all
the prayers of the petitions had fixed,--with perfect quiet, but with a
resolute determination to do no work. The peace would not have been
broken, but no more would a clod have been turned after that appointed
sun had risen. A handful of whites surrounded by myriads of
negroes,--now substantially free, and free without a blow,--must have
been overwhelmed in an hour after sunrise on that day, had they
resisted. The Colonial Legislatures, therefore, _now_ listened to the
voice of reason, and they, one after another, emancipated their slaves.
The first of August saw not a bondsman, under whatever appellation, in
any part of the Western Sea which owns the British rule.
The Mauritius, however, still held out, and on the Mauritius the hand of
the Imperial Parliament must and will be laid, to enforce mercy and
justice on those to whom mercy and justice have so long called aloud in
vain. In truth, if the case for instant emancipation was strong
everywhere, it was in no quarter half so strong as in the Mauritius; and
the distribution of the grant by Parliament to this Colony was the most
unjustifiable, and even incomprehensible. For, elsewhere, there existed
at least a title to the slave, over whom an unjust and unchristian law
recognised the right of property. But in the Mauritius there was not,
nor is there now, one negro to whom a good title is clearly provable.
The atrocious conduct of Governors and other functionaries, in conniving
at the Slave Trade of Eastern Africa, had filled that Colony with
thousands of negroes, every one of whom was carried there by the
commission of felony, long after Slave Trading had been declared a
capital crime by the law of the land, as by the law of nature it always
was. Sir George Murray, when Colonial Secretary of State, had admitted,
that at least thirty thousand of the negroes in the settlement were
nominally slaves, but in reality free, having been carried thither
contrary to law. He understated it by twenty thousand or more: yet on
all these negroes, in respect of property, were two millions and more
claimed: for all these the compensation money was given and taken, which
Parliament had lavishly bestowed. How then was it possible to doubt,
that every slave in the Mauritius should receive his freedom, when the
only ground alleged for not singling out and liberating this fifty
thousand, was the inability to distinguish them from the rest? If ten
men are tried for an offence, and it is clear that five are innocent,
though you cannot distinguish them from their companions, what jury will
hesitate in acquitting the whole, on the ordinary principle of its being
better five guilty should escape than five guiltless suffer? The same is
still the state of the case in that most criminal settlement, which,
having far surpassed all others in the enormity of its guilt, is now the
only one where no attempt has been made to evince repentance by
amendment of conduct. But the Government which has the power of
compelling justice will share the crime which they refuse to prevent,
and the Legislature must compel the Government, if their guilty
reluctance shall continue, or it will take that guilt upon itself[A].
[Footnote A: It is truly gratifying to state, that the late Secretary
for the Colonies, Lord Glenelg, has, since this was written, given the
most satisfactory assurances of orders having been sent over for
immediate emancipation, in case the former instructions to the Governor
of Mauritius should have failed, to make the Colonists themselves adopt
the measure. Lord Glenelg's conduct on this occasion is most creditable
to him.]
The latest act of Thomas Clarkson's life has been one which, or rather
the occasion for which, it is truly painful to contemplate; but this too
must be recorded, or the present historical sketch would be incomplete.
He whose days had all been spent in acts of kindness and of justice to
others, was at last forced to exert his powers, supposed, by some, and
erroneously supposed, to be enfeebled by age, in obtaining redress for
his own wrongs. He whose thoughts had all been devoted to the service of
his fellow-creatures, was now obliged to think of himself. A life spent
in works of genuine philanthropy, alike standing aloof from party, and
retiring with genuine humility from the public gaze, might have well
hoped to escape that detraction, which is the lot of those who assume
the leading stations among their contemporaries, and mingle in the
contentious scenes of worldly affairs. Or, at least, it might have been
expected that his traducers would only be found among the oppressors of
the New World, or the slave-traders of the Old. This felicity has not
been his lot; and the evening of his days has been overcast by an
assault upon his character, proceeding from the quarter of all others
the most unexpected and the most strange.
The sons of his old and dear friend William Wilberforce,--whose
incomparable merits he had ever been the first to acknowledge, whom he
loved as a brother, and revered as the great leader of the cause to
which his whole life had been devoted,--in publishing a Life of their
illustrious parent, thought fit to charge Thomas Clarkson with having
suppressed his services while he exaggerated his own; and not content
with bringing a charge utterly groundless, (as it was instantly proved,)
they deemed it worthy of their subject and of their name, to drag forth
into the light of day a private correspondence of a delicate nature,
with the purpose of proving that their father and others had assisted
him with money, and that he had been pressing in his demands of a
subscription. Two extracts of Letters of his were printed by these
reverend gentlemen, upon which a statement was afterwards grounded in
the _Edinburgh Review_ of their book, that the subscription was raised
to remunerate him for his services in the Abolition. They further
asserted, that their father was in the field before him, and that it was
under their father's direction that he, and the Abolition Committee of
1786, acted. In the whole history of controversy, we venture to affirm,
there never was an instance of so triumphant a refutation as that by
which these slanderous aspersions were instantly refuted, and their
authors and their accomplices reduced to a silence as prudent as
discreditable.