The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition - Thomas Clarkson
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I found great delicacy as a stranger in making my observations upon
these resolutions, and yet I thought I ought not to pass them over
wholly in silence, but particularly the last. I therefore rose up, and
stated that there was one resolution, of which I did not quite see the
propriety; but this might arise from my ignorance of the customs, as
well as of the genius and spirit of the French people. It struck me that
an application from a little committee in England to the National
Assembly of France was not a dignified measure, nor was it likely to
have weight with such a body. It was, besides, contrary to all the
habits of propriety in which I had been educated. The British Parliament
did not usually receive petitions from the subjects of other nations. It
was this feeling which had induced me thus to speak.
To these observations it was replied, that the National Assembly of
France would glory in going contrary to the example of other nations in
a case of generosity and justice, and that the petition in question, if
it could be obtained, would have an influence there, which the people of
England, unacquainted with the sentiments of the French nation, would
hardly credit.
To this I had only to reply, that I would communicate the measure to the
committee in London, but that I could not be answerable for the part
they would take in it.
By an answer received from Mr. Necker, relative to the first of these
resolutions, it appeared that the desired interview had been obtained;
but he granted it only for a few minutes, and this principally to show
his good-will to the cause: for he was then so oppressed with business
in his own department, that he had but little time for any other. He
wrote to me, however, the next day, and desired my company to dinner. He
then expressed a wish to me, that any business relative to the Slave
Trade might be managed by ourselves as individuals, and that I would
take the opportunity of dining with him occasionally for this purpose.
By this plan, he said, both of us would save time. Madame Necker, also,
promised to represent her husband, if I should call in his absence, and
to receive me, and converse with me on all occasions in which this great
cause of humanity and religion might be concerned.
With respect to the other resolutions, nothing ever came of them; for we
waited daily for an answer from the president during the whole of his
presidency, but we never received any; and the committee in London, when
they had read my letter, desired me unequivocally to say, that they did
not see the propriety of the petition which it had been recommended to
them to obtain.
At the next meeting it was resolved, that a letter should be written to
the new president for the same purpose as the former. This, it was said,
was now rendered essentially necessary; for the merchants, planters, and
others interested in the continuance of the Slave Trade, were so alarmed
at the enthusiasm of the French people in favour of the new order of
things, and of any change recommended to them, which had the appearance
of prompting the cause of liberty, that they held daily committees to
watch and to thwart the motions of the friends of the Negroes. It was
therefore thought proper, that the appeal to the Assembly should be
immediate on this subject, before the feelings of the people should
cool, or before they, who were thus interested, should poison the minds
by calculations of loss and gain. The silence of the former president
was already attributed to the intrigues of the planters' committee. No
time therefore was to be lost. The letter was accordingly written, but
as no answer was ever returned to it, they attributed this second
omission to the same cause.
I do not really know whether interested persons ever did, as was
suspected, intercept the letters of the committee to the two presidents
as now surmised; or whether they ever dissuaded them from introducing so
important a question for discussion, when the nation was in such a
heated state; but certain it is, that we had many, and I believe
barbarous, enemies to encounter. At the very next meeting of the
committee, Claviere produced anonymous letters which he had received,
and in which it was stated that, if the society of the Friends of the
Negroes did not dissolve itself, he and the rest of them would be
stabbed. It was said that no less than three hundred persons had
associated themselves for this purpose. I had received similar letters
myself; and on producing mine, and comparing the handwriting in both it
appeared that the same persons had written.
In a few days after this, the public prints were filled with the most
malicious representations of the views of the committee. One of them
was, that they were going to send twelve thousand muskets to the Negroes
in St. Domingo, in order to promote an insurrection there. This
declaration was so industriously circulated, that a guard of soldiers
was sent to search the committee-room; but these were soon satisfied
when they found only two or three books and some waste paper. Reports
equally unfounded and wicked were spread also in the same papers
relative to myself. My name was mentioned at full length, and the place
of my abode hinted at. It was stated at one time, that I had proposed
such wild and mischievous plans to the committee in London relative to
the abolition of the Slave Trade, that they had cast me out of their own
body, and that I had taken refuge in Paris, where I now tried to impose
equally on the French nation. It was stated at another, that I was
employed by the British government as a spy, and that it was my object
to try to undermine the noble constitution which was then forming for
France. This latter report, at this particular time, when the passions
of men were so inflamed, and when the stones of Paris had not been long
purified from the blood of Foulon and Berthier, might have cost me my
life; and I mentioned it to General la Fayette, and solicited his
advice. He desired me to make a public reply to it: which I did. He
desired me also to change my lodging to the Hotel de Yorck, that I might
be nearer to him; and to send to him if there should be any appearance
of a collection of people about the hotel, and I should have aid from
the military in his quarter. He said, also, that he would immediately
give in my name to the Municipality; and that he would pledge himself to
them, that my views were strictly honourable.
On dining one day at the house of the Marquis de la Fayette, I met the
deputies of colour. They had arrived only the preceding day from St.
Domingo, I was desired to take my seat at dinner in the midst of them.
They were six in number; of a sallow or swarthy complexion, but yet it
was not darker than that of some of the natives of the south of France.
They were already in the uniform of the Parisian National Guards; and
one of them wore the cross of St. Louis. They were men of genteel
appearance and modest behaviour. They seemed to be well informed, and of
a more solid cast than those whom I was in the habit of seeing daily in
this city. The account which they gave of themselves was this. The white
people of St. Domingo consisting of less than ten thousand persons, had
deputies then sitting in the National Assembly. The people of colour in
the same island greatly exceeded the whites in number. They amounted to
thirty thousand, and were generally proprietors of lands. They were
equally free by law with the former, and paid their taxes to the
mother-country in an equal proportion. But in consequence of having
sprung from slaves they had no legislative power, and moreover were
treated with great contempt. Believing that the mother-country was going
to make a change in its political constitution, they had called a
meeting on the island, and this meeting had deputed them to repair to
France, and to desire the full rights of citizens, or that the free
people of colour might be put upon an equality with the whites. They
(the deputies) had come in consequence. They had brought with them a
present of six millions of livres to the National Assembly, and an
appointment to General la Fayette to be commander-in-chief over their
constituents, as a distinct body. This command, they said, the general
had accepted, though he had declined similar honours from every town in
France, except Paris, in order to show that he patronized their cause.
I was now very anxious to know the sentiments which these gentlemen
entertained on the subject of the Slave Trade. If they were with us,
they might be very useful to us; not only by their votes in the
Assembly, but by the knowledge of facts which they would be able to
adduce there in our favour. If they were against us, it became me to be
upon my guard against them, and to take measures accordingly. I
therefore stated to them at once the nature of my errand to France, and
desired their opinion upon it. This they gave me without reserve. They
broke out into lavish commendations of my conduct, and called me their
friend. The Slave Trade, they said, was the parent of all the miseries
in St. Domingo, not only on account of the cruel treatment it occasioned
to the slaves, but on account of the discord which it constantly kept up
between the whites and people of colour, in consequence of the hateful
distinctions it introduced. These distinctions could never be
obliterated while it lasted. Indeed both the trade and the slavery must
fall, before the infamy, now fixed upon a skin of colour, could be so
done away, that whites and blacks could meet cordially, and look with
respect upon one another. They had it in their instructions, in case
they should obtain a seat in the Assembly, to propose, an immediate
abolition of the Slave Trade, and an immediate amelioration of the state
of slavery also, with a view to its final abolition in fifteen years.
But time was flying apace; I had now been nearly seven weeks in Paris,
and had done nothing. The thought of this made me uneasy, and I saw no
consoling prospect before me. I found it even difficult to obtain a
meeting of the Friends of the Negroes. The Marquis de la Fayette had no
time to attend. Those of the committee, who were members of the National
Assembly, were almost constantly engaged at Versailles. Such of them as
belonged to the Municipality, had enough to do at the Hotel deVille.
Others were employed either in learning the use of arms, or in keeping
their daily and nightly guards. These circumstances made me almost
despair of doing anything for the cause at Paris, at least in any
reasonable time. But a new circumstance occurred, which distressed me
greatly; for I discovered, in the most satisfactory manner, that two out
of the six at the last committee were spies. They had come into the
society for no other reason than to watch and report its motions; and
they were in direct correspondence with the slave-merchants at Havre de
Grace. This matter I brought home to them afterwards, and I had the
pleasure of seeing them excluded from all our future meetings.
From this time I thought it expedient to depend less upon the committee,
and more upon my own exertions; and I formed the resolution of going
among the members of the National Assembly myself, and of learning from
their own mouths the hope I ought to entertain relative to the decision
of our question. In the course of my endeavours I obtained a promise
from the Duke de la Rochefoucauld, the Comte de Mirabeau the Abbe
Sieyes, Monsieur Bergasse, and Monsieur Petion de Villeneuve, five of
the most approved members of the National Assembly, that they would meet
me if I would fix a day. I obtained a similar promise from the Marquis
de Condorcet, and Claviere and Brissot, as members selected from the
committee of the Friends of the Negroes. And Messieurs de Roveray and Du
Monde, two Genevese gentlemen at Versailles, men of considerable
knowledge and interest, and who had heard of our intended meeting, were
to join us at their own request. The place chosen was the house of the
Bishop of Chartres at Versailles.
I was now in hope that I should soon bring the question to some issue;
and on the 4th of October I went to dine with the Bishop of Chartres to
fix the day. We appointed the 7th. But how soon, frequently, do our
prospects fade! From the conversation which took place at dinner, I
began to fear that our meeting would not be realised. About three days
before, the officers of the Garde du Corps had given the memorable
banquet, recorded in the annals of the revolution, to the officers of
the regiment of Flanders, which then lay at Versailles. This was a topic
on which the company present dwelt. They condemned it as a most fatal
measure in these heated times; and were apprehensive that something
would grow immediately out of it, which might endanger the king's
safety. In passing afterwards through the streets of Versailles my fears
increased. I met several of that regiment in groups. Some were
brandishing their swords. Others were walking arm in arm, and singing
tumultuously. Others were standing and conversing earnestly together.
Among the latter I heard one declare with great vehemence, "that it
should not be; that the revolution must go on." On my arrival at Paris
in the evening, the Palais Royal was full of people; and there were
movements and buzzings among them, as if something was expected to
happen. The next day, when I went into the streets, it was obvious what
was going to take place. Suffice it to say, that the next evening the
king and queen were brought prisoners into Paris. After this, things
were in such an unsettled state for a few days, and the members of the
National Assembly were so occupied in the consideration of the event
itself, and of the consequences which might attend it, that my little
meeting, of which it had cost me so much time and trouble to procure the
appointment, was entirely prevented.
I had now to wait patiently till a new opportunity should occur. The
Comte de Mirabeau, before the departure of the king, had moved, and
carried the resolution, that "the Assembly was inseparable from his
majesty's person." It was expected, therefore, that the National
Assembly would immediately transfer its sittings to Paris. This took
place on the 19th. It was now more easy for me to bring persons
together, than when I had to travel backward and forward to Versailles.
Accordingly, by watching my opportunities, I obtained the promise of
another meeting. This was held afterwards at the Duke de la
Rochefoucauld's. The persons before mentioned were present; except the
Comte de Mirabeau, whose occupations at that moment made it utterly
impossible for him to attend.
The duke opened the business in an appropriate manner; and concluded, by
desiring each person to give his opinion frankly and unequivocally as to
what might be expected of the National Assembly relative to the great
measure of the abolition of the Slave Trade.
The Abbe Sieyes rose up, and said it would probably bring the business
within a shorter compass if, instead of discussing this proposition at
large, I were to put to the meeting my own questions. I accordingly
accepted this offer, and began by asking those present "how long it was
likely that the present National Assembly would sit?" After some
conversation, it was replied that "it would sit till it had completed
the constitution, and interwoven such fixed principles into it, that the
legislature which should succeed it might have nothing more to do than
to proceed on the ordinary business of the state. Its dissolution would
probably not take place till the month of March."
I then asked them, "whether it was their opinion that the National
Assembly would feel itself authorized to take up such a foreign question
(if I might be allowed the expression) as that of the abolition of the
Slave Trade." The answer to this was, "that the object of the National
Assembly was undoubtedly the formation of a constitution for the French
people. With respect to foreign possessions, it was very doubtful
whether it were the real interest of France to have any colonies at all;
but while it kept such colonies under its dominion, the assembly would
feel that it had the right to take up this question; and that the
question itself would naturally spring out of the bill of rights, which
had already been adopted as the basis of the constitution."
The next question I proposed was, "whether they were of opinion that the
National Assembly would do more wisely, in the present situation of
things, to determine upon the abolition of the Slave Trade now, or to
transfer it to the legislature, which was to succeed it in the month of
March."
This question gave birth to a long discussion, during which much
eloquence was displayed; but the unanimous answer, with the reasons for
it, may be conveyed in substance as follows:--"It would be most wise,"
it was said, "in the present Assembly, to introduce the question to the
notice of the nation, and this as essentially connected with the bill of
rights, but to transfer the determination of it, in a way the best
calculated to ensure success, to the succeeding legislature. The
revolution was of more importance to Frenchmen than the abolition of the
Slave Trade. To secure this was their first object, and more
particularly because the other would naturally flow from it; but the
revolution might be injured by the immediate determination of the
question. Many persons in the large towns of Bourdeaux, Marseilles,
Rouen, Nantes, and Havre, who were now friends to it, might be converted
into enemies. It would also be held up by those who wished to produce a
counter-revolution, (and the ignorant and prejudiced might believe it,)
that the Assembly had made a great sacrifice to England by thus giving
her an opportunity of enlarging her trade. The English House of Commons
had taken up the subject, but had done nothing; and though they, who
were then present, were convinced of the sincerity of the English
minister who had introduced it, and that the trade must ultimately fall
in England, yet it would not be easy to persuade many bigoted persons in
France of these truths. It would, therefore, be most wise in the
Assembly only to introduce the subject as mentioned; but if
extraordinary circumstances should arise, such as a decree that the
deputies of Colour should take their seats in the Assembly, or that
England should have begun this great work, advantage might be taken of
them, and the abolition of the Slave Trade might be resolved upon in the
present session."
The last question I proposed was this:--"If the determination of this
great question should be proposed to the next legislature, would it be
more difficult to carry it then than now?"
This question also produced much conversation; but the answer was
unanimous, "that there would be no greater difficulty in the one than in
the other case; for that the people would daily more and more admire
their constitution; that this constitution would go down to the next
legislature, from whence would issue solid and fixed principles, which
would be resorted to as a standard for decision on all occasions. Hence
the Slave Trade, which would be adjudged by it also, could not possibly
stand. Add to which, that the most virtuous members in the present would
be chosen into the new legislature, which, if the constitution were but
once fairly established, would not regard the murmurs of any town or
province." After this a desultory conversation took place, in which some
were of opinion that it would be proper, on the introduction of the
subject into the Assembly, to move for a committee of inquiry, which
should collect facts and documents against the time when it should be
taken up with a view to its final discussion.
As it now appeared to me that nothing material would be done with
respect to our cause till after the election of the new legislature, I
had thoughts of returning to England to resume my journey in quest of
evidence; but I judged it right to communicate first with the Comte de
Mirabeau and the Marquis de la Fayette, both of whom would have attended
the meeting just mentioned, if unforeseen circumstances had not
prevented them.
On conversing with the first, I found that he differed from those whom I
had consulted. He thought that the question, on account of the nature
and urgency of it, ought to be decided in the present legislature. This
was so much his opinion, that he had made a determination to introduce
it there himself; and had been preparing for his motion. He had already
drawn up the outlines of a speech for the purpose; but was in want of
circumstantial knowledge to complete it. With this knowledge he desired
me to furnish him. He then put his speech into my hand, and wished me to
take it home and peruse it. He wrote down, also, some questions, and he
gave them to me directly afterwards, and begged I would answer them at
my leisure.
On conversing with the latter, he said, "that he believed with those of
the meeting that there would be no greater difficulty in carrying the
question in the succeeding than in the present legislature; but this
consideration afforded an argument for the immediate discussion of it;
for it would make a considerable difference to suffering humanity
whether it were to be decided now or then. This was the moment to be
taken to introduce it; nor did he think that they ought to be deterred
from doing it by any supposed clamours from some of the towns in France.
The great body of the people admired the constitution, and would support
any decisions which were made in strict conformity to its principles.
With respect to any committee of inquiry, he deprecated it. The Slave
Trade, he said, was not a trade. It dishonoured the name of commerce. It
was piracy. But if so, the question which it involved was a question of
justice only; and it could not be decided, with propriety by any other
standard." I then informed him that the Comte de Mirabeau had undertaken
to introduce it into the Assembly. At this he expressed his uneasiness.
"Mirabeau," says he, "is a host in himself; and I should not be
surprised if by his own eloquence and popularity only he were to carry
it; and yet I regret that he has taken the lead in it. The cause is so
lovely that even ambition, abstractedly considered, is too impure to
take it under its protection, and not to sully it. It should have been
placed in the hands of the most virtuous man in France. This man is the
Duc de la Rochefoucauld. But you cannot alter things now. You cannot
take it out of his hands. I am sure he will be second to no one on this
occasion."
On my return to my hotel, I perused the outlines of the speech which the
Comte de Mirabeau had lent me. It afforded a masterly knowledge of the
evils of the trade, as drawn from reason only. It was put together in
the most striking and affecting manner. It contained an almost
irresistible appeal to his auditors by frequent references to the
ancient system of things in France, and to their situation and prospects
under the new. It flowed at first gently like a river in a level
country; but it grew afterwards into a mountain-torrent, and carried
everything before it. On looking at the questions which he had written
down for me, I found them consist of three. 1. What are the different
ways of reducing to slavery the inhabitants of that part of Africa which
is under the dominion of France? 2. What is the state of society there
with respect to government, industry, and the arts? 3. What are the
various evils belonging to the transportation of the Africans from their
own country?
It was peculiarly agreeable to me to find, on reading the first two
questions, that I had formed an acquaintance with Monsieur Geoffroy de
Villeneuve, who had been aide-du-camp to the Chevalier de Boufflers at
Goree; but who was then at his father's house in Paris. This gentleman
had entertained Dr. Spaarman and Mr. Wadstrom; and had accompanied them
up the Senegal, when under the protection of the French government in
Africa. He had confirmed to me the testimony which they had given before
the privy council: but he had a fund of information on this subject,
which went far beyond what these possessed, or I had ever yet collected
from books or men. He had travelled all over the kingdom of Cayor on
foot; and had made a map of it. His information was so important, that I
had been with him for almost days together to take it down. I
determined, therefore, to arrange the facts which I had obtained from
him, of which I had now a volume, that I might answer the two first
questions, which had been proposed to me; for it was of great importance
to the Comte de Mirabeau, that he should be able to appeal, in behalf of
the statements in his speech to the Assembly, to an evidence on the
spot.
In the course of my correspondence with the Comte, which continued with
but little intermission for six weeks, many circumstances took place,
which were connected with the cause, and which I shall now detail in
their order.