The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition - Thomas Clarkson
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But this plan of regulation was not only inefficacious, but unsafe. He
entered his protest against the fatal consequences which might result
from it. The Negroes were creatures like ourselves; but they were
uninformed, and their moral character was debased. Hence they were unfit
for civil rights. To use these properly they must be gradually restored
to that level, from which they had been so unjustly degraded. To allow
them an appeal to the laws, would be to awaken in them a sense of the
dignity of their nature. The first return of life, after a swoon, was
commonly a convulsion, dangerous at once to the party himself and to all
around him. You should first prepare them for the situation, and not
bring the situation to them. To be under the protection of the law was
in fact to be a freeman; and to unite slavery and freedom in one
condition was impracticable. The abolition, on the other hand, was
exactly such an agent as the case required. All hopes of supplies from
the coast being cut off, breeding would henceforth become a serious
object of attention; and the care of this, as including better clothing,
and feeding, and milder discipline, would extend to innumerable
particulars, which an act of assembly could neither specify nor enforce.
The horrible system, too, which many had gone upon, of working out their
slaves in a few years, and recruiting their gangs with imported
Africans, would receive its death-blow from the abolition of the trade.
The opposite would force itself on the most unfeeling heart. Ruin would
stare a man in the face, if he were not to conform to it. The
non-resident owners would then express themselves in the terms of Sir
Philip Gibbs, "that he should consider it as the fault of his manager,
if he were not to keep up the number of his slaves." This reasoning
concerning the different tendencies of the two systems was self-evident;
but facts were not wanting to confirm it. Mr. Long had remarked, that
all the insurrections and suicides in Jamaica had been found among the
imported slaves, who, not having lost the consciousness of civil rights,
which they had enjoyed in their own country, could not brook the
indignities to which they were subjected in the West Indies. An instance
in point was afforded also by what had lately taken place in the island
of Dominica. The disturbance there had been chiefly occasioned by some
runaway slaves from the French islands. But what an illustration was it
of his own doctrine to say, that the slaves of several persons, who had
been treated with kindness, were not among the number of the insurgents
on that occasion!
But when persons coolly talked of putting an end to the Slave Trade
through the medium of the West India legislatures, and of gradual
abolition, by means of regulations, they surely forgot the miseries
which this horrid traffic occasioned in Africa during every moment of
its continuance. This consideration was conclusive with him, when called
upon to decide whether the Slave Trade should be tolerated for a while,
or immediately abolished. The divine law against murder was absolute and
unqualified. Whilst we were ignorant of all these things, our sanction
of them might, in some measure, be pardoned. But now, when our eyes were
opened, could we tolerate them for a moment, unless we were ready at
once to determine, that gain should be our god, and, like the heathens
of old, were prepared to offer up human victims at the shrine of our
idolatry?
This consideration precluded also the giving heed for an instant to
another plea, namely, that if we were to abolish the trade it would be
proportionably taken up by other nations. But, whatever other nations
did, it became Great Britain, in every point of view, to take a forward
part. One half of this guilty commerce had been carried on by her
subjects. As we had been great in crime we should be early in our
repentance. If Providence had showered his blessings upon us in
unparalleled abundance, we should show ourselves grateful for them by
rendering them subservient to the purposes for which they were intended.
There would be a day of retribution, wherein we should have to give an
account of all those talents, faculties, and opportunities with which we
have been intrusted. Let it not then appear that our superior power had
been employed to oppress our fellow-creatures, and our superior light to
darken the creation of God. He could not but look forward with delight
to the happy prospects which opened themselves to his view in Africa,
from the abolition of the Slave Trade, when a commerce, justly deserving
that name, should be established with her; not like that, falsely so
called, which now subsisted, and which all who were interested for the
honour of the commercial character (though there were no superior
principle) should hasten to disavow. Had this trade indeed been ever so
profitable, his decision would have been in no degree affected by that
consideration. "Here's the smell of blood on the hand still, and all the
perfumes of Arabia cannot sweeten it."
He doubted whether it was not almost an act of degrading condescension
to stoop to discuss the question in the view of commercial interest. On
this ground, however, he was no less strong than on every other. Africa
abounded with productions of value, which she would gladly exchange for
our manufactures, when these were not otherwise to be obtained: and to
what an extent her demand might then grow, exceeded almost the powers of
computation. One instance already existed of a native king, who being
debarred by his religion the use of spirituous liquors, and therefore
not feeling the irresistible temptation to acts of rapine which they
afforded to his countrymen, had abolished the Slave Trade throughout all
his dominions, and was encouraging an honest industry.
For his own part, he declared that, interested as he might be supposed
to be in the final event of the question, he was comparatively
indifferent as to the present decision of the House upon it. Whatever
they might do, the people of Great Britain, he was confident, would
abolish the Slave Trade when, as would then soon happen, its injustice
and cruelty should be fairly laid before them. It was a nest of
serpents, which would never have existed so long but for the darkness in
which they lay hid. The light of day would now be let in on them, and
they would vanish from the sight. For himself, he declared he was
engaged in a work which he would never abandon; the consciousness of the
justice of his cause would carry him forward, though he were alone; but
he could not but derive encouragement from considering with whom he was
associated. Let us not, he said, despair; it is a blessed cause, and
success ere long will crown our exertions. Already we have gained one
victory; we have obtained for these poor creatures the recognition of
their human nature[A], which, for a while, was most shamefully denied
them. This is the first fruits of our efforts; let us persevere, and our
triumph will be complete. Never, never, will we desist till we have
wiped away this scandal from the Christian name; till we have released
ourselves from the load of guilt under which we at present labour; and
till we have extinguished every trace of this bloody traffic, which our
posterity, looking back to the history of these enlightened times, will
scarcely believe had been suffered to exist so long, a disgrace and a
dishonour to our country.
[Footnote A: This point was actually obtained by the evidence before the
House of Commons; for, after this, we heard no more of them as an
inferior race.]
He then moved, that the chairman be instructed to move for leave to
bring in a bill to prevent the further importation of slaves into the
British colonies in the West Indies.
Colonel Tarleton immediately rose up, and began by giving an historical
account of the trade from the reign of Elizabeth to the present time. He
then proceeded to the sanction which parliament had always given it;
hence it could not then be withdrawn without a breach of faith: hence,
also, the private property embarked in it was sacred; nor could it be
invaded, unless an adequate compensation were given in return.
They who had attempted the abolition of the trade were led away by a
mistaken humanity; the Africans themselves had no objection to its
continuance.
With respect to the middle passage, he believed the mortality there to
be on an average only five in the hundred; whereas in regiments sent out
to the West Indies, the average loss in the year was about ten and a
half per cent.
The Slave Trade was absolutely necessary, if we meant to carry on our
West India commerce; for many attempts had been made to cultivate the
lands in the different islands by white labourers, but they had always
failed.
It had also the merit of keeping up a number of seamen in readiness for
the state. Lord Rodney had stated this as one of its advantages on the
breaking out of a war. Liverpool alone could supply nine hundred and
ninety-three seamen annually.
He would now advert to the connexions dependent upon the African trade.
It was the duty of the House to protect the planters, whose lives had
been, and were then, exposed to imminent, dangers, and whose property
had undergone an unmerited, depreciation. To what could this
depreciation, and to what could the late insurrection at Dominica be
imputed, which had been saved from horrid carnage and midnight-butchery
only by the adventitious arrival of two British regiments? They could
only be attributed to the long delayed question of the abolition of the
Slave Trade; and if this question were to go much longer unsettled,
Jamaica would be endangered also.
To members of landed property he would observe, that the abolition would
lessen the commerce of the country, and increase the national debt and
the number of their taxes. The minister, he hoped, who patronized this
wild scheme had some new pecuniary resource in store to supply the
deficiencies it would occasion.
To the mercantile members he would speak thus: "A few ministerial men in
the house had been gifted with religious inspiration, and this had been
communicated to other eminent personages in it: these enlightened
philanthropists had discovered that it was necessary, for the sake of
humanity, and for the honour of the nation, that the merchants concerned
in the African trade should be persecuted, notwithstanding the sanction
of their trade by Parliament, and notwithstanding that such persecution
must aggrandize the rivals of Great Britain." Now how did this language
sound? It might have done in the twelfth century, when all was bigotry
and superstition; but let not a mistaken humanity, in these enlightened
times, furnish a colourable pretext for any injurious attack on property
or character.
These things being considered, he should certainly oppose the measure in
contemplation. It would annihilate a trade, whose exports amounted to
eight hundred thousand pounds annually, and which employed a hundred and
sixty vessels, and more than five thousand seamen. It would destroy also
the West India trade, which was of the annual value of six millions; and
which employed one hundred and sixty thousand tons of shipping, and
seamen in proportion. These were objects of too much importance to the
country to be hazarded on an unnecessary speculation.
Mr. Grosvenor then rose. He complimented the humanity of Mr.
Wilberforce, though he differed from him on the subject of his motion.
He himself had read only the privy council report, and he wished for no
other evidence. The question had then been delayed two years; had the
abolition been so clear a point as it was said to be, it could not have
needed either so much evidence or time.
He had heard a good deal about kidnapping, and other barbarous
practices. He was sorry for them. But these were the natural
consequences of the laws of Africa; and it became us as wise men to turn
them to our own advantage. The Slave Trade was certainly not an amiable
trade. Neither was that of a butcher; but yet it was a very necessary
one.
There was great reason to doubt the propriety of the present motion. He
had twenty reasons for disapproving it. The first was, that the thing
was impossible. He needed not, therefore to give the rest. Parliament,
indeed might relinquish the trade. But to whom? To foreigners, who would
continue it, and without the humane regulations which were applied to it
by his countrymen.
He would give advice to the House on this subject, in the words which
the late Alderman Beckford used a different occasion:--"Meddle, not with
troubled waters; they will be found to be bitter waters; and the waters
of affliction." He again admitted, that the Slave Trade was not an
amiable trade; but he would not gratify his humanity at the expense of
the interests of his country; and he thought we should not too curiously
inquire into the unpleasant circumstances which attended it.
Mr. James Martin succeeded Mr. Grosvenor. He said he had been long aware
how much self-interest could pervert the judgment; but he was not
apprized of the full power of it, till the Slave Trade became a subject
of discussion. He had always conceived that the custom of trafficing in
human beings had been incautiously begun, and without any reflection
upon it; for he never could believe that any man, under the influence of
moral principles, could suffer himself knowingly to carry on a trade
replete with fraud, cruelty, and destruction; with destruction indeed,
of the worst kind, because it subjected the sufferers to a lingering
death. But he found now, that even such a trade as this could be
sanctioned.
It was well observed, in the petition from the University of Cambridge
against the Slave Trade, "that a firm belief in the providence of a
benevolent Creator assured them that no system, founded on the
oppression of one part of mankind, could be beneficial to another." He
felt much concern, that in an assembly of the representatives of the
country, boasting itself zealous, not only for the preservation of its
own liberties, but for the general rights of mankind, it should be
necessary to say a single word upon such a subject; but the
deceitfulness of the human heart was such, as to change the appearances
of truth, when it stood in opposition to self-interests. And he had to
lament that even among those, whose public duty it was to cling to the
universal and eternal principles of truth, justice, and humanity, there
were found some who could defend that which was unjust, fraudulent, and
cruel.
The doctrines he had heard that evening ought to have been reserved for
times the most flagrantly profligate and abandoned. He never expected
then to learn that the everlasting laws of righteousness were to give
way to imaginary, political, and commercial expediency; and that
thousands of our fellow-creatures were to be reduced to wretchedness,
that individuals might enjoy opulence, or government a revenue.
He hoped that the House, for the sake of its own character, would
explode these doctrines with all the marks of odium they deserved; and
that all parties would join in giving a death-blow to this execrable
trade. The royal family would, he expected, from their known
benevolence, patronize the measure. Both Houses of Parliament were now
engaged in the prosecution of a gentleman accused of cruelty and
oppression in the East. But what were these cruelties, even if they
could be brought home to him, when compared in number and degree to
those which were every day and every hour committed in the abominable
traffic which was now under their discussion! He considered, therefore,
both Houses of Parliament as pledged upon this occasion. Of the support
of the bishops he could have no doubt; because they were to render
Christianity amiable, both by their doctrine and their example. Some of
the inferior clergy had already manifested a laudable zeal in behalf of
the injured Africans. The University of Cambridge had presented a
petition to that House worthy of itself. The sister-university had, by
one of her representatives, given sanction to the measure. Dissenters of
various denominations, but particularly the Quakers, (who, to their
immortal honour, had taken the lead in it,) had vied with those of the
Established Church in this amiable contest. The first counties, and some
of the largest trading towns, in the kingdom had espoused the cause. In
short, there had never been more unanimity in the country, than in this
righteous attempt.
With such support, and with so good a cause, it would be impossible to
fail. Let but every man stand forth who had at any time boasted of
himself as an Englishman, and success would follow. But if he were to be
unhappily mistaken as to the result, we must give up the name of
Englishmen. Indeed, if we retained it, we should be the greatest
hypocrites in the world; for we boasted of nothing more than of our own
liberty; we manifested the warmest indignation at the smallest personal
insult; we professed liberal sentiments towards other nations: but to do
these things, and to continue such a traffic, would be to deserve the
hateful character before mentioned. While we could hardly bear the sight
of anything resembling slavery, even as a punishment, among ourselves,
how could we consistently entail an eternal slavery upon others?
It had been frequently, but most disgracefully, said, that "we should
not be too eager in setting the example: let the French begin it." Such
a sentiment was a direct libel upon the ancient, noble, and generous
character of this nation. We ought, on the other hand, under the
blessings we enjoyed, and under the high sense we entertained of our own
dignity as a people, to be proudly fearful, lest other nations should
anticipate our design, and obtain the palm before us. It became us to
lead. And if others should not follow us, it would belong to them to
glory in the shame of trampling under foot the laws of reason, humanity,
and religion.
This motion, he said, came strongly recommended to them. The honourable
member who introduced it was justly esteemed for his character. He was
the representative, too of a noble county, which had been always ready
to take the lead in every public measure for the good of the community,
or for the general benefit of mankind; of a county, too, which had had
the honour of producing a Saville. Had his illustrious predecessor been
alive, he would have shown the same zeal on the same occasion. The
preservation of the unalienable rights of all his fellow-creatures was
one of the chief characteristics of that excellent citizen. Let every
member in that House imitate him in the purity of their conduct and in
the universal rectitude of their measures, and they would pay the same
tender regard to the rights of other countries as to those of their own;
and, for his part, he should never believe those persons to be sincere
who were loud in their professions of love of liberty, if he saw that
love confined to the narrow circle of one community, which ought to be
extended to the natural rights of every inhabitant of the globe.
But we should be better able to bring ourselves up to this standard of
rectitude, if we were to put ourselves into the situation of those whom
we oppressed. This was the rule of our religion. What should we think of
those who should say, that it was their interest to injure us? But he
hoped we should not deceive ourselves so grossly as to imagine that it
was our real interest to oppress any one. The advantages to be obtained
by tyranny were imaginary, and deceitful to the tyrant; and the evils
they caused to the oppressed were grievous, and often insupportable.
Before he sat down, he would apologize if he had expressed himself too
warmly on this subject. He did not mean to offend any one. There were
persons connected with the trade, some of whom he pitied on account of
the difficulty of their situation. But he should think most contemptibly
of himself as a man if he could talk on this traffic without emotion. It
would be a sign to him of his own moral degradation. He regretted his
inability to do justice to such a cause; but if, in having attempted to
forward it, he had shown the weakness of his powers, he must console
himself with the consideration, that he felt more solid comfort in
having acted up to sound public principles, than he could have done from
the exercise of the most splendid talents, against the conviction of his
conscience.
Mr. Burdon rose, and said he was embarrassed to know how to act. Mr.
Wilberforce had in a great measure met his ideas. Indeed he considered
himself as much in his hands; but he wished to go gradually to the
abolition of the trade. He wished to give time to the planters to
recruit their stocks. He feared the immediate abolition might occasion a
monopoly among such of them as were rich, to the detriment of the less
affluent. We ought, like a judicious physician, to follow nature, and to
promote a gradual recovery.
Mr. Francis rose next. After complimenting Mr. Wilberforce, he stated
that personal considerations might appear to incline him to go against
the side which he was about to take, namely, that of strenuously
supporting his motion. Having himself an interest in the West Indies, he
thought that what he should submit to the House would have the double
effect of evidence, and argument; and he stated most unequivocally his
opinion, that the abolition of the Slave Trade would tend materially to
the benefit of the West Indies.
The arguments urged by the honourable mover were supported by the facts,
which he had adduced from the evidence, more strongly than any arguments
had been supported in any speech he had ever heard. He wished, however,
that more of these facts had been introduced into the debate; for they
were apt to have a greater effect upon the mind than mere reasonings,
however just and powerful. Many had affirmed that the Slave Trade was
politic and expedient; but it was worthy of remark, that no man had
ventured to deny that it was criminal. Criminal, however, he declared it
to be in the highest degree; and he believed it was equally impolitic.
Both its inexpediency and injustice had been established by the
honourable mover. He dwelt much on the unhappy situation of the negroes
in the West Indies, who were without the protection of government or of
efficient laws, and subject to the mere caprice of men, who were at once
the parties, the judges, and the executioners.
He instanced an overseer, who, having thrown a negro into a copper of
boiling cane-juice, for a trifling offence, was punished merely by the
loss of his place, and by being obliged to pay the value of the slave.
He stated another instance of a girl of fourteen, who was dreadfully
whipped for coming too late to her work. She fell down motionless after
it; and was then dragged along the ground, by the legs, to an hospital;
where she died. The murderer, though tried, was acquitted by a jury of
his peers, upon the idea, that it was impossible a master could destroy
his own property. This was a notorious fact. It was published in the
_Jamaica Gazette;_ and it had even happened since the question of the
abolition had been started.
The only argument used against such cruelties, was the master's interest
in the slave; but he urged the common cruelty to horses, in which their
drivers had an equal interest with the drivers of men in the colonies,
as a proof that this was no security. He had never heard an instance of
a master being punished for the murder of his slave. The propagation of
the slaves was so far from being encouraged, that it was purposely
checked, because it was thought more profitable and less troublesome to
buy a full grown negro, than to rear a child. He repeated that his
interest might have inclined him to the other side of the question; but
he did not choose to compromise between his interest and his duty; for,
if he abandoned his duty, he should not be happy in this world; nor
should he deserve happiness in the next.
Mr. Pitt rose; but he said it was only to move, seeing that justice
could not be done to the subject this evening, that the further
consideration of the question might be adjourned to the next.
Mr. Cawthorne and Colonel Tarleton both opposed this motion, and Colonel
Phipps and Lord Carhampton supported it.
Mr. Fox said, the opposition to the adjournment was uncandid and
unbecoming. They who opposed it well knew that the trade could not bear
discussion. Let it be discussed; and, although there were symptoms of
predetermination in some, the abolition of it must be carried. He would
not believe that there could be found in the House of Commons men of
such hard hearts and inaccessible understandings, as to vote an assent
to its continuance, and then go home to their families, satisfied with
their vote, after they had been once made acquainted with the subject.
Mr. Pitt agreed with Mr. Fox, that from a full discussion of the subject
there was every reason to augur that the abolition would be adopted.
Under the imputations, with which this trade was loaded, gentlemen
should remember, they could not do justice to their own characters,
unless they stood up, and gave their reasons for opposing the abolition
of it. It was unusual also to force any question of such importance to
so hasty a decision. For his own part, it was his duty, from the
situation in which he stood, to state fully his own sentiments on the
question; and, however exhausted both he and the House might be, he was
resolved it should not pass without discussion, as long as he had
strength to utter a word upon it. Every principle that could bind a man
of honour and conscience, would impel him to give the most powerful
support he could to the motion for the abolition.