The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition - Thomas Clarkson
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As to the mode of obtaining slaves, it had been suggested as the least
disreputable, that they became so in consequence of condemnation as
criminals. But he would judge of the probability of this mode by the
reasonableness of it. No less than eighty thousand Africans were
exported annually by the different nations of Europe from their own
country. Was it possible to believe that this number could have been
legally convicted of crimes, for which they had justly forfeited their
liberty? The supposition was ridiculous. The truth was, that every
enormity was practised to obtain the persons of these unhappy people; He
referred those present to the case in the evidence of the African
trader, who had kidnapped and sold a girl, and who was afterwards
kidnapped and sold himself. He desired them to reason upon the
conversation which had taken place between the trader and the captain of
the ship on this occasion. He desired them also to reason upon the
instance mentioned this evening, which had happened in the river
Cameroons, and they would infer all the rapine, all the desolation, and
all the bloodshed, which had been placed to the account of this
execrable trade.
An attempt had been made to impress the House with the horrible scenes
which had taken place in St. Domingo, as an argument against the
abolition of the Slave Trade; but could any more weighty argument be
produced in its favour? What were the causes of the insurrections there?
They were two. The first was the indecision of the National Assembly,
who wished to compromise between that which was right and that which was
wrong on this subject. And the second was the oppression of the people
of colour, and of the slaves. In the first of the causes we saw
something like the moderation of Mr. Dundas and Mr. Addington. One day
this Assembly talked of liberty, and favoured the Blacks. Another day
they suspended their measures and favoured the Whites. They wished to
steer a middle course; but decision had been mercy. Decision even
against the planters would have been a thousand times better than
indecision and half measures. In the mean time, the people of colour
took the great work of justice into their own hands. Unable, however, to
complete this of themselves, they called in the aid of the slaves. Here
began the second cause; for the slaves, feeling their own power, began
to retaliate on the Whites. And here it may be observed, that, in all
revolutions, the clemency or cruelty of the victors will always be in
proportion to their former privileges, of their oppression. That the
slaves then should have been guilty of great excesses, was not to be
wondered at; for where did they learn their cruelty? They learnt it from
those who had tyrannized over them. The oppression, which they
themselves had suffered, was fresh in their memories, and this had
driven them to exercise their vengeance so furiously. If we wished to
prevent similar scenes in our own islands, we must reject all moderate
measures, and at once abolish the Slave Trade. By doing this, we should
procure a better treatment for the slaves there; and when this happy
change of system should have taken place, we might depend on them for
the defence of the islands as much as on the whites themselves.
Upon the whole, he would give his opinion of this traffic in a few
words. He believed it to be impolitic--he knew it to be inhuman--he was
certain it was unjust--he thought it so inhuman and unjust, that, if the
colonies could not be cultivated without it, they ought not to be
cultivated at all. It would be much better for us to be without them,
than, not abolish the Slave Trade. He hoped therefore that members would
this night act the part which would do them honour. He declared, that,
whether he should vote in a large minority or a small one, he would
never give up the cause. Whether in Parliament or out of it, in whatever
situation he might ever be, as long as he had a voice to speak, this
question should never be at rest. Believing the trade to be of the
nature of crimes and pollutions, which stained the honour of the
country, he would never relax his efforts. It was his duty to prevent
man from preying upon man; and if he and his friends should die before
they had attained their glorious object, he hoped there would never be
wanting men alive to their duty, who would continue to labour till the
evil should be wholly done away. If the situation of the Africans was as
happy as servitude could make them, he could not consent to the enormous
crime of selling man to man; nor permit a practice to continue, which
put an entire bar to the civilization of one quarter of the globe. He
was sure that the nation would not much longer allow the continuance of
enormities which shocked human nature. The West Indians had no right to
demand that crimes should be permitted by this country for their
advantage; and, if they were wise, they would lend their cordial
assistance to such measures, as would bring about, in the shortest
possible time, the abolition of this execrable trade.
Mr. Dundas rose again, but it was only to move an amendment, namely,
that the word "gradually" should be inserted before the words "to be
abolished" in Mr. Wilberforce's motion.
Mr. Jenkinson (afterwards Earl of Liverpool) said, that the opinions of
those who were averse to the abolition had been unfairly stated. They
had been described as founded on policy, in opposition to humanity. If
it could be made out that humanity would be aided by the abolition, he
would be the last person to oppose it. The question was not, he
apprehended, whether the trade was founded in injustice and oppression:
he admitted it was. Nor was it, whether it was in itself abstractedly an
evil: he admitted this also; but whether, under all the circumstances of
the case, any considerable advantage would arise to a number of our
fellow-creatures from the abolition of the trade in the manner in which
it had been proposed.
He was ready to admit, that the Africans at home were made miserable by
the Slave Trade, and that, if it were universally abolished, great
benefit would arise to them. No one, however, would assert, that these
miseries arose from the trade as carried on by Great Britain only. Other
countries occasioned as much of the evil as we did; and if the abolition
of it by us should prove only the transferring of it to those countries,
very little benefit would result from the measure.
What then was the probability of our example being followed by foreign
powers? Five years had now elapsed since the question was first started,
and what had any of them done? The Portuguese continued the trade. The
Spaniards still gave a bounty to encourage it. He believed there were
agents from Holland in this country, who were then negotiating with
persons concerned in it in order to secure its continuance. The
abolition also had been proposed in the National Assembly of France, and
had been rejected there. From these circumstances he had a right to
infer, that if we gave up the trade, we should only transfer it to those
countries: but this transfer would be entirely against the Africans. The
mortality on board English ships, previously to the regulating bill, was
four and an-eighth per cent. Since that time it had been reduced to
little more than three per cent[A]. In French ships it was near ten, and
in Dutch ships from five to seven, per cent. In Portuguese it was less
than either in French or Dutch, but more than in English ships since the
regulating bill. Thus the deaths of the Africans would be more than
doubled, if we were to abolish the trade.
[Footnote A: Mr. Wilberforce stated it on the same evening to be between
ten and eleven per cent. for the last year. The number then exported
from Africa to our islands was rather more than 22,000, of whom more
than 2,300 died.]
Perhaps it might be replied, that the importations being stopped in our
own islands, fewer Africans would experience this misery, because fewer
would be taken from their own country on this account. But he had a
right to infer, that as the planters purchased slaves at present, they
would still think it their interest to have them. The question then was,
whether they could get them by smuggling. Now it appeared by the
evidence, that many hundred slaves had been stolen from time to time
from Jamaica, and carried into Cuba. But if persons could smuggle slaves
out of our colonies, they could smuggle slaves into them; but
particularly when the planters might think it to their interest to
assist them.
With respect to the slaves there, instances had been related of their
oppression, which shocked the feelings of all who heard them: but was it
fair to infer from these their general ill usage? Suppose a person were
to make a collection of the different abuses, which had happened for a
series of years under our own happy constitution, and use these as an
argument of its worthlessness; should we not say to him, that in the
most perfect system which the human intellect could form some defects
would exist; and that it was unfair to draw inferences from such partial
facts? In the same manner he would argue relative to the alleged
treatment of the slaves. Evidence had been produced upon this point on
both sides. He should not be afraid to oppose the authorities of Lord
Rodney, and others, against any, however respectable, in favour of the
abolition. But this was not necessary. There was another species of
facts, which would answer the same end; Previously to the year 1730 the
decrease of the slaves in our islands was very considerable. From 1730
to 1755 the deaths were reduced to only two and a-half per cent, above
the births; from 1755 to 1768 to only one and three-fourths; and from
1768 to 1788 to only one per cent. This then, on the first view of the
subject, would show, that whatever might have been the situation of
slaves formerly, it had been gradually improved. But if, in addition to
this, we considered the peculiar disadvanges under which they laboured;
the small proportion of females to males; and the hurricanes, and
famines, which had swept away thousands, we should find it physically
impossible, that they could have increased as related, if they had been
treated as cruelly as the friends of the abolition had described.
This species of facts would enable him also to draw still more important
conclusions; namely, that as the slaves in the West Indies had gradually
increased, they would continue to increase; that very few years would
pass, not only before the births were equal to the deaths, but before
they were more numerous than the deaths; and that if this was likely to
happen in the present state of things, how much more would it happen, if
by certain regulations the increase of the slaves should be encouraged?
The only question then was, whether it was more advantageous to breed or
to import. He thought he should prove the former; and if so, then this
increase was inevitable, and the importations would necessarily cease.
In the first place, the gradual increase of the slaves of late years
clearly proved, that such increase had been encouraged. But their price
had been doubled in the last twenty years. The planter, therefore, must
feel it his interest to desist from purchasing, if possible. But again,
the greatest mortality was among the newly imported slaves. The diseases
they contracted on the passage, and their deaths in the seasoning, all
made for the same doctrine. Add to this, that slaves bred in the islands
were more expert at colonial labour, more reconciled to their situation,
and better disposed towards their masters than those who were brought
from Africa.
But it had been said, that the births and deaths in the islands were now
equal; and that therefore no further supply was wanted. He denied the
propriety of this inference. The slaves were subject to peculiar
diseases. They were exposed also to hurricanes and consequent famines.
That the day, however, would come, when the stock there would be
sufficient, no person who attended to the former part of his argument
could doubt. That they had gradually increased, were gradually
increasing, and would, by certain regulations, increase more and more,
must be equally obvious. But these were all considerations for
continuing the traffic a little longer.
He then desired the House to reflect upon the state of St. Domingo. Had
not its calamities been imputed by its own deputies to the advocates for
the abolition? Were ever any scenes of horror equal to those which had
passed there? And should we, when principles of the same sort were
lurking in our own islands, expose our fellow-subjects to the same
miseries, who, if guilty of promoting this trade, had, at least, been
encouraged in it by ourselves?
That the Slave Trade was an evil, he admitted. That the state of slavery
itself was likewise an evil, he admitted; and if the question was, not
whether we should abolish, but whether we should establish these, he
would be the first to oppose himself to their existence; but there were
many evils, which we should have thought it our duty to prevent, yet
which, when they had once arisen, it was more dangerous to oppose than
to submit to,--The duty of a statesman was, not to consider abstractedly
what was right or wrong, but to weigh the consequences which were likely
to result from the abolition of an evil, against those which were likely
to result from its continuance. Agreeing then most perfectly with the
abolitionists in their end, he differed from them only in the means of
accomplishing it. He was desirous of doing that gradually, which he
conceived they were doing rashly. He had therefore drawn up two
propositions. The first was, That an address be presented to His
Majesty, that he would recommend to the colonial assemblies to grant
premiums to such planters, and overseers, as should distinguish
themselves by promoting the annual increase of the slaves by birth; and
likewise freedom to every female slave, who had reared five children to
the age of seven years. The second was, That a bounty of five pounds per
head be given to the master of every slave-ship, who should import in
any cargo a greater number of females than males, not exceeding the age
of twenty-five years. To bring, forward these propositions, he would now
move that the chairman leave the chair.
Mr. Este wished the debate to be adjourned. He allowed there were many
enormities in the trade, which called for regulation. There were two
propositions before the House: the one for the immediate, and the other
for the gradual, abolition of the trade. He thought that members should
be allowed time to compare their respective merits. At present his own
opinion was, that gradual abolition would answer the end proposed in the
least exceptionable manner.
Mr. Pitt rejoiced that the debate had taken a turn, which contracted the
question into such narrow limits. The matter then in dispute was merely
as to the time at which the abolition should take, place. He therefore
congratulated the House, the country, and the world, that this great
point had been gained; that we might now consider this trade as having
received its condemnation; that this curse of mankind was seen in its
true light; and that the greatest stigma on our national character,
which ever yet existed, was about to be removed! Mankind, he trusted,
were now likely to be delivered from the greatest practical evil that
ever afflicted the human race--from the most severe and extensive
calamity recorded in the history of the world.
His honourable friend (Mr. Jenkinson) had insinuated, that any act for
the abolition would be evaded. But if we were to enforce this act with
all the powers of the country, how could it fail to be effectual? But
his honourable friend had himself satisfied him, upon this point. He had
acknowledged, that the trade would drop of itself, on account of the
increasing dearness of the commodity imported. He would ask then, if we
were to leave to the importer no means of importation but by smuggling;
and if, besides all the present disadvantages, we were to load him with
all the charges and hazards of the smuggler, would there be any danger
of any considerable supply of fresh slaves being poured into the islands
through this channel? The question under these circumstances, he
pronounced, would not bear a dispute.
His honourable friend had also maintained, that it would be inexpedient
to stop the importations immediately, because the deaths and births in
the islands were as yet not equal. But he (Mr. Pitt) had proved last
year, from the most authentic documents, that an increase of the births
above the deaths had already taken place. This then was the time for
beginning the abolition. But he would now observe, that five years had
elapsed since these documents were framed; and therefore the presumption
was, that the black population was increasing at an extraordinary rate.
He had not, to be sure, in his consideration of the subject, entered
into the dreadful mortality arising from the clearing of new lands.
Importations for this purpose were to be considered, not as carrying on
the trade, but as setting on foot a Slave Trade, a measure which he
believed no one present would then support. He therefore asked his
honourable friend, whether the period he had looked to was now arrived?
whether the West Indies, at this hour, were, not in a state in which
they could maintain their population?
It had been argued, that one or other of these two, assertions was
false; that either the population of the slaves must be decreasing,
(which the abolitionists denied,) or, if it was increasing, the slaves
must have been well treated. That their population was rather increasing
than otherwise, and also that their general treatment was by no means so
good as it ought to have been, were both points which had been proved by
different witnesses. Neither were they incompatible with each other. But
he would see whether the explanation of this seeming contradiction would
not refute the argument of expediency, as advanced by his honourable
friend. Did the slaves decrease in numbers?--Yes. Then ill usage must
have been the cause of it; but if so, the abolition was immediately
necessary to, restrain it. Did they, on the other hand, increase?--Yes.
But if so, no further importations, were wanted. Was their population
(to take a middle course) nearly stationary, and their treatment neither
so good nor so bad as it might be?--Yes. But if so, this was the proper
period for stopping further supplies; for both the population and the
treatment would be improved by such a measure.
But he would show again the futility of the, argument of his honourable
friend. He himself had admitted that it was in the power of the
colonists to correct the various abuses, by which the Negro population
was restrained. But, they could not do this without improving the
condition of their slaves; without making them approximate towards the
rank of citizens; without giving them some little interest in their
labour, which would occasion them to work with the energy of men. But
now the Assembly of Grenada had themselves stated, "that though the
Negroes were allowed the afternoons of only one day in every week they
would do as much work in that afternoon, when employed for their own
benefit as in the whole day, when employed in their masters' service."
Now, after, this, confession, the House might burn all his calculations
relative to the Negro population; for, if it had not yet quite reached
the desirable state which he had pointed out, this confession had
proved, that further supplies were not wanted. A Negro, if he worked for
himself, could do double work. By an improvement then in the mode of
labour, the work in the islands could be doubled. But if so, what would
become of the argument of his honourable friend? for then only half the
number of the present labourers were necessary.
He would now try this argument of expediency by other considerations.
The best informed writers on the subject had told us, that the purchase
of new Negroes was injurious to the, planters. But if this statement was
just, would not the abolition be beneficial to them? That it would, was
the opinion of Mr. Long, their own historian. "If the Slave Trade," says
he, "was prohibited for four or five years, it would enable them to
retrieve their affairs by preventing them from running into debt, either
by renting or purchasing Negroes." To this acknowledgment he would add a
fact from the evidence, which was, that a North American province, by
such a prohibition alone for a few years from being deeply plunged in
debt, had become independent, rich, and flourishing.
The next consideration was the danger, to which the islands, were
exposed from the newly imported slaves. Mr. Long, with a view of
preventing insurrections, had advised, that a duty equal to a
prohibition, might be laid on the importation of Coromantine slaves.
After noticing one insurrection, which happened through their means, he
speaks of another in the following year, in which thirty-three
Coromantines, "most of whom had been newly imported, murdered and
wounded no less than nineteen Whites in the, space of an hour." To the
authority of Mr Long he would add the recorded opinion of a committee of
the House of Assembly of Jamaica, which was appointed to inquire into
the best means of preventing future insurrections. The committee
reported, that "the rebellion had originated, like most others, with the
Coromantines," and they proposed that a bill should he brought in for
laying a higher duty on the importation of these particular Negroes,
which should operate as a prohibition. But the danger was not confined
to the introduction of Coromantines. Mr. Long accounts for the frequent
insurrections in Jamaica from the greatness of its general importations.
"In two years and a-half," says he, "twenty-seven thousand Negroes have
been imported.--No wonder that we have rebellions!" Surely then, when
his honourable friend spoke of the calamities of St. Domingo, and of
similar dangers impending over our own islands, it ill became him to be
the person to cry out for further importations! It ill became him to
charge upon the abolitionists the crime of stirring up insurrections,
who only recommended what the legislature of Jamaica itself had laid
down in a time of danger with an avowed view to prevent them. It was,
indeed, a great satisfaction to himself, that among the many arguments
for prohibiting the Slave Trade, the security of our West Indian
possessions against internal commotions, as well as foreign enemies, was
among the most prominent and forcible. And here he would ask his
honourable friend, whether in this part of the argument he did not see
reason for immediate abolition. Why should we any longer persist in
introducing those latent principles of conflagration, which, if they
should once burst forth, might annihilate the industry of a hundred
years? which might throw the planters back a whole century in their
profits, in their cultivation, and in their progress towards the
emancipation of their slaves? It was our duty to vote that the abolition
of the Slave Trade should be immediate, and not to leave it to he knew
not what future time or contingency.
Having now done with the argument of expediency, he would consider the
proposition of his right honourable friend Mr. Dundas; that, on account
of some patrimonial rights of the West Indians, the prohibition of the
Slave Trade would be an invasion of their legal inheritance. He would
first observe, that, if this argument was worth anything, it applied
just as much to gradual as to immediate abolition. He had no doubt,
that, at whatever period we should say the trade should cease; it would
be equally, set up; for it would certainly be just as good an argument
against the measure in seventy years hence, as it was against it now. It
implied also, that Parliament had no right to stop the importations: but
had this detestable traffic received such a sanction, as placed it more
out of the jurisdiction of the legislature for ever after, than any
other branch of our trade? In what a situation did the proposition of
his honourable friend place the legislature of Great Britain! It was
scarcely possible to lay a duty on anyone article, which might not in
someway affect the property of individuals. But if the laws respecting
the Slave Trade implied a contract for its perpetual continuance, the
House could never regulate any other of the branches of our national
commerce.
But any contract for the promotion of this trade must, in his opinion,
have been void from the beginning: for if it was an outrage upon
justice, and only another name for fraud, robbery, and murder, what
pledge could devolve upon the legislature to incur the obligation of
becoming principals in the commission of such enormities by sanctioning
their continuance?
But he would appeal to the acts themselves. That of 23 George II. c. 31,
was the one upon which the greatest stress was laid. How would the House
be surprised to hear that the very outrages committed in the prosecution
of this trade had been forbidden by that act! "No master of a ship
trading to Africa," says the act, "shall by fraud, force, or violence,
or by any indirect practice whatever, take on board or carry away from
that coast any Negro, or native of that country, or commit any violence
on the natives, to the prejudice of the said trade; and every person so
offending, shall for every such offence forfeit one hundred pounds." But
the whole trade had been demonstrated to be a system of fraud, force,
and violence; and therefore the contract was daily violated, under which
the Parliament allowed it to continue.