The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition - Thomas Clarkson
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The noble earl had made a difference between humanity, justice, and
sound policy. God forbid, that we should ever admit such distinctions in
this country! But he had gone further, and said, that a thing might be
inhuman, and yet not unjust; and he put the case of the execution of a
criminal in support of it. Did he not by this position confound all
notions of right and wrong in human institutions? When a criminal was
justly executed, was not the execution justice to him who suffered, and
humanity to the body of the people at large?
The noble earl had said also, that we should do no good by the
abolition, because other nations would not concur in it. He did not know
what other nations would do; but this he knew, that we ourselves ought
not to be unjust because they should refuse to be honest. It was,
however, self-obvious, that, if we admitted no more slaves into our
colonies, the evil would be considerably diminished.
Another of his arguments did not appear to be more solid; for surely the
Slave Trade ought not to be continued, merely because the effect of the
abolition might ultimately be that of the emancipation of the slaves; an
event, which would be highly desirable in its due time.
The noble lord had also said, that the planters were against the
abolition, and that without their consent it could never be
accomplished. He differed from him in both these points: for, first, he
was a considerable planter himself, and yet he was a friend to the
measure: secondly, by cutting off all further supplies, the planters
would be obliged to pay more attention to the treatment of their slaves,
and this treatment would render the trade unnecessary.
The noble earl had asserted also, that the population in the West Indies
could not be kept up without further importations; and this was the
opinion of the planters, who were the best judges of the subject. As a
planter he differed from his lordship again. If, indeed, all the waste
lands were to be brought into cultivation, the present population would
be insufficient. But the government had already determined, that the
trade should not be continued for such a purpose. We were no longer to
continue pirates, or executioners for every petty tyrant in Africa, in
order that every holder of a bit of land in our islands might cultivate
the whole of his allotment; a work, which might require centuries.
Making this exception, he would maintain, that no further importations
were necessary. Few or no slaves had been imported into Antigua for many
years; and he believed, that even some had been exported from it. As to
Jamaica, although in one year fifteen thousand died in consequence of
hurricane and famine, the excess of deaths over the births during the
twenty years preceding 1788 was only one per cent. Deducting, however,
the mortality of the newly imported slaves, and making the calculation
upon the Negroes born in the island or upon those who had been long
there, he believed the births and the deaths would be found equal. He
had a right therefore to argue that the Negroes, with better treatment
(which the abolition would secure), would not only maintain but increase
their population, without any aid from Africa. He would add, that the
newly imported Africans brought with them not only disorders which
ravaged the plantations, but danger from the probability of
insurrections. He wished most heartily for the total abolition of the
trade. He was convinced, that it was both inhuman, unjust, and
impolitic. This had always been his opinion as an individual since he
was capable of forming one. It was his opinion then as a legislator. It
was his opinion as a colonial proprietor; and it was his opinion as an
Englishman, wishing for the prosperity of the British empire.
The Earl of Suffolk contended, that the population of the slaves in the
islands could be kept up by good treatment, so as to be sufficient for
their cultivation. He entered into a detail of calculations from the
year 1772 downwards in support of this statement. He believed all the
miseries of St. Domingo arose from the vast importation of Africans. He
had such a deep sense of the inhumanity and injustice of the Slave
Trade, that, if ever he wished any action of his life to be recorded, it
would be that of the vote he should then give in support of the
resolution.
Lord Sidmouth said, that he agreed to the substance of the resolution,
but yet he could not support it. Could he be convinced that the trade
would be injurious to the cause of humanity and justice, the question
with him would be decided; for policy could not be opposed to humanity
and justice. He had been of opinion for the last twenty years, that the
interests of the country and those of numerous individuals were so
deeply blended with this traffic, that we should be very cautious how we
proceeded. With respect to the cultivation of new lands, he would not
allow a single Negro to be imported for such a purpose; but he must have
a regard to the old plantations. When he found a sufficient increase in
the Black population to continue the cultivation already established
there, then, but not till then, he would agree to an abolition of the
trade.
Earl Stanhope said he would not detain their lordships long. He could
not, however, help expressing his astonishment at what had fallen from
the last speaker; for he had evidently confessed that the Slave Trade
was inhuman and unjust, and then he had insinuated, that it was neither
inhuman nor unjust to continue it. A more paradoxical or whimsical
opinion, he believed, was never entertained, or more whimsically
expressed in that house. The noble viscount had talked of the interests
of the planters; but this was but a part of the subject; for surely the
people of Africa were not to be forgotten. He did not understand the
practice of complimenting the planters with the lives of men, women, and
helpless children by thousands, for the sake of their pecuniary
advantage; and they, who adopted it, whatever they might think of the
consistency of their own conduct, offered an insult to the sacred names
of humanity and justice.
The noble Earl (Westmoreland) had asked what would be the practical
effect of the abolition of the Slave Trade. He would inform him. It
would do away the infamous practices which took place in Africa; it
would put an end to the horrors of the passage; it would save many
thousands of our fellow-creatures from the miseries of eternal slavery;
it would oblige the planters to treat those better, who were already in
that unnatural state; it would increase the population of our islands;
it would give a death-blow to the diabolical calculations, whether it
was cheaper to work the Negroes to death and recruit the gangs by fresh
importations, or to work them moderately and to treat them kindly. He
knew of no event, which would be attended with so many blessings.
There was but one other matter, which he would notice. The noble baron
(Hawkesbury) had asserted, that all the horrors of St. Domingo were the
consequence of the speculative opinions which were current in a
neighbouring kingdom on the subject at liberty. They had, he said, no
such origin. They were owing to two causes; first, to the vast number of
Negroes recently imported into that island; and, secondly, to a
scandalous breach of faith by the French legislature. This legislature
held out the idea not only of the abolition of the Slave Trade, but also
of all slavery; but it broke its word. It held forth the rights of man
to the whole human race, and then, in practice, it most infamously
abandoned every article in these rights; so that it became the scorn of
all the enlightened and virtuous part of mankind. These were the great
causes of the miseries of St. Domingo, and not the speculative opinions
of France.
Earl Grosvenor could not but express the joy he felt at the hope, after
all his disappointments, that this wicked trade would be done away. He
hoped that his Majesty's ministers were in earnest, and that they would,
early in the next session, take this great question up with a
determination to go through with it; so that another year should not
pass before we extended the justice and humanity of the country to the
helpless and unhappy inhabitants of Africa.
Earl Fitzwilliam said he was fearful lest the calamities of St. Domingo
should be brought home to our own islands. We ought not, he thought, too
hastily to adopt the resolution on that account. He should therefore
support the previous question.
Lord Ellenborough said, he was sorry to differ from his noble friend
(Lord Sidmouth), and yet he could not help saying that if after twenty
years, during which this question had been discussed by both Houses of
Parliament, their lordships' judgments were not ripe for its
determination, he could not look with any confidence to a time when they
would be ready to decide it.
The question then before them was short and plain. It was, whether the
African Slave Trade was inhuman, unjust, and impolitic. If the premises
were true, we could not too speedily bring it to a conclusion.
The subject had been frequently brought before him in a way which had
enabled him to become acquainted with it; and he was the more anxious on
that account to deliver his sentiments upon it as a peer of Parliament,
without reference to anything he had been called upon to do in the
discharge of his professional duty. When he looked at the mode in which
this traffic commenced, by the spoliation of the rights of a whole
quarter of the globe; by the misery of whole nations of helpless
Africans; by tearing them from their homes, their families, and their
friends; when he saw the unhappy victims carried away by force; thrust
into a dungeon in the hold of a ship, in which the interval of their
passage from their native to a foreign land was filled up with misery,
under every degree of debasement, and in chains; and when he saw them
afterwards consigned to an eternal slavery, he could not but contemplate
the whole system with horror. It was inhuman in its beginning, inhuman
in its progress, and inhuman to the very end.
Nor was it more inhuman than it was unjust. The noble earl,
(Westmoreland,) in adverting to this part of the question had considered
it as a question of justice between two nations, but it was a moral
question. Although the natives of Africa might be taken by persons
authorized by their own laws to take and dispose of them, and the
practice, therefore, might be said to be legal as it respected them, yet
no man could doubt, whatever ordinances they might have to sanction it,
that it was radically, essentially, and in principle, unjust; and
therefore there could be no excuse for us in continuing it. On the
general principle of natural justice, which was paramount to all
ordinances of men, it was quite impossible to defend this traffic; and
he agreed with the noble baron (Hawkesbury) that, having decided that it
was inhuman and unjust, we should not inquire whether it was impolitic.
Indeed, the inquiry itself would be impious; for it was the common
ordinance of God, that that which was inhuman and unjust, should never
be for the good of man. Its impolicy, therefore, was included in its
injustice and its inhumanity. And he had no doubt, when the importations
were stopped, that the planters would introduce a change of system among
their slaves which would increase their population, so as to render any
further supplies from Africa unnecessary. It had been proved, indeed,
that the Negro population in some of the islands was already in this
desirable state. Many other happy effects would follow. As to the losses
which would arise from the abolition of the Slave Trade, they, who were
interested in the continuance of it, had greatly over-rated them. When
pleading formerly in his professional capacity for the merchants of
Liverpool at their lordships' bar, he had often delivered statements,
which he had received from them, and which he afterwards discovered to
be grossly incorrect. He could say from his own knowledge, that the
assertion of the noble earl (Westmoreland), that property to the amount
of a hundred millions would be endangered, was wild and fanciful. He
would not however deny, that some loss might accompany the abolition;
but there could be no difficulty in providing for it. Such a
consideration ought not to be allowed to impede their progress in
getting rid of an horrible injustice.
But it had been said that we should do but little in the cause of
humanity by abolishing the Slave Trade; because other nations would
continue it. He did not believe they would. He knew that America was
about to give it up. He believed the states of Europe would give it up.
But, supposing that they were all to continue it, would not our honour
be the greater? Would not our virtue be the more signal? for then
--Faithful we
Among the faithless found:
to which he would add, that undoubtedly we should diminish the evil, as
far as the number of miserable beings was concerned, which was
accustomed to be transported to our own colonies.
Earl Spencer agreed with the noble viscount (Sidmouth), that the
amelioration of the condition of the slaves was an object, which might
be effected in the West Indies; but he was certain, that the most
effectual way of improving it would be by the total and immediate
abolition of the Slave Trade; and for that reason he would support the
resolution. Had the resolution held out emancipation to them, it would
not have had his assent; for it would have ill become the character of
this country, if it had been once promised, to have withheld it from
them. It was to such deception that the horrors of St. Domingo were to
be attributed. He would not enter into the discussion of the general
subject at present. He was convinced that the trade was what the
resolution stated it to be, inhuman, unjust, and impolitic. He wished
therefore, most earnestly indeed, for its abolition. As to the mode of
effecting it, it should be such as would be attended with the least
inconvenience to all parties. At the same time he would not allow small
inconveniences to stand in the way of the great claims of humanity,
justice, and religion.
The question was then put on the resolution, and carried by a majority
of forty-one to twenty. The same address also to His Majesty, which had
been agreed upon by the Commons, was directly afterwards moved. This
also was carried, but without the necessity of a division.
The resolution and the motion having passed both Houses, one other
parliamentary measure was yet necessary to complete the proceedings of
this session. It was now almost universally believed, in consequence of
what had already taken place there, that the Slave Trade had received
its death-wound; and that it would not long survive it. It was supposed,
therefore, that the slave-merchants would, in the interim, fit out not
only all the vessels they had, but even buy others, to make what might
be called their last harvest. Hence, extraordinary scenes of rapine and
murder would be occasioned in Africa. To prevent these, a new bill was
necessary. This was accordingly introduced into the Commons. It enacted,
but with one exception, that from and after the first of August, 1806,
no vessel should clear out for the Slave Trade, unless it should have
been previously employed by the same owner or owners in the said trade,
or should be proved to have been contracted for previously to the 10th
of June, 1806, for the purpose of being employed in that trade. It may
now be sufficient to say that this bill also passed both Houses of
Parliament; soon after which the session ended.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
[Sidenote:--Continuation from July 1806, to March 1807.--Death of Mr.
Fox.--Bill for the total abolition of the Slave Trade carried in the
House of Lords; sent from thence to the Commons; amended and passed
there; carried back, and passed with its amendments by the Lords;
receives the royal assent.--Reflections on this great event.]
It was impossible for the committee to look back to the proceedings of
the last session, as they related to the great question under their
care, without feeling a profusion of joy, as well as of gratitude to
those, by whose virtuous endeavours they had taken place. But, alas, how
few of our earthly pleasures come to us without alloy! a melancholy
event succeeded. We had the painful intelligence, in the month of
October 1806, that one of the oldest and warmest friends of the cause
was then numbered with the dead.
Of the character of Mr. Fox, as it related to this cause, I am bound to
take notice. And, first, I may observe, that he professed an attachment
to it almost as soon as it was ushered into the world. Early in the year
1788, when he was waited upon by a deputation of the committee, his
language was, as has appeared in the first volume, "that he would
support their object to its fullest extent, being convinced that there
was no remedy for the evil but in the total abolition of the trade."
His subsequent conduct evinced the sincerity of his promises. He was
constant in his attendance in Parliament whenever the question was
brought forward; and he never failed to exert his powerful eloquence in
its favour. The countenance, indeed, which he gave it, was of the
greatest importance to its welfare; for most of his parliamentary
friends, who followed his general political sentiments, patronized it
also. By the aid of these, joined to that of the private friends of Mr.
Pitt, and of other members, who espoused it without reference to party,
it was always so upheld, that after the year 1791 no one of the defeats
which it sustained, was disgraceful. The majority on the side of those
interested in the continuance of the trade was always so trifling, that
the abolitionists were preserved a formidable body, and their cause
respectable.
I never heard whether Mr. Fox, when he came into power, made any
stipulations with His Majesty on the subject of the Slave Trade: but
this I know, that he determined upon the abolition of it, if it were
practicable, as the highest glory of his administration, and as the
greatest earthly blessing which it was in the power of the Government to
bestow; and that he took considerable pains to convince some of his
colleagues in the cabinet of the propriety of the measure.
When the resolution, which produced the debates in parliament, as
detailed in the last chapter, was under contemplation, it was thought
expedient that Mr. Fox, as the minister of state in the House of
Commons, should introduce it himself. When applied to for this purpose
he cheerfully undertook the office, thus acting in consistency with his
public declaration in the year 1791, "that in whatever situation he
might ever be, he would use his warmest efforts for the promotion of
this righteous cause."
Before the next measure, or the bill to prevent the sailing of any new
vessel in the trade after the 1st of August, was publicly disclosed, it
was suggested to him, that the session was nearly over; that he might
possibly weary both Houses by another motion on the subject; and that,
if he were to lose it, or to experience a diminution of his majorities
in either, he might injure the cause, which was then in the road to
triumph. To this objection he replied, "that he believed both Houses
were disposed to get rid of the trade; that his own life was precarious;
that if he omitted to serve the injured Africans on this occasion, he
might have no other opportunity of doing it; and that he dared not,
under these circumstances, neglect so great a duty."
This prediction relative to himself became unfortunately verified; for
his constitution, after this, began to decline, till at length his
mortal destiny, in the eyes of his medical attendants, was sealed. But
even then, when removed by pain and sickness from the discussion of
political subjects, he never forgot this cause. In his own sufferings he
was not unmindful of those of the injured Africans. "Two things," said
he, on his death-bed, "I wish earnestly to see accomplished,--peace with
Europe--and the abolition of the Slave Trade." But knowing well, that we
could much better protect ourselves against our own external enemies,
than this helpless people against their oppressors, he added, "but of
the two I wish the latter." These sentiments he occasionally repeated,
so that the subject was frequently in his thoughts in his last illness.
Nay, "the very hope of the abolition (to use the expression of Lord
Howick in the House of Commons) quivered on his lips in the last hour of
it." Nor is it improbable, if earthly scenes ever rise to view at that
awful crisis, and are perceptible, that it might have occupied his mind
in the last moment of his existence. Then indeed would joy ineffable,
from a conviction of having prepared the way for rescuing millions of
human beings from misery, have attended the spirit on its departure from
the body; and then also would this spirit, most of all purified when in
the contemplation of peace, good-will, and charity upon earth, be in the
fittest state, on gliding from its earthly cavern, to commix with the
endless ocean of benevolence and love.
At length the session of 1807 commenced. It was judged advisable by Lord
Grenville, that the expected motion on this subject should, contrary to
the practice hitherto adopted, be agitated first in the Lords.
Accordingly, on the 2nd of January he presented a bill, called an act
for the abolition of the Slave Trade; but he then proposed only to print
it, and to let it lie on the table, that it might be maturely
considered, before it should be discussed.
On the 4th, no less than four counsel were heard against the bill.
On the 5th the debate commenced. But of this I shall give no detailed
account; nor, indeed, of any of those which followed it. The truth is,
that the subject has been exhausted. They, who spoke in favour of the
abolition, said very little that was new concerning it. They, who spoke
against it, brought forward, as usual, nothing but negative assertions
and fanciful conjectures. To give therefore what was said by both
parties at these times, would be but useless repetition[A]. To give, on
the other hand, that which was said on one side only would appear
partial. Hence I shall offer to the reader little more than a narrative
of facts upon these occasions.
[Footnote A: The different debates in both Houses on this occasion would
occupy the half of another volume. This is another circumstance, which
reconciles me to the omission. But that, which reconciles me the most
is, that they will be soon published. In these debates justice has been
done to every individual concerned in them.]
Lord Grenville opened the debate by a very luminous speech. He was
supported by the Duke of Gloucester, the Bishop of Durham (Dr.
Barrington), the Earls Moira, Selkirk, and Roslyn, and the Lords
Holland, King, and Hood. The opponents of the bill were the Duke of
Clarence, the Earls of Westmoreland and St. Vincent, and the Lords
Sidmouth, Eldon, and Hawkesbury.
The question being called for at four o'clock in the morning, it
appeared that the personal votes and proxies in favour of Lord
Grenville's motion amounted to one hundred, and those against it to
thirty-six. Thus passed the first bill in England, which decreed, that
the African Slave Trade should cease. And here I cannot omit paying to
his Highness the Duke of Gloucester the tribute of respect, which is due
to him, for having opposed the example of his royal relations on this
subject in behalf of an helpless and oppressed people. The sentiments
too, which he delivered on this occasion, ought not to be forgotten.
"This trade," said he, "is contrary to the principles of the British
constitution. It is, besides, a cruel and criminal traffic in the blood
of my fellow-creatures. It is a foul stain on the national character. It
is an offence to the Almighty. On every ground therefore on which a
decision can be made; on the ground of policy, of liberty, of humanity,
of justice, but, above all, on the ground of religion, I shall vote for
its immediate extinction."
On the 10th of February, the bill was carried to the House of Commons.
On the 20th counsel were heard against it; after which, by agreement,
the second reading of it took place. On the 23rd the question being put
for the commitment of it, Lord Viscount Howick (now Earl Grey) began an
eloquent speech. After he had proceeded in it some way, he begged leave
to enter his protest against certain principles of relative justice,
which had been laid down. "The merchants and planters," said he, "have
an undoubted right, in common with other subjects of the realm, to
demand justice at our hands. But that, which they denominate justice,
does not correspond with the legitimate character of that virtue: for
they call upon us to violate the rights of others, and to transgress our
own moral duties. That, which they distinguish as justice, involves in
itself the greatest injury to others. It is not, in fact, justice, which
they demand, but--favour--and favour to themselves at the expense of the
most grievous oppression of their fellow-creatures."