The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition - Thomas Clarkson
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[Footnote B: James Pemberton, of Philadelphia, made the following
observation in a letter to a Friend in England:--"David Barclay's humane
views towards the Blacks from Jamaica have been so far realized, that
these objects of his concern enjoy their freedom with comfort to
themselves, and are respectable in their characters, keeping up a
friendly intercourse with each other, and avoiding to intermix with the
common Blacks of this city, being sober in their conduct and industrious
in their business."]
Having now brought up the proceedings of this little association towards
the year 1786, I shall take my leave of it, remarking, that it was the
first ever formed in England for the promotion of the abolition of the
Slave Trade. That Quakers have had this honour is unquestionable. Nor is
it extraordinary that they should have taken the lead on this occasion,
when we consider how advantageously they have been situated for so
doing. For the Slave Trade, as we have not long ago seen, came within
the discipline of the society in the year 1727. From thence it continued
to be an object of it till 1783. In 1783 the society petitioned
parliament, and in 1784 it distributed books to enlighten the public
concerning it. Thus we see that every Quaker, born since the year 1727,
was nourished as it were in a fixed hatred against it. He was taught,
that any concern in it was a crime of the deepest dye. He was taught,
that the bearing of his testimony against it was a test of unity with
those of the same religious profession. The discipline of the Quakers
was therefore a school for bringing them up as advocates for the
abolition of this trade. To this it may be added, that the Quakers knew
more about the trade and the slavery of the Africans, than any other
religious body of men, who had not been in the land of their sufferings.
For there had been a correspondence between the society in America and
that in England on the subject, the contents of which must have been
known to the members of each. American ministers also were frequently
crossing the Atlantic on religious missions to England. These, when they
travelled through various parts of our island, frequently related to the
Quaker families in their way the cruelties they had seen and heard of in
their own country. English ministers were also frequently going over to
America on the same religious errand. These, on their return, seldom
failed to communicate what they had learned or observed, but more
particularly relative to the oppressed Africans, in their travels. The
journals also of these, which gave occasional accounts of the sufferings
of the slaves, were frequently published. Thus situated in point of
knowledge, and brought up moreover from their youth in a detestation of
the trade, the Quakers were ready to act whenever a favourable
opportunity should present itself.
CHAPTER V.
[Sidenote: Third class of forerunners and coadjutors, up to 1787,
consists of the Quakers and others in America.--Yearly meeting for
Pennsylvania and the Jerseys takes up the subject in 1696; and continue
it till 1787.--Other five yearly meetings take similar
measures.--Quakers, as individuals, also become labourers; William
Burling and others.--Individuals of other religious denominations take
up the cause also; Judge Sewell and others.--Union of the Quakers with
others in a society for Pennsylvania, in 1774; James Pemberton; Dr.
Rush.--Similar union of the Quakers with others for New York and other
provinces.]
The next class of the forerunners and coadjutors, up to the year 1787,
will consist, first, of the Quakers in America; and then of others, as
they were united to these for the same object.
It may be asked, How the Quakers living there should have become
forerunners and coadjutors in the great work now under our
consideration. I reply, first, that it was an object for many years with
these to do away the Slave Trade as it was carried on in their own
ports. But this trade was conducted in part, both before and after the
independence of America, by our own countrymen. It was, secondly, an
object with these to annihilate slavery in America; and this they have
been instruments in accomplishing to a considerable extent. But any
abolition of slavery within given boundaries must be a blow to the Slave
Trade there. The American Quakers, lastly, living in a land where both
the commerce and slavery existed, were in the way of obtaining a number
of important facts relative to both, which made for their annihilation;
and communicating many of these facts to those in England, who espoused
the same cause, they became fellow-labourers with these in producing the
event in question.
The Quakers in America, it must be owned, did most of them originally as
other settlers there with respect to the purchase of slaves. They had
lands without a sufficient number of labourers, and families without a
sufficient number of servants, for their work. Africans were poured in
to obviate these difficulties, and these were bought promiscuously by
all. In these days, indeed, the purchase of them was deemed favourable
to both parties, for there was little or no knowledge of the manner in
which they had been procured as slaves. There was no charge of
inconsistency on this account, as in later times. But though many of the
Quakers engaged, without their usual consideration, in purchases of this
kind, yet those constitutional principles, which belong to the society,
occasioned the members of it in general to treat those whom they
purchased with great tenderness, considering them, though of a different
colour, as brethren, and as persons for whose spiritual welfare it
became them to be concerned; so that slavery, except as to the power
legally belonging to it, was in general little more than servitude in
their hands.
This treatment, as it was thus mild on the continent of America where
the members of this society were the owners of slaves, so it was equally
mild in The West India Islands where they had a similar property. In the
latter countries, however, where only a few of them lived, it began soon
to be productive of serious consequences; for it was so different from
that which the rest of the inhabitants considered to be proper, that the
latter became alarmed at it. Hence in Barbados an act was passed in
1676, under Governor Atkins, which was entitled, An Act to prevent the
people called Quakers from bringing their Negroes into their meetings
for worship, though they held these in their own houses. This act was
founded on the pretence, that the safety of the island might be
endangered, if the slaves were to imbibe the religious principles of
their masters. Under this act Ralph Fretwell and Richard Sutton were
fined in the different sums of eight hundred and of three hundred
pounds, because each of them had suffered a meeting of the Quakers at
his own house, at the first of which eighty negroes, and at the second
of which thirty of them were present. But this matter was carried still
further; for in 1680, Sir Richard Dutton, then governor of the island,
issued an order to the Deputy Provost Marshal and others, to prohibit
all meetings of this society. In the island of Nevis the same bad spirit
manifested itself. So early as in 1661, a law was made there prohibiting
members of this society from coming on shore. Negroes were put in irons
for being present at their meetings, and they themselves were fined
also. At length, in 1677, another act was passed, laying a heavy penalty
on every master of a vessel who should even bring a Quaker to the
island. In Antigua and Bermudas similar proceedings took place, so that
the Quakers were in time expelled from this part of the world. By these
means a valuable body of men were lost to the community in these
islands, whose example might have been highly useful; and the poor
slave, who saw nothing but misery in his temporal prospects, was
deprived of the only balm which could have soothed his sorrow--the
comfort of religion.
But to return to the continent of America. Though the treatment which
the Quakers adopted there towards those Africans who fell into their
hands, was so highly commendable, it did not prevent individuals among
them from becoming uneasy about holding them in slavery at all. Some of
these bore their private testimony against it from the beginning as a
wrong practice, and in process of time brought it before the notice of
their brethren as a religious body. So early as in the year 1688, some
emigrants from Krieshiem in Germany, who had adopted the principles of
William Penn, and followed him into Pennsylvania, urged, in the yearly
meeting of the society there, the inconsistency of buying, selling, and
holding men in slavery, with the principles of the Christian religion.
In the year 1696, the yearly meeting for that province took up the
subject as a public concern, and the result was, advice to the members
of it to guard against future-importations of African slaves, and to be
particularly attentive to the treatment of those who were then in their
possession.
In the year 1711, the same yearly meeting resumed the important subject,
and confirmed and renewed the advice which had been before given.
From this time it continued to keep the subject alive; but finding at
length, that though individuals refused to purchase slaves, yet others
continued the custom, and in greater numbers than it was apprehended
would have been the case after the public declarations which had been
made, it determined, in the year 1754, upon a fuller and more serious
publication of its sentiments; and therefore it issued, in the same
year, the following pertinent letter to all the members within its
jurisdiction:--
Dear Friends,
It hath frequently been the concern of our yearly meeting to
testify their uneasiness and disunity with the importation and
purchasing of negroes and other slaves, and to direct the
overseers of the several meetings to advise and deal with such
as engage therein. And it hath likewise been the continual care
of many weighty friends to press those who bear our name, to
guard, as much as possible, against being in any respect
concerned in promoting the bondage of such unhappy people. Yet,
as we have with sorrow to observe, that their number is of late
increased among us, we have thought it proper to make our advice
and judgment more public, that none may plead ignorance of our
principles therein; and also again earnestly to exhort all to
avoid, in any manner, encouraging that practice of making slaves
of our fellow-creatures.
Now, dear friends, if we continually bear in mind the royal law
of doing to others as we would be done by, we should never think
of bereaving our fellow-creatures of that valuable
blessing--liberty, nor endure to grow rich by their bondage. To
live in ease and plenty by the toil of those whom violence and
cruelty have put in our power, is neither consistent with
Christianity nor common justice; and, we have good reason to
believe, draws down the displeasure of Heaven; it being a
melancholy but true reflection, that, where slave-keeping
prevails, pure religion and sobriety decline, as it evidently
tends to harden the heart, and render the soul less susceptible
of that holy spirit of love, meekness and charity, which is the
peculiar characteristic of a true Christian.
How then can we, who have been concerned to publish the Gospel
of universal love and peace among mankind, be so inconsistent
with ourselves, as to purchase such as are prisoners of war, and
thereby encourage, this anti-Christian practice; and more
especially as many of these poor creatures are stolen away,
parents from children, and children from parents; and others,
who were in good circumstances in their native country,
inhumanly torn from what they esteemed a happy situation, and
compelled to toil in a state of slavery, too often extremely
cruel!
What dreadful scenes of murder and cruelty those barbarous
ravages must occasion in these unhappy people's country are too
obvious to mention. Let us make their case our own, and consider
what we should think, and how we should feel, were we in their
circumstances. Remember our blessed Redeemer's positive
command--to do unto others as we would have them do unto
us;--and that with what measure we mete, it shall be measured to
us again. And we intreat you to examine, whether the purchasing
of a negro, either born here or imported, doth not contribute to
a further importation, and, consequently, to the upholding of
all the evils above mentioned, and to the promoting of
man-stealing, the, only theft which by the Mosaic law was
punished with death;--He that stealeth a man and selleth him or
if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death.'
The characteristic and badge of a true Christian is love and
continual exercise of them: 'Love one, another,' says he, 'as I
have loved you.' But how can we be said to love our brethren who
bring, or, for selfish ends, keep them in bondage? Do we act
consistently with this noble principle, who lay such heavy
burdens on our fellow creatures? Do we consider that they are
called and do we sincerely desire that they may become heirs
with us in glory, and that they may rejoice in the liberty of
the sons of God, whilst we are withholding from them the common
liberties of mankind? Or can the spirit of God, by which we have
always professed to be led, be the author of these oppressive
and unrighteous measures? Or do we not thereby manifest, that
temporal interest hath more influence on our conduct herein,
than the dictates of that merciful, holy, and unerring Guide?
And we, likewise, earnestly recommend to all who have slaves, to
be careful to come up in the performance of their duty towards
them, and to be particularly watchful over their own hearts, it
being, by sorrowful experience, remarkable that custom and a
familiarity with evil of any kind, have a tendency to bias the
judgment and to deprave the mind; and it is obvious, that the
future welfare of these poor slaves, who are now in bondage, is
generally too much disregarded by those who keep them. If their
daily task of labour be but fulfilled, little else, perhaps, is
thought of: nay, even that which in others would be looked upon
with horror and detestation, is little regarded in them by their
masters; such as the frequent separation of husbands from wives,
and wives from husbands, whereby they are tempted to break their
marriage covenants, and live in adultery, in direct opposition
to the laws of God and men, although we believe that Christ died
for all men without respect of persons. How fearful then ought
we to be of engaging in what hath so natural a tendency to
lesson our humanity, and of suffering ourselves to be inured to
the exercise of hard and cruel measures, lest thereby, in any
degree, we lose our tender and feeling sense of the miseries of
our fellow-creatures, and become worse than those who have not
believed.
And, dear friends, you, who by inheritance have slaves born in
your families, we beseech you to consider them as souls
committed to your trust, whom the Lord will require at your
hand, and who, as well as you, are made partakers of the Spirit
of grace, and called to be heirs of salvation. And let it be
your constant care to watch over them for good, instructing them
in the fear of God and the knowledge of the Gospel of Christ,
that they may answer the end of their creation, and that God may
be glorified and honoured by them, as well as by us. And so
train them up, that if you should come to behold their unhappy
situation, in the same light that many worthy men who are at
rest have done, and many of your brethren now do, and should
think it your duty to set them free, they may be the more
capable of making proper use of their liberty.
Finally, brethren, we intreat you, in the bowels of Gospel-love,
seriously to weigh the Cause of detaining them in bondage. If it
be for your own private gain, or any other motive than their
good, it is much to be feared that the love of God, and the
influence of the Holy Spirit, are not the prevailing principles
in you, and that your hearts are not sufficiently redeemed from
the world, which, that you with ourselves may more and more come
to witness, through the cleansing virtue of the Holy Spirit of
Jesus Christ, is our earnest desire. With the salutation of our
love we are your friends and brethren:--
_"Signed, in behalf of the yearly meeting, by_
JOHN EVANS, ABRAHAM FARRINGDON,
JOHN SMITH, JOSEPH NOBLE,
THOMAS CARLETON, JAMES DANIEL,
WILLIAM TRIMBLE, JOSEPH GIBSON,
JOHN SCARBOROUGH, JOHN SHOTWELL,
JOSEPH HAMPTON, JOSEPH PARKER."
This truly Christian letter, which was written in the year 1754, was
designed, as we collect from the contents of it, to make the sentiments
of the society better known and attended to on the subject of the Slave
Trade. It contains, as we see, exhortations to all the members within
the yearly meeting of Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, to desist from
purchasing and importing slaves, and, where they possessed them, to have
a tender consideration of their condition. But that the first part of
the subject of this exhortation might be enforced, the yearly meeting
for the same provinces came to a resolution in 1755, That if any of the
members belonging to it bought or imported slaves, the overseers were to
inform their respective monthly meetings of it, that "these might treat
with them, as they might be directed in the wisdom of truth."
In the year 1774, we find the same yearly meeting legislating again on
the same subject. By the preceding resolution they who became offenders,
were subjected only to exclusion from the meetings for discipline, and
from the privilege of contributing to the pecuniary occasions of the
Society; but, by the resolution of the present year, all members
concerned in importing, selling, purchasing, giving, or transferring
negro or other slaves, or otherwise acting in such manner as to continue
them in slavery beyond the term limited by law[A] or custom, were
directed to be excluded from membership or disowned. At this meeting
also all the members of it were cautioned and advised against acting as
executors or administrators to estates, where slaves were bequeathed, or
likely to be detained in bondage.
[Footnote A: This alludes to the term of servitude for white persons in
these provinces.]
In the year 1776, the same yearly meeting carried the matter still
further. It was enacted, That the owners of slaves, who refused to
execute proper instruments for giving them their freedom, were to be
disowned likewise.
In 1778 it was enacted by the same meeting, that the children of those
who had been set free by members, should be tenderly advised, and have a
suitable education given them.
It is not necessary to proceed further on this subject. It may be
sufficient to say, that from this time the minutes of the yearly meeting
for Pennsylvania and the Jerseys exhibit proofs of an almost incessant
attention, year after year[B], to the means not only of wiping away the
stain of slavery from their religious community, but of promoting the
happiness of those restored to freedom, and of their posterity also; and
as the yearly meeting of Pennsylvania and the Jerseys set this bright
example, so those of New England, New York, Maryland, Virginia, and of
the Carolinas and Georgia, in process of time followed it.
[Footnote B: Thus in 1778-1782, 1784-1786. The members also of this
meeting petitioned their own legislature on this subject, both in 1783
and in 1786.]
But, whilst the Quakers were making these exertions at their different
yearly meetings in America, as a religious body, to get rid both of the
commerce and slavery of their fellow-creatures, others, in the same
profession; were acting as individuals, (that is, on their own grounds,
and independently of any influence from their religious communion,) in
the same cause, whose labours it will now be proper, in a separate
narrative, to detail.
The first person of this description in the Society, was William
Burling, of Long Island. He had conceived an abhorrence of slavery from
early youth. In process of time he began to bear his testimony against
it, by representing the unlawfulness of it to those of his own Society,
when assembled at one of their yearly meetings. This expression of his
public testimony, he continued annually on the same occasion. He wrote
also several Tracts with the same design, one of which, published in the
year 1718, he addressed to the elders of his own church, on the
inconsistency of compelling people and their posterity to serve them
continually and arbitrarily, and without any proper recompense for their
services.
The next was Ralph Sandiford, a merchant in Philadelphia. This worthy
person had many offers of pecuniary assistance, which would have
advanced him in life, but he declined them all because they came from
persons who had acquired their independence by the oppression of their
slaves. He was very earnest in endeavouring to prevail upon his friends,
both, in and out of the society, to liberate those whom they held in
bondage. At length he determined upon a work called the _Mystery of
Iniquity_, in a brief examination of the practice of the times. This he
published in the year 1780, though the chief judge had threatened him if
he should give it to the world, and he circulated it free of expense
wherever he believed it would be useful. The above work was excellent as
a composition; the language of it was correct; the style manly and
energetic; and it abounded with facts, sentiments, and quotations,
which, while, they showed the virtue and talents of the author, rendered
it a valuable appeal in behalf of the African cause.
The next public advocate was Benjamin Lay[A], who lived at Abington, at
the distance of twelve or fourteen miles from Philadelphia. Benjamin Lay
was known, when in England, to the royal family of that day, into whose
private presence he was admitted. On his return to America, he took an
active part in behalf of the oppressed Africans. In the year 1737, he
published a _Treatise on Slave-Keeping_. This he gave away among his
neighbours and others, but more particularly among the rising youth,
many of whom he visited in their respective schools. He applied also to
several of the governors for interviews, with whom he held conferences
on the subject. Benjamin Lay was a man of strong understanding and of
great integrity, but of warm and irritable feelings, and more
particularly so when he was called forth on any occasion in which the
oppressed Africans were concerned; for he had lived in the island of
Barbados, and he had witnessed there scenes of cruelty towards them
which had greatly disturbed his mind, and which unhinged it, as it were,
whenever the subject of their sufferings was brought before him. Hence,
if others did not think precisely as he did, when he conversed with them
on the subject, he was apt to go out of due bounds. In bearing what he
believed to be his testimony against this system of oppression, he
adopted sometimes a singularity of manner, by which, as conveying
demonstration of a certain eccentricity of character, he diminished in
some degree his usefulness to the cause which he had undertaken; as far,
indeed, as this eccentricity might have the effect of preventing others
from joining him in his pursuit, lest they should be thought singular
also, so far it must be allowed that he ceased to become beneficial. But
there can be no question, on the other hand, that his warm and
enthusiastic manners awakened the attention of many to the cause, and
gave them first impressions concerning it, which they never afterwards
forgot, and which rendered them useful to it in the subsequent part of
their lives.
[Footnote A: Benjamin Lay attended the meetings for worship, or
associated himself with the religious society of the Quakers. His wife,
too, was an approved minister of the Gospel in that society; but I
believe he was not long an acknowledged member of it himself.]
The person who laboured next in the society, in behalf of the oppressed
Africans, was John Woolman.
John Woolman was born at Northampton, in the county of Burlington and
province of Western New Jersey, in the year 1720. In his very early
youth he attended, in an extraordinary manner, to the religious
impressions which he perceived upon his mind, and began to have an
earnest solicitude about treading in the right path. "From what I had
read and heard," says he, in his Journal[A], "I believed there had been
in past ages, people who walked in uprightness before God in a degree
exceeding any, that I knew or heard of, now living. And the apprehension
of there being less steadiness and firmness among people of this age,
than in past ages, often troubled me while I was a child." An anxious
desire to do away, as far as himself was concerned, this merited
reproach, operated as one among other causes to induce him to be
particularly watchful over his thoughts and actions, and to endeavour to
attain that purity of heart, without which he conceived there could be
no perfection of the Christian character. Accordingly, in the
twenty-second year of his age, he had given such proof of the integrity
of his life, and of his religious qualifications, that he became an
acknowledged minister of the Gospel in his own society.