Thoughts On The Necessity Of Improving The Condition Of The Slaves - Thomas Clarkson
In examining a period comprehending the last forty years, I find no less
than six or seven instances of the emancipation of African slaves _in
bodies_. The first of these cases occurred at the close of the first
American war. A number of slaves had run away from their North American
masters and joined the British army. When peace came, the British
Government did not know what to do with them. Their services were no
longer wanted. To leave them behind to fall again into the power of
their masters would have been great cruelty as well as injustice; and as
to taking them to England, what could have been done with them there? It
was at length determined to give _them their liberty_, and to disband
them in Nova Scotia, and to settle them there upon grants of land as
_British subjects_ and as _free men_. The Nova Scotians on learning
their destination were alarmed. They could not bear the thought of
having such a number of black persons among them, and particularly as
these understood the use of arms. The Government, however, persevering
in its original intention, they were conveyed to Halifax, and
distributed from thence into the country. Their number, comprehending
men, women, and children, were two thousand and upwards. To gain their
livelihood, some of them worked upon little portions of land of their
own; others worked as carpenters; others became fishermen; and others
worked for hire in other ways. In process of time they raised places of
worship of their own, and had ministers of their own from their own
body. They led a harmless life, and gained the character of an
industrious and honest people from their white neighbours. A few years
afterwards the land in Nova Scotia being found too poor to answer, and
the climate too cold for their constitutions, a number of them, to the
amount of between thirteen and fourteen hundred, volunteered to form a
new colony, which was then first thought of, at Sierra Leone.
Accordingly, having been conveyed there, they realized the object in
view; and they are to be found there, they or their descendants, most of
them in independent and some of them in affluent circumstances, at the
present day.
A second case may be taken from what occurred at the close of the
second, or last American war. It may be remembered that a large British
naval force, having on board a powerful land force, sailed in the year
1814, to make a descent on the coast of the southern States of America.
The British army, when landed, marched to Washington, and burnt most of
its public buildings. It was engaged also at different times with the
American army in the field. During these expeditions, some hundreds of
slaves in these parts joined the British standard by invitation. When
the campaign was over, the same difficulty occurred about disposing of
these as in the former case. It was determined at length to ship them to
Trinidad _as free labourers_. But here, that is, at Trinidad, an
objection was started against receiving them, but on a different ground
from that which had been started in the similar case in Nova Scotia. The
planters of Trinidad were sure that no free Negroes would ever work,
and therefore that the slaves in question would, if made free and
settled among them, support themselves _by plunder_. Sir Ralph Woodford,
however, the governor of the island, resisted the outcry of these
prejudices. He received them into the island, and settled them where he
supposed the experiment would be most safely made. The result has shown
his discernment. These very men, formerly slaves in the Southern States
of America and afterwards emancipated in a body at Trinidad, are now
earning their own livelihood, and with so much industry and good conduct
that the calumnies originally spread against them have entirely died
away.
A third case may comprehend those Negroes, who lately formed what we
call our West Indian black regiments. Some of these had been originally
purchased in Africa, not as slaves but recruits, and others in Jamaica
and elsewhere. They had all served as soldiers in the West Indies. At
length certain of these regiments were transported to Sierra Leone and
disbanded there, and the individuals composing them received their
discharge _as free men_. This happened in the spring of 1819. _Many
hundreds_ of them were _set at liberty at once_ upon this occasion. Some
of these were afterwards marched into the interior, where they founded
Waterloo, Hastings, and other villages. Others were shipped to the Isles
de Loss, where they made settlements in like manner. Many, in both
cases, took with them their wives, which they had brought from the West
Indies, and others selected wives from the natives on the spot. They
were all settled upon grants given them by the Government. It appears
from accounts received from Sir Charles M'Carthy, the governor of Sierra
Leone, that they have conducted themselves to his satisfaction, and that
they will prove a valuable addition to that colony.
A fourth case may comprehend what we call _the captured Negroes_ in the
colony now mentioned. These are totally distinct from those either in
the first or in the last of the cases which have been mentioned. It is
well known that these were taken out of slave-ships captured at
different times from the commencement of the abolition of the slave
trade to the present moment, and that on being landed _they were made
free_. After having been recruited in their health they were marched in
bodies into the interior, where they were taught to form villages and to
cultivate land for themselves. They were _made free_ as they were landed
from the vessels, _from fifty to two or three hundred at a time_. They
occupy at present twelve towns, in which they have both their churches
and their schools. Regents Town having been one of the first
established, containing about thirteen hundred souls, stands foremost in
improvement, and has become a pattern for industry and good example.
The people there have now fallen entirely into the habits of English
society. They are decently and respectably dressed. They attend divine
worship regularly. They exhibit an orderly and moral conduct. In their
town little shops are now beginning to make their appearance; and their
lands show the marks of extraordinary cultivation. Many of them, after
having supplied their own wants for the year, have a surplus produce in
hand for the purchase of superfluities or comforts.
Here then are four cases of slaves, either Africans or descendants of
Africans, _emancipated_ in _considerable bodies_ at a time. I have kept
them by themselves, became they are of a different complexion from
those, which I intend should follow. I shall now reason upon them. Let
me premise, however, that I shall consider the three first of the cases
as one, so that the same reasoning will do for all. They are alike
indeed in their _main_ features; and we must consider this as
sufficient; for to attend minutely to every shade of difference[5],
which may occur in every case, would be to bewilder the reader, and to
swell the size of my work unnecessarily, or without conferring an
adequate benefit to the controversy on either side.
It will be said then (for my reasoning will consist principally in
answering objections on the present occasion) that the three first cases
_are not strictly analogous_ to that of our West Indian slaves, whose
emancipation we are seeking. It will be contended, that the slaves in
our West Indian colonies have been constantly in an abject and degraded
state. Their faculties are benumbed. They have contracted all the vices
of slavery. They are become habitually thieves and liars. Their bosoms
burn with revenge against the whites. How then can persons in such a
state be fit to receive their freedom? The slaves, on the other hand,
who are comprehended in the three cases above mentioned, found in the
British army a school as it were, _which fitted them by degrees for
making a good use of their liberty_. While they were there, they were
never out of the reach of discipline, and yet were daily left to
themselves to act as free men. They obtained also in this _preparatory
school_ some knowledge of the customs of civilized life. They were in
the habit also of mixing familiarly with the white soldiers. Hence, it
will be said, they were in a state much _more favourable for undergoing
a change in their condition_ than the West Indian slaves before
mentioned. I admit all this. I admit the difference between the two
situations, and also the preference which I myself should give to the
one above the other on account of its desirable tendencies. But I never
stated, that our West Indian slaves were to be emancipated _suddenly_,
but _by degrees_. I always, on the other hand, took it for granted, that
they were to have _their preparatory school_ also. Nor must it be
forgotten, as a comparison has been instituted, that if there was _less
danger_ in emancipating the other slaves, _because they had received
something like a preparatory education_ for the change, there was _far
more_ in another point of view, because _they were all acquainted with
the use of arms_. This is a consideration of great importance; but
particularly when we consider _the prejudices of the blacks against the
whites_; for would our West Indian planters be as much at their ease, as
they now are, if their slaves had acquired _a knowledge of the use of
arms_, or would they think them on this account more or less fit for
emancipation?
It will be said again, that the fourth case, consisting of the Sierra
Leone captured Negroes, _is not strictly analogous_ to the one in point.
These had probably been slaves but _for a short time_,--say a few
months, including the time which elapsed between their reduction to
slavery and their embarkation from Africa, and between this their
embarkation and their capture upon the ocean. They had scarcely been
slaves when they were returned to the rank of free men. Little or no
change therefore could have been effected in so short an interim in
their disposition and their character; and, as they were never carried
to the West Indies, so they never could have contracted the bad habits,
or the degradation or vices, of the slavery there. It will be contended
therefore, that they were _better_, _or less hazardous_, subjects for
_emancipation_, than the slaves in our colonies. I admit this objection,
and I give it its full weight. I admit it to be _less hazardous_ to
emancipate a _new_ than an _old_ slave. And yet the case of the Sierra
Leone captured Negroes is a very strong one. They were all _Africans_.
They were all _slaves_. They must have contracted _as mortal a hatred of
the whites_ from their sufferings on board ship by fetters, whips, and
suffocation in the hold, as the West Indian from those severities which
are attached to their bondage upon shore. Under these circumstances then
we find them _made free_; but observe, not after any _preparatory_
discipline, but almost _suddenly_, and _not singly_, but _in bodies_ at
a time. We find them also settled or made to live under the _unnatural_
government of the _whites_; and, what is more extraordinary, we find
their present number, as compared with that of the whites in the same
colony, nearly as _one hundred and fifty to one_; notwithstanding which
superiority fresh emancipations are constantly taking place, as fresh
cargoes of the captured arrive in port.
It will be said, lastly, that all the four cases put together prove
nothing. They can give us nothing like _a positive assurance_, that the
Negro slaves in our colonies would pass through the ordeal of
emancipation without danger to their masters or the community at large.
Certainly not. Nor if these instances had been far more numerous than
they are, could they, in this world of accidents, have given us _a moral
certainty of this_. They afford us however _a hope_, that emancipation
is practicable without danger: for will any one pretend to say, that we
should have had as much reason for entertaining such a hope, _if no such
instances had occurred_; or that we should not have had reason to
despair, _if four such experiments had been made, and if they had all
failed_? They afford us again ground for believing, that there is a
peculiar softness, and plasticity, and pliability in the African
character. This softness may be collected almost every where from the
Travels of Mr. Mungo Park, and has been noticed by other writers, who
have contrasted it with the unbending ferocity of the North American
Indians and other tribes. But if this be a feature in the African
character, we may account for the uniformity of the conduct of those
Africans, who were liberated on the several occasions above mentioned,
or for their yielding so uniformly to the impressions, which had been
given them by their superiors, after they had been made free; and, if
this be so, why should not our colonial slaves, if emancipated, conduct
themselves in the same manner? Besides, I am not sure whether the good
conduct of the liberated in these cases was not to be attributed in part
to a sense of interest, when they came to know, that their condition
_was to be improved_. Self-interest is a leading principle with all who
are born into the world; and why is the Negro slave in our colonies to
be shut out from this common feeling of our nature?--why is he to rise
against his master, when he is informed that his condition is to be
bettered? Did not the planters, as I have before related, declare in the
House of Commons in the year 1816, that their Negroes had then imbibed
the idea that they were to be made free, and that they were _extremely
restless on that account_? But what was the cause of all this
restlessness? Why, undoubtedly the thought of their emancipation was so
interesting, or rather a matter of such exceedingly great joy to them,
that _they could not help thinking and talking of it_. And would not
this be the case with our Negroes at this moment, if such a prospect
were to be set before them? But if they would be overjoyed at this
prospect, is it likely they would cut the throats of those, who should
attempt to realize it? would they not, on the other hand, be disposed to
conduct themselves equally well as the other African slaves before
mentioned, when they came to know, that they were immediately to be
prepared for the reception of this great blessing, the _first
guarantee_ of which would be an _immediate_ and _living experience_ of
better laws and better treatment?
The fifth case may comprehend the slaves of St. Domingo as they were
made free at different intervals in the course of the French Revolution.
To do justice to this case, I must give a history of the different
circumstances connected with it. It may be remembered, then, that when
the French Revolution, which decreed equality of rights to all citizens,
had taken place, the _free People of Colour_ of St. Domingo, many of
whom were persons of large property and liberal education, petitioned
the National Assembly, that they might enjoy the same political
privileges as the _Whites_ there. At length the subject of the petition
was discussed, but not till the 8th of March 1790, when the Assembly
agreed upon a decree concerning it. The decree, however, was worded so
ambiguously, that the two parties in St. Domingo, the _Whites_ and the
_People of Colour_, interpreted it each of them in its own favour. This
difference of interpretation gave rise to animosities between them, and
these animosities were augmented by political party-spirit, according as
they were royalists or partizans of the French Revolution, so that
disturbances took place and blood was shed.
In the year 1791, the People of Colour petitioned the Assembly again,
but principally for an explanation of the decree in question. On the
15th of May, the subject was taken into consideration, and the result
was another decree in explicit terms, which determined, that the _People
of Colour_ in all the French islands were entitled to all the rights of
citizenship, provided _they were born of free parents on both sides_.
The news of this decree had no sooner arrived at the Cape, than it
produced an indignation almost amounting to phrensy among the _Whites_.
They directly trampled under foot the national cockade, and with
difficulty were prevented from seizing all the French merchant ships in
the roads. After this the two parties armed against each other. Even
camps began to be formed. Horrible massacres and conflagrations
followed, the reports of which, when brought to the mother-country, were
so terrible, that the Assembly abolished the decree in favour of _the
Free People of Colour_ in the same year.
In the year 1792, the news of the rescinding of the decree as now
stated, produced, when it reached St. Domingo, as much irritation among
the People of Colour, as the news of the passing of it had done among
the Whites, and hostilities were renewed between them, so that new
battles, massacres, and burnings, took place. Suffice it to say, that as
soon as these events became known in France, the Conventional Assembly,
which had then succeeded the Legislative, took them into consideration.
Seeing, however, nothing but difficulties and no hope of reconciliation
on either side, they knew not what other course to take than to do
justice, whatever the consequences might be. They resolved, accordingly,
in the month of April, that the decree of 1791, which had been both made
and reversed by the preceding Assembly in the same year, should stand
good. They restored therefore the People of Colour to the privileges
which had been before voted to them, and appointed Santhonax, Polverel,
and another, to repair in person to St. Domingo, with a large body of
troops, and to act there as commissioners, and, among other things, to
enforce the decree and to keep the peace.
In the year 1793, the same divisions and the same bad blood continuing,
notwithstanding the arrival of the commissioners, a very trivial matter,
viz. a quarrel between a _Mulatto_ and a _White man_ (an officer in the
French marine), gave rise to new disasters. This quarrel took place on
the 20th of June. On the same day the seamen left their ships in the
roads, and came on shore, and made common cause of the affair with the
white inhabitants of the town. On the other side were opposed the
Mulattos and other People of Colour, and these were afterwards joined by
some insurgent Blacks. The battle lasted nearly two days. During this
time the arsenal was taken and plundered, and some thousands were killed
in the streets, and more than half the town was burnt. The
commissioners, who were spectators of this horrible scene, and who had
done all they could to restore peace, escaped unhurt, but they were left
upon a heap of ruins, and with but little more power than the authority
which their commission gave them. They had only about a thousand troops
left in the place. They determined, therefore, under these
circumstances, to call in the Negro Slaves in the neighbourhood to their
assistance. They issued a proclamation in consequence, by which _they
promised to give freedom to all the Blacks who were willing to range
themselves under the banners of the Republic_. This was the first
proclamation made by public authority for emancipating slaves in St.
Domingo. It is usually called the Proclamation of Santhonax, though both
commissioners had a hand in it; and sometimes, in allusion to the place
where it was issued (the Cape), the Proclamation of the North. The
result of it was, that a considerable number of slaves came in and were
enfranchised.
Soon after this transaction Polverel left his colleague Santhonax at the
Cape, and went in his capacity of commissioner to Port au Prince, the
capital of the West. Here he found every thing quiet, and cultivation in
a flourishing state. From Port au Prince he visited Les Cayes, the
capital of the South. He had not, however, been long there, before he
found that the minds of the slaves began to be in an unsettled state.
They had become acquainted with what had taken place in the north, not
only with the riots at the Cape, but the proclamation of Santhonax. Now
this proclamation, though it sanctioned freedom only for a particular or
temporary purpose, did not exclude it from any particular quarter. The
terms therefore appeared to be open to all who would accept them.
Polverel therefore, seeing the impression which it had begun to make
upon the minds of the slaves in these parts, was convinced that
emancipation could be neither stopped nor retarded, and that it was
absolutely necessary for _the personal safety of the white planters_,
that it should be extended _to the whole island_. He was so convinced of
the necessity of this, _that he drew up a proclamation_ without further
delay _to that effect_, and _put it into circulation_. He dated it from
Les Cayes. He exhorted the planters to patronize it. He advised them, if
they wished to avoid the most serious calamities, to concur themselves
in the proposition of giving freedom to their slaves. He then caused a
register to be opened at the Government house to receive the signatures
of all those who should approve of his advice. It was remarkable that
all the proprietors in these parts inscribed their names in the book. He
then caused a similar register to be opened at Port au Prince for the
West. Here the same disposition was found to prevail. All the planters,
except one, gave in their signatures. They had become pretty generally
convinced by this time, that their own personal safety was connected
with the measure. It may be proper to observe here, that the
proclamation last mentioned, which preceded these registries, though it
was the act of Polverel alone, was sanctioned afterwards by Santhonax.
It is, however, usually called the Proclamation of Polverel or of Les
Cayes. It came out in September 1793. We may now add, that in the month
of February 1794, the Conventional Assembly of France, though probably
ignorant of what the commissioners had now done, passed a decree for the
abolition of slavery throughout _the whole of the French colonies_. Thus
the Government of the mother-country, without knowing it, confirmed
freedom to those upon whom it had been bestowed by the commissioners.
This decree put therefore _the finishing stroke to the whole_. It
completed the emancipation of the _whole slave population of St.
Domingo_.
Having now given a concise history of the abolition of slavery in St.
Domingo, I shall inquire how those who were liberated on these several
occasions conducted themselves after this change in their situation. It
is of great importance to us to know, whether they used their freedom
properly, or whether they abused it.
With respect to those emancipated by Santhonax in the North, we have
nothing to communicate. They were made free for military purposes only;
and we have no clue whereby we can find out what became of them
afterwards.
With respect to those who were emancipated next in the South, and those
directly afterwards in the West, by the proclamation of Polverel, we are
enabled to give a very pleasing account. Fortunately for our views,
Colonel Malenfant, who was resident in the island at the time, has made
us acquainted with their general conduct and character. His account,
though short, is quite sufficient for our purpose. Indeed it is highly
satisfactory[6]. "After this public act of emancipation," says he, (by
Polverel,) "the Negroes _remained quiet_ both _in the South and in the
West_, and they _continued to work upon all the plantations_. There were
estates, indeed, which had neither owners nor managers resident upon
them, for some of these had been put into prison by Montbrun; and
others, fearing the same fate, had fled to the quarter which had just
been given up to the English. Yet upon these estates, though abandoned,
the Negroes _continued their labours_, where there were any, even
inferior, agents to guide them; and on those estates, where no white men
were left to direct them, they betook themselves to the planting of
provisions; but upon _all the plantations_ where the Whites resided, the
Blacks _continued to labour as quietly as before_." A little further on
in the work, ridiculing the notion entertained in France, that the
Negroes would not work without compulsion, he takes occasion to allude
to other Negroes, who had been liberated by the same proclamation, but
who were more immediately under his own eye and cognizance[7]. "If,"
says he, "you will take care not to speak to them of their return to
slavery, but talk to them about their liberty, you may with this latter
word chain them down to their labour. How did Toussaint succeed? How did
I succeed also before his time in the plain of the Cul de Sac, and on
the Plantation Gouraud, more than eight months after liberty had been
granted (by Polverel) to the slaves? Let those who knew me at that time,
and even the Blacks themselves, be asked. They will all reply, that _not
a single Negro_ upon that plantation, consisting of more than four
hundred and fifty labourers, _refused to work_; and yet this plantation
was thought to be under the worst discipline, and the slaves the most
idle, of any in the plain. I, myself, inspired the same activity into
three other plantations, of which I had the management."