Thoughts On The Necessity Of Improving The Condition Of The Slaves - Thomas Clarkson
The above account is far beyond any thing that could have been
expected. Indeed, it is most gratifying. We find that the liberated
Negroes, _both in the South and the West_, continued to work upon their
_old plantations_, and for their _old masters_; that there was also _a
spirit of industry_ among them, and that they gave no uneasiness to
their employers; for they are described as continuing to work _as
quietly as before_. Such was the conduct of the Negroes for the first
nine months after their liberation, or up to the middle of 1794. Let us
pursue the subject, and see how they conducted themselves after this
period.
During the year 1795 and part of 1796 I learn nothing about them,
neither good, nor bad, nor indifferent, though I have ransacked the
French historians for this purpose. Had there, however, been any thing
in the way of _outrage_, I should have heard of it; and let me take this
opportunity of setting my readers right, if, for want of knowing the
dates of occurrences, they should have connected _certain outrages_,
which assuredly took place in St. Domingo, _with the emancipation of the
slaves_. The great massacres and conflagrations, which have made so
frightful a picture in the history of this unhappy island, had been all
effected _before the proclamations_ of Santhonax and Polverel. They had
all taken place _in the days of slavery_, or before the year 1794, that
is, before the great conventional decree of the mother country was
known. They had been occasioned, too, _not originally by the slaves
themselves_, but by quarrels between _the white and coloured planters_,
and between the _royalists_ and the _revolutionists_, who, for the
purpose of reeking their vengeance upon each other, called in the aid of
their respective slaves; and as to the insurgent Negroes of the North,
who filled that part of the colony so often with terror and dismay, they
were originally put in motion, according to Malenfant, under _the
auspices of the royalists_ themselves, to strengthen their own cause,
and _to put down the partizans of the French revolution_. When Jean
Francois and Biassou commenced the insurrection, there were many _white
royalists_ with them, and the Negroes were made to wear the _white
cockade_. I repeat, then, that during the years 1795 and 1796, I can
find nothing in the History of St. Domingo, wherewith to reproach the
emancipated Negroes in the way of outrage[8]. There is every reason, on
the other hand, to believe, that they conducted themselves, during this
period, in as orderly a manner as before.
I come now to the latter part of the year 1796; and here happily a clue
is furnished me, by which I have an opportunity of pursuing my inquiry
with pleasure. We shall find, that from this time there was no want of
industry in those who had been emancipated, nor want of obedience in
them as hired servants: they maintained, on the other hand, a
respectable character. Let us appeal first to Malenfant. "The colony,"
says he[9], "was _flourishing under Toussaint. The Whites lived happily
and in peace upon their estates, and the Negroes continued to work for
them_." Now Toussaint came into power, being general-in-chief of the
armies of St. Domingo, a little before the end of the year 1796, and
remained in power till the year 1802, or till the invasion of the island
by the French expedition of Buonaparte under Leclerc. Malenfant means
therefore to state, that from the latter end of 1796 to 1802, a period
of six years, the planters or farmers kept possession of their estates;
that they lived upon them, and that they lived upon them peaceably, that
is, without interruption or disturbance from any one; and, finally, that
the Negroes, though they had been all set free, continued to be their
labourers. Can there be any account more favourable to our views than
this, after so sudden an emancipation.
I may appeal next to General Lacroix, who published his "Memoirs for a
History of St. Domingo," at Paris, in 1819. He informs us, that when
Santhonax, who had been recalled to France by the Government there,
returned to the colony in 1796, "_he was astonished at the state in
which he found it on his return_." This, says Lacroix[10], "was owing to
Toussaint, who, while he had succeeded in establishing perfect order and
discipline among the black troops, had succeeded also in making the
black labourers return to the plantations, there to resume the drudgery
of cultivation."
But the same author tells us, that in the next year (1797) the most
wonderful progress had been made in agriculture. He uses these
remarkable words: "_The colony_," says he[11], "_marched, as by
enchantment, towards its ancient splendour; cultivation prospered; every
day produced perceptible proofs of its progress. The city of the Cape
and the plantations of the North rose up again visibly to the eye_." Now
I am far from wishing to attribute all this wonderful improvement, this
daily visible progress in agriculture, to the mere act of the
emancipation of the slaves in St. Domingo. I know that many other
circumstances which I could specify, if I had room, contributed towards
its growth; but I must be allowed to maintain, that unless the Negroes,
who were then free, _had done their part as labourers_, both by working
regularly and industriously, and by obeying the directions of their
superintendants or masters, the colony could never have gone on, as
relates to cultivation, with the rapidity described.
The next witness to whom I shall appeal, is the estimable General
Vincent, who lives now at Paris, though at an advanced age. Vincent was
a colonel, and afterwards a general of brigade of artillery in St.
Domingo. He was stationed there during the time both of Santhonax and
Toussaint. He was also a proprietor of estates in the island. He was the
man who planned the renovation of its agriculture after the abolition of
slavery, and one of the great instruments in bringing it to the
perfection mentioned by Lacroix. In the year 1801, he was called upon by
Toussaint to repair to Paris, to lay before the Directory the new
constitution, which had been agreed upon in St. Domingo. He obeyed the
summons. It happened, that he arrived in France just at the moment of
the peace of Amiens; here he found, to his inexpressible surprise and
grief, that Buonaparte was preparing an immense armament, to be
commanded by Leclerc, for the purpose of _restoring slavery in St.
Domingo_. He lost no time in seeing the First Consul, and he had the
courage to say at this interview what, perhaps, no other man in France
would have dared to say at this particular moment. He remonstrated
against the expedition; he told him to his face, that though the army
destined for this purpose was composed of the brilliant conquerors of
Europe, it could do nothing in the Antilles. It would most assuredly be
destroyed by the climate of St. Domingo, even though it should be
doubtful, whether it would not be destroyed by the Blacks. He stated, as
another argument against the expedition, that it was totally
unnecessary, and therefore criminal; for that every thing _was going on
well_ in St. Domingo. _The proprietors were in peaceable possession of
their estates; cultivation was making a rapid progress; the Blacks were
industrious, and beyond example happy_. He conjured him, therefore, in
the name of humanity, not to reverse this beautiful state of things. But
alas! his efforts were ineffectual. The die had been cast: and the only
reward, which he received from Buonaparte for his manly and faithful
representations, was banishment to the Isle of Elba.
Having carried my examination into the conduct of the Negroes after
their liberation to 1802, or to the invasion of the island by Leclerc, I
must now leave a blank for nearly two years, or till the year 1804. It
cannot be expected during a war, in which every man was called to arms
to defend his own personal liberty, and that of every individual of his
family, that we should see plantations cultivated as quietly as before,
or even cultivated at all. But this was not the fault of _the
emancipated Negroes_, but of _their former masters_. It was owing to the
prejudices of the latter, that this frightful invasion took place;
prejudices, indeed, common to all planters, where slavery obtains,
from the very nature of their situation, and upon which I have made my
observations in a former place. Accustomed to the use of arbitrary
power, they could no longer brook the loss of their whips. Accustomed
again to look down upon the Negroes as an inferior race of beings, or as
the reptiles of the earth, they could not bear, peaceably as these had
conducted themselves, to come into that familiar contact with them, as
_free labourers_, which the change of their situation required. They
considered them, too, as property lost, but which was to be recovered.
In an evil hour, they prevailed upon Buonaparte, by false
representations and _promises of pecuniary support_, to restore things
to their former state. The hellish expedition at length arrived upon the
shores of St. Domingo:--a scene of blood and torture followed, _such as
history had never before disclosed_, and compared with which, _though
planned and executed by Whites[12]_, all the barbarities said to have
been perpetrated by the _insurgent Blacks_ of the North, _amount
comparatively to nothing_. In fine, the French were driven from the
island. Till that time, the planters retained their property, and then
it was, but not till then, that they lost their all; it cannot,
therefore, be expected, as I have said before, that I should have any
thing to say in favour of the industry or good order of the emancipated
Negroes, _during such a convulsive period_.
In the year 1804, Dessalines was proclaimed emperor of this fine
territory. Here I resume the thread of my history, (though it will be
but for a moment,) in order that I may follow it to its end. In process
of time, the black troops, containing the Negroes in question, were
disbanded, except such as were retained for the peace-establishment of
the army. They, who were disbanded, returned to cultivation. As they
were free when they became soldiers, so they continued to be free when
they became labourers again. From that time to this, there has been no
want of subordination or industry among them. They or their descendants
are the persons, by whom the plains and valleys of St. Domingo _are
still cultivated_, and they are reported to follow their occupations
still, and with _as fair a character_ as other free labourers in any
other quarter of the globe.
We have now seen, that the emancipated Negroes never abused their
liberty, from the year 1793 (the era of their general emancipation) to
the present day, a period of _thirty_ years. An important question then
seems to force itself upon us, "What were the measures taken after so
frightful an event, as that of emancipation, to secure the tranquillity
and order which has been described, or to rescue the planters and the
colony from ruin?" I am bound to answer this, if I can, were it only to
gratify the curiosity of my readers; but more particularly when I
consider, that if emancipation should ever be in contemplation in our
own colonies, it will be desirable to have all the light possible upon
that subject, and particularly of precedent or example. It appears then,
that the two commissioners, Santhonax and Polverel, aware of the
mischief which might attend their decrees, were obliged to take the best
measures they could devise to prevent it. One of their first steps was
to draw up a short code of rules to be observed upon the plantations.
These rules were printed and made public. They were also ordered to be
read aloud to all the Negroes upon every estate, for which purpose the
latter were to be assembled at a particular hour once a week. The
preamble to these regulations insisted upon _the necessity of working,
without which everything would go to ruin_. Among the articles, the two
the most worthy of our notice were, that the labourers were to be
obliged to hire themselves to their masters for _not less than a year_,
at the end of which (September), but not before, they might quit their
service, and engage with others; and that they were to receive _a third
part_ of the produce of the estate, as a recompense for their labour.
These two were _fundamental_ articles. As to the minor, they were not
alike upon every estate. This code of the commissioners subsisted for
about three years.
Toussaint, when he came into power, reconsidered this subject, and
adopted a code of rules of his own. His first object was to prevent
oppression on the part of the master or employer, and yet to secure
obedience on the part of the labourer. Conceiving that there could be no
liberty where any one man had the power of punishing another at his
discretion, he took away from every master the use of the whip, and of
the chain, and of every other instrument of correction, either by
himself or his own order: he took away, in fact, _all power of arbitrary
punishment_. Every master offending against this regulation was to be
summoned, on complaint by the labourer, before a magistrate or intendant
of police, who was to examine into the case, and to act accordingly.
Conceiving, on the other hand, that a just subordination ought to be
kept up, and that, wherever delinquency occurred, punishment ought to
follow, he ordained, that all labourers offending against the plantation
laws, or not performing their contracts, should be brought before the
same magistrate or intendant of police, who should examine them touching
such delinquency, and decide as in the former case: thus he administered
justice without respect of persons. It must be noticed, that all
punishments were to be executed by a civil officer, a sort of public
executioner, that they might be considered as punishments _by the
state_. Thus he _kept up discipline_ on the plantations, _without
lessening authority_ on the one hand, and _without invading the liberty
of individuals_ on the other.
Among his plantation offences was idleness on the part of the labourer.
A man was not to receive wages from his master, and to do nothing. He
was obliged to perform a reasonable quantity of work, or be punished.
Another offence was absence without leave, which was considered as
desertion.
Toussaint differed from the commissioners, as to the length of time for
which labourers should engage themselves to masters. He thought it
unwise to allow the former, in the infancy of their liberty, to get
notions of change and rambling at the end of every year. He ordained,
therefore, that they should be attached to the plantations, and made,
though free labourers, a sort of _adscripti glebae_ for five years.
He differed again from the commissioners, as to the quantum of
compensation for their labour. He thought one-third of the produce too
much, seeing that the planter had another third to pay to the
Government. He ordered, therefore, one-fourth to the labourer, but this
was in the case only, where the labourer clothed and maintained himself:
where he did not do this, he was entitled to a fourth only nominally,
for out of this his master was to make a deduction for board and
clothing.
The above is all I have been able to collect of the code of Toussaint,
which, under his auspices, had the surprising effect of preserving
tranquillity and order, and of keeping up a spirit of industry on the
plantations of St. Domingo, at a time when only idleness and anarchy
were to have been expected. It was in force when Leclerc arrived with
his invading army, and it continued in force when the French army were
beaten and Negro-liberty confirmed. From Toussaint it passed to
Dessalines, and from Dessalines to Christophe and Petion, and from the
two latter to Boyer; and it is the code therefore which regulates, and I
believe with but very little variation, the relative situation of master
and servant in husbandry at this present hour.
But it is time that I should now wind up the case before us. And, first,
will any one say that this case is not analogous to that which we have
in contemplation? Let us remember that the number of slaves liberated by
the French decrees in St. Domingo was very little short of 500,000
persons, and that this was nearly equal to the number _of all the
slaves_ then in the British West Indian Islands when put together. But
if there be a want of analogy, the difference lies on my side of the
question. I maintain, that emancipation in _St. Domingo_ was attended
with _far more hazard_ to persons and property, and with _far greater
difficulties_, than it could possibly be, if attempted _in our own
islands_. Can we forget that by the decree of Polverel, sanctioned
afterwards by the Convention, all the slaves _were made free at once_,
or _in a single day_? No notice was given of the event, and of course
_no preparation_ could be made for it. They were released _suddenly_
from _all their former obligations and restraints_. They were let loose
upon the Whites, their masters, with _all the vices of slavery_ upon
them. What was to have been expected but the dissolution of all
civilized society, with the reign of barbarism and terror? Now all I ask
for with respect to the slaves in our own islands is, that they should
be emancipated _by degrees_, or that they should be made to pass through
a certain course of discipline, _as through a preparatory school_, to
fit them for the right use of their freedom. Again, can we forget the
unfavourable circumstances, in which the slaves of St. Domingo were
placed, for a year or two before their liberation, in another point of
view? The island at this juncture was a prey to _political discord,
civil war_, and _foreign invasion_, at the same time. Their masters were
politically at variance with each other, as they were white or coloured
persons, or republicans or royalists. They were quarrelling and fighting
with each other, and shedding each other's blood. The English, who were
in possession of the strong maritime posts, were alarming the country by
their incursions: they, the slaves, had been trained up to the same
political animosities. They had been made to take the side of their
respective masters, and to pass through scenes of violence and
bloodshed. Now, whenever emancipation is to be proposed in our own
colonies, I anticipate neither _political parties_, nor _civil wars_,
nor _foreign invasion_, but a time of _tranquillity and peace_. Who then
will be bold enough to say, after these remarks, that there could be any
thing like the danger and difficulties in emancipating the slaves there,
which existed when the slaves of St. Domingo were made free? But some
objector may say, after all, "There is one point in which your analogy
is deficient. While Toussaint was in power, the Government of St.
Domingo was a _black_ one, and the Blacks would be more willing to
submit to the authority of a _black_ (their own) Government, than of a
_white one_. Hence there Were less disorders after emancipation in St.
Domingo, than would have probably occurred, had it been tried in our own
islands." But to such an objector I should reply, that he knows nothing
of the history of St. Domingo. The Government of that island was French,
or _white_, from the very infancy of emancipation to the arrival of the
expedition of Leclerc. The slaves were made free under the government
of Santhonax and Polverel. When these retired, other _white_
commissioners succeeded them. When Toussaint came into power, he was not
supreme; Generals Hedouille, Vincent, and others, had a share in the
government. Toussaint himself _received his commission from the French
Directory_, and acted under it. He caused it every where to be made
known, but particularly among his officers and troops, that he retained
the island for the _French Government_, and that _France_ was the
_mother-country_.
A sixth class of slaves emancipated in bodies may comprehend those, who
began to be liberated about eighteen months ago in the newly-erected
State of Columbia. General Bolivar began the great work himself by
enfranchising his own slaves, to the number of between seven and eight
hundred. But he was not satisfied with this; for believing, as he did,
that to hold persons in slavery at all, was not only morally wrong, but
utterly inconsistent with the character of men fighting for their own
liberty, he brought the subject before the Congress of Venezuela. The
Congress there, after having duly considered it, drew up resolutions
accordingly, which it recommended to the first general Congress of
Columbia, when it should be assembled. This last congress, which met at
the time expected, passed a decree for emancipation on the 19th of July
1821. All slaves, who had assisted, in a military capacity, in achieving
the independence of the republic, were at once declared free. All the
children of slaves, born after the said 19th of July, were to be free in
succession as they attained the eighteenth year of their age. A fund was
established at the same time by a general tax upon property, to pay the
owners of such young slaves the expense of bringing them up to their
eighteenth year, and for putting them afterwards to trades and useful
professions; and the same fund was made applicable to the purchase of
the freedom of adults in each district every year, during the three
national festivals in December, as far as the district-funds would
permit. Care, however, was to be taken to select those of the best
character. It may be proper to observe, that emancipation, as above
explained, has been proceeding regularly, from the 19th of July 1821,
according to the terms of the decree, and also according to the ancient
Spanish code, which still exists, and which is made to go hand in hand
with it. They who attain their eighteenth year are not allowed to go at
large after their liberation, but are put under the charge of special
juntas for a useful education. The adults may have land, if they desire
it, or they may go where they please. The State has lately purchased
freedom for many of the latter, who had a liking to the army. Their
freedom is secured to them whether they remain soldiers or are
discharged. It is particularly agreeable to me to be able to say that
all, who have been hitherto emancipated, have conducted themselves
since that time with propriety. It appears by a letter from Columbia,
dated 17th February 1822, about seven months after emancipation had
commenced, addressed to James Stephen, Esq. of London, and since made
public, "that the slaves were all then _peaceably at work_ throughout
the republic, as well as _the newly enfranchised_ and those originally
free." And it appears from the account of a gentleman of high
consideration just arrived from Columbia, in London, that up to the time
of his departure, they who had been emancipated "were _steady_ and
_industrious_, and that they _had conducted themselves well without a
single exception_." But as this is an experiment which it will yet take
sixteen years to complete, it can only be called to our aid, as far as
the result of it is known. It is, however, an experiment to which, as
far as it has been made, we may appeal with satisfaction: for when we
consider that _eighteen_ months have elapsed, and that _many[13]
thousands_ have been freed since the passing of the decree and the date
of the last accounts from Columbia, the decree cannot but be considered
to have had a sufficient trial.
The seventh class may comprehend the slaves of the Honourable Joshua
Steele, whose emancipation was attempted in Barbadoes between the years
1783 and 1790.
It appears that Mr. Steele lived several years in London. He was
Vice-president of the London Society of Arts, Manufactures, and
Commerce, and a person of talent and erudition. He was the proprietor of
three estates in Barbadoes. His agent there used to send him accounts
annually of his concerns; but these were latterly so ruinous, not only
in a pecuniary point of view, but as they related to what Mr. Steele
called the _destruction_ of his Negroes, that he resolved, though then
at the advanced age of eighty, to go there, and to look into his affairs
himself. Accordingly he embarked, and arrived there early in the year
1780.
Mr. Steele had not been long in Barbadoes, before he saw enough to
convince him that there was something radically wrong in the management
of the slaves there, and he was anxious to try, as well for the sake of
humanity as of his own interest, to effect a change in it. But how was
he to accomplish this[14]? "He considered within himself how difficult
it would be, nay, impossible, for a single proprietor to attempt so
great a novelty as to bring about an alteration of manners and customs
protected by iniquitous laws, and to which the gentlemen of the country
were reconciled as to the best possible for amending the indocile and
intractable ignorance of Negro slaves." It struck him however, among the
expedients which occurred, that he might be able to form a Society,
similar to the one in London, for the purpose of improving the arts,
manufactures, and commerce of Barbadoes; and if so, he "indulged a hope
that by means of it conferences might be introduced on patriotic
subjects, in the course of which new ideas and new opinions might soften
the national bigotry, so far as to admit some discourses on the
possibility of amendment in the mode of governing slaves." Following up
this idea, he brought it at length to bear. A Society was formed, in
consequence, of gentlemen of the island in 1781. The subjects under its
discussion became popular. It printed its first minutes in 1782, which
were very favourably received, and it seemed to bid fair after this to
answer the benevolent views of its founder.