What Germany Thinks - Thomas F. A. Smith
WHAT GERMANY THINKS
OR THE WAR AS GERMANS SEE IT
By Thomas F.A. Smith, Ph.D.
Late English Lecturer in the University of Erlangen
Author of "The Soul of Germany: A Twelve Years' Study of the People from
Within, 1902-1914"
1915
CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I--THE CAUSES OF THE WAR
II--ON THE LEASH
III--THE DOGS LET LOOSE
IV--MOBILIZATION
V--WARS AND RUMOURS OF WARS
VI--THE DEBACLE OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATS
VII--"NECESSITY KNOWS NO LAW"
VIII--ATROCITIES
IX--THE NEUTRALITY OF BELGIUM AND
GERMANY'S ANNEXATION PROPAGANDA
X--SAIGNER A BLANC
XI--THE INTELLECTUALS AND THE WAR
XII--THE LITERATURE OF HATE
XIII--"MAN TO MAN AND STEEL TO STEEL"
INDEX
WHAT GERMANY THINKS
CHAPTER I
THE CAUSES OF THE WAR
In many quarters of the world, especially in certain sections of the
British public, people believed that the German nation was led blindly
into the World War by an unscrupulous military clique. Now, however,
there is ample evidence to prove that the entire nation was thoroughly
well informed of the course which events were taking, and also warned as
to the catastrophe to which the national course was certainly leading.
Even to-day, after more than twelve months of devastating warfare, there
is no unity of opinion in Germany as to who caused the war. Some writers
accuse France, others England, while many lay the guilt at Russia's
door. They are only unanimous in charging one or other, or all the
powers, of the Triple Entente. We shall see that every power now at war,
with the exception of Germany and Italy, has been held responsible for
Armageddon, but apparently it has not yet occurred to Germans that the
bearer of guilt for this year's bloodshed--is Germany alone!
It is true that the conflict between Austria and Serbia forms the
starting point. Whether or not Serbia was seriously in the wrong is a
matter of opinion, but it is generally held that Austria dealt with her
neighbour with too much heat and too little discretion. Austria kindled
the flames of war, but it was Germany's mission to seize a blazing torch
and set Europe alight.
When the text of Austria's ultimatum became known, a very serious mood
came over Germany. There was not a man who did not realize that a great
European War loomed on the horizon. A well-organized, healthy public
opinion could at that period have brought the governments of the
Germanic Powers to recognize their responsibility. Had the German Press
been unanimous, it might have stopped the avalanche. But there were two
currents of opinion, the one approving, the other condemning Austria for
having thrown down the gauntlet to Serbia and above all to Russia.
One paper exulted over the statement that every sentence in Austria's
ultimatum "was a whip-lash across Serbia's face;" a phrase expressing so
aptly the great mass of popular opinion. This expression met with
unstinted approval, for it corresponded with German ideals and standards
in dealing with an opponent. Yet there was no lack of warnings, and very
grave ones too. A glance at German newspapers will suffice to prove this
statement.
On July 24th, 1914, Krupp's organ, the _Rheinisch-Westfaelische Zeitung_,
contained the following: "The Austro-Hungarian ultimatum is nothing but
a pretext for war, but this time a dangerous one. It seems that we are
standing on the verge of an Austro-Serbian war. It is possible, very
possible, that we shall have to extinguish East-European conflagrations
with our arms, either because of our treaties or from the compulsion of
events. But it is a scandal if the Imperial Government (Berlin) has not
required that such a final offer should be submitted to it for approval
before its presentation to Serbia. To-day nothing remains for us but to
declare: 'We are not bound by any alliance to support wars let loose by
the Hapsburg policy of conquest.'"
The _Post_ wrote on the same date: "Is that a note? No! it is an
ultimatum of the sharpest kind. Within twenty-four hours Austria demands
an answer. A reply? No! but an absolute submission, the utter and
complete humiliation of Serbia. On former occasions we have (and with
justice) made fun of Austria's lack of energy. Now we have a proof of
energy which terrifies us. This 'note' represents about the very
uttermost which can be said to any government, and such things are only
said when the sender of the 'note' has absolutely determined upon war."
The principal organ of Germany's largest political party, the Social
Democrats, contained a still more emphatic protest on July 25th. A
telegram from the Belgrade correspondent of the _Vorwaerts_ runs: "Since
the presentation of Austria's note, public opinion has become
exceedingly serious, although the city is still very calm. The general
view held is that Austria's ultimatum is unacceptable for a sovereign
State. In Belgrade no one doubts that Russia will stand by Serbia.
Everyone is certain that in consequence of Austria's excessively sharp
tone, Russia will not remain inactive should Austria resort to armed
force. The populace is prepared for war."
In view of the subsequent attitude of Germany's Social Democrats, an
official proclamation, published in all their seventy-seven daily papers
on July 25th, is of supreme importance. At that date they had apparently
no doubt whatever as to the guilty party. The change of front in the
Reichstag on August 4th would seem in the light of this proclamation, as
nothing other than a betrayal of conscience. Further, the split which
has arisen in their ranks during the war leads to the supposition that
Liebknecht, Kautsky and Bernstein have been troubled by the inward
voice.
This is the full text of the proclamation as it appeared in the
_Vorwaerts_:
"An Appeal! The Balkan plains are still steaming with the blood of
thousands of murdered; the ruins of desolate towns and devastated
villages are still smoking after the Balkan War; hungry, workless men,
widowed women and orphan children are still wandering through the
land, and yet again Austria's Imperialism unchains the War Fury to
bring death and destruction over all Europe.
"Even if we condemn the doings of the Greater-Serbian Nationalists,
still the wicked war-provocation of the Austro-Hungarian Government
calls forth the most stinging protest. The demands made by this
government are so brutal, that in the history of the world their like
has never been presented to an independent State, and they can only be
calculated to provoke war.
"Germany's proletariat, conscious of its mission, raises herewith, in
the name of humanity and civilization, the most fervent protest
against this criminal action of the war party (_Kriegshetzer_). It
(the Social Democratic Party) demands imperatively that the German
Government should exercise all its influence on the Austrian
Government to preserve peace, and in case this infamous war cannot be
prevented then to abstain from any warlike interference. No single
drop of blood of a single German soldier may be sacrificed to gratify
the lust for power of the Austrian autocracy, the Imperial
profit-interests.
"Comrades! we call upon you to give expression to the working-classes'
unshakable will for peace in mass meetings. This is a serious moment,
more solemn than any in the last few decades. There is danger in
delay. A world war threatens us. The ruling classes who enslave,
despise and exploit you in times of peace desire now to misuse you as
cannon-fodder. From all sides the cry must ring in the ears of those
in authority: We don't want war! Down with war!
"Long live international brotherhood!
"Berlin, July 25th, 1914.
"_The Leaders of the Party_."
Two days later the _Leipziger Tageblatt_ announced that the Public
Prosecutor had commenced proceedings against the editors of _Vorwaerts_
for having distributed the above appeal in pamphlet form in the streets
of Berlin. From this fact we may conclude that the charges thrown out by
the Social Democratic Party were by no means congenial to the plans of
the German Government.
The Liberal _Berliner Tageblatt_ (July 24th), gave its unreserved
support to Austria's action. "The Austrian Government has voiced its
demands in a calm and serious tone which contains nothing offensive to
the Serbian monarchy. Everyone who has considered the results of the
inquiry into the tragedy of Serajewo, and the burrowing of Serbian
propagandists in Austria, must give his absolute sanction to the
latter's demands. Much as every right-thinking man must desire that
peace should be preserved, still he must admit that Austria could not
have acted otherwise."
Even the _Vossische Zeitung_, the organ of army circles, was more
conservative in its judgment. In the issue for July 24th a leading
article runs: "It cannot be denied that nearly every point raised by
Austria in her note is an encroachment on Serbia's sovereign rights.
Austria appears as the policeman, who undertakes to create order in
Serbia, because the Serbian Government, according to Austria's claim, is
unable to hold in check those 'subversive elements' within its
frontiers, which disturb Austria's peace. But only in this manner can
Austria protect herself against the criminals who are sent from Serbia
to the territories of the Hapsburg monarchy. No consideration whatever
can be shown to Serbia, as Austria's first duty is self-defence."
In the German Press two widely-differing opinions found expression with
regard to the equity of Austria's demands, but the Press and people were
unanimous in believing that if these demands were ruthlessly pressed
home they could only lead to a European conflagration.
In view of this latter danger, national opinion was again divided into
two camps: the first against war, the second determined to support
Austria and pursue the path chosen by the Berlin Government, no matter
what the consequences might be. The latter party included the vast bulk
of the nation; and Chauvinism dominated in the Press, theatres,
concert-halls, churches and music-halls. "Patriotic" demonstrations were
held before Austrian consulates, in restaurants and coffee-houses. The
Berlin Government was overwhelmed with telegrams from all kinds of
bodies--especially those with a military colouring, such as veterans'
clubs, societies of one-year volunteers, university societies,
etc.--calling upon it to defend Germany's honour against Slavonic murder
and intrigue. In short, all Germany gave itself up to a veritable
_Kriegsrausch_ (war intoxication) which found expression in the wildest
attacks on Russia and a perfervid determination to see the matter
through, should Russia venture to intervene in any way to protect Serbia
from whatever measures Austria thought proper to take.
It is little to be wondered at that Russia in face of this spontaneous
outbreak did take military precautions, for all Germany made it
perfectly clear that no kind of intervention on Russia's part in the
Austro-Serbian dispute would be tolerated by Germany. It is true that,
late in the day, Austria avowed that she had no intention of annexing
Serbian territory, a declaration which Germans did not believe, and
certainly one which Russia had no reason to accept after Austria's
annexion of Bosnia and Herzegowina in 1908.
Furthermore, Austria gave Russia every reason to cherish suspicion as to
her intentions. On July 25th Austria issued official orders for the
mobilization of eight of her sixteen army corps, in addition to which a
part of the _Landsturm_ was called up. The corps mobilized were: one
each in Upper and Lower Austria, Dalmatia, Buda-Pest, Croatia and Bosnia
and two Bohemian corps. Three-eighths of the forces called up were thus
placed very near to the Russian frontier.
Vienna was wild with war-enthusiasm which found expression in
demonstrations lasting all through the night, July 25-26th. Austrian
officers, who have always been hated by the populace, were cheered,
embraced and carried shoulder-high wherever they were met. The effect
which this had in Berlin may be seen from the _Berliner Tageblatt_ of
July 26th: "An enormous mass of people gathered before the Russian
Embassy last night between the hours of twelve and one. The crowd howled
and hissed, and cries were raised: 'Down with Russia! Long live Austria!
Down with Serbia!' Gradually the police cleared the masses away."
Russia ignored the incident, but when about a hundred Frenchmen
demonstrated before the Austrian Embassy in Paris at exactly the same
time, the Ambassador at once protested at the Quai d'Orsay and the
Director of the French Foreign Office immediately apologized.
On the whole the reports of excesses in various parts of Germany against
any and all who dared to show any anti-war sympathies proves clearly
that the blood-lust aroused by the German Government's policy had
already passed beyond the control of the authorities. In Munich one of
the most modern coffee-houses (Cafe Fahrig) was completely gutted
because the proprietor endeavoured to keep the demonstrants within
reasonable bounds. Serbs and Russians were attacked and ill-treated. One
such incident occurred at mid-day, Sunday, July 26th, in Munich, of
which a full description is given in the _Muenchen-Augsburger
Abendzeitung_ for the following day.
A few days later (August 2nd) the Princess Cafe, Berlin, was demolished
because the guests believed that there were Russians in the band. In
Hamburg on the following day a newly-opened restaurant was completely
destroyed because a young Dane had failed to stand up when the national
hymn was being played. "Yesterday a young Dane remained sitting during
the singing of the national hymn, for which reason the persons in the
hall became greatly excited. 'Russian, stand up!' was shouted to him. In
the same moment blows began to rain down upon him, so that, streaming
with blood, he was carried out." (_Berliner Zeitung am Mittag_, August
4th.)
These are only a selection of many such incidents which show that the
national brutishness was appearing through the veneer. In the light of
such events where, on German soil, Germans murderously attacked their
fellow-countrymen on such ridiculous pretexts, it requires little
imagination to explain the outburst of brutality against Belgians who
dared to defend hearth and home.
Meanwhile the smaller party which desired peace had not been entirely
idle. On July 28th the Social Democrats held thirty-two mass meetings in
Berlin to protest against war. "The attendance was in every case
enormous, but the meetings were all orderly and calm. The police had
taken extensive precautionary measures. The speakers were mostly members
of the Reichstag or the Berlin Town Council. Throughout they were guilty
of the most fiery and tactless attacks on Austria, _to whom alone they
ascribed the guilt for the warlike developments_. Each meeting adopted a
resolution against war. The chief of police had forbidden all
processions or demonstrations to take place after the day before. In
spite of this, many of the Socialists who had attended these meetings
tried to form processions, especially in Unter den Linden. As large
bodies of troops had closed the streets, small parties of the Socialists
managed to reach the Linden by means of trams and omnibuses. At about 10
p.m. hisses and cries of 'Down with the war party!' were heard before
the Cafe Kranzler. In a moment the number of Democrats swelled to large
proportions and the workmen's Marseillaise was struck up, followed by a
short, sharp order. The mounted police advanced with drawn swords
against the rioters; the air was filled with shouts and cries of _Pfui_!
(Shame!). On the other side of the road the crowd sang the national
hymn. The masses clashed together, and the police advanced again and
again till the street was cleared. At the corner, however, the
Socialists formed up again, and began to demonstrate anew, so that the
police were compelled to attack them without any consideration in order
to preserve the peace. They cleared the pavements and galloped up the
promenade. Again the cry echoed 'Down with war!' and as answer came 'die
Wacht am Rhein.' But it was some considerable time before the struggle
ceased to surge to and fro." (_Muenchen-Augsburger Abendzeitung_, July
29th.)
Thus the great Socialist-International-Pacifist movement, with four and
a quarter million German voters behind it, fizzled out on the pavements
of Unter den Linden. Probably there were demonstrations in other parts
of Germany, but this much is certain, that the members of Catholic and
Protestant _Arbeiterverbaende_ (Workmen's Societies) held meetings and
demonstrated in favour of war. On the other hand the Women's Union of
the German Peace Society in Stuttgart sent a telegram to the Kaiser,
begging him in the name of "millions of German mothers" to preserve the
peace.
The most interesting protest against the war movement is undoubtedly the
following: "This, then, is the cultural height to which we have
attained. Hundreds of thousands of the healthiest, finest, most valuable
forces in the nation are trembling from anxiety that chance, or a nod of
Europe's rulers, malevolence, or a fit of Sadism, a Caesar-madness or a
business speculation, an empty word or a vague conception of honour,
will drive them to-morrow out of their homes, from wife and child, from
all that which they treasure and have built up with so much pain and
trouble--into death. The mad coincidence may arise to-day, may call them
to-morrow, or at any minute, and all, all of them will go--obeying
damnable necessity, but still obeying. At first they will whine on
seeing their bit of earthly happiness snatched away, but soon,
however--although their consciences may not be quite clean--they will be
possessed by the general frenzy to murder and be murdered." Franz
Pfemfert in _die Aktion_.
Although this article appeared on August 1st, it had evidently been
written before the proclamation of martial law. It was one of the last
political articles which the paper published, for the next number but
one contains the announcement that "the _Aktion_ will in future only
publish articles on art and literature." The reasons are not far to
seek.
In justice to the pacifist elements it must be stated that they were up
against bayonets. The only pity is that British public opinion, or any
section of it, had been led to believe that it could ever have been
otherwise. Austria had committed an unpardonable act of provocation,
which at first reasonable opinion in Germany openly condemned.
Simultaneously the German Government set in motion an avalanche of
racial feeling to play off against the just and moderate measures taken
by other powers to checkmate Austrian aggression. In addition to the
racial hostility, which had been lashed into bitterness during the
spring of 1914, came Germany's morbid conception of national and
personal honour. Lastly the fear of a Russian invasion was astutely
inoculated into the nation.
It is the author's firm conviction, and the military events in Poland
and Galicia have only strengthened this opinion, that from the very
beginning Germany could have prevented any Russian invasion of her
territory, but she did not desire that end, but rather that the fear of
Russia should complete the "Kriegsrausch" of the German nation. After
frightening the people the Berlin Government struck its blow in the
direction of their political ambitions--to the West, and after the
Russians had been allowed to penetrate German territories they were
hurled over the Eastern frontiers at the end of August. While the Kaiser
was sending peaceful telegrams to Petrograd and Vienna, the Press was
full of horrible pictures of Cossack barbarism and the dread terrors of
the Russian knout, both of which--the public was led to believe--were
about to strike Germany.
In this manner the Kaiser and his advisers created a national psychology
which left open only two alternatives: the absolute humiliation of
Russia and the consequent hegemony of Germany in Europe--or war.
CHAPTER II
ON THE LEASH
Russia gave the world to understand by an official declaration, issued
on Friday, July 24th, 1914, that she was not an indifferent, but a
keenly interested spectator to the Austro-Serbian conflict. On the
following day Russia's declaration was published in almost the entire
German Press, and from that moment the same Press was flooded with all
kinds of attacks directed against the Eastern neighbour. Russia was
frankly told to mind her own business--the quarrel did not concern her.
The German public immediately accepted this point of view, so that every
subsequent move on Russia's part appeared in the light of an
unwarrantable offensive. Undoubtedly the Bismarckian tactics of
publishing inspired articles in all parts of Germany were employed, and
their colouring left no doubt on the public mind that the much-talked-of
Slavonic danger had assumed an acute form.
A request on Russia's part, made on July 25th, that the space of time
(forty-eight hours) allowed to Serbia for an answer should be extended,
only increased popular irritation in the Germanic Empires. This
irritation was accompanied by an unmistakable bellicose spirit which
called forth its natural counterpart in Petrograd.
Nevertheless the fact remains that up till July 25th Russia had only
asked for time, and the reply given by the Berlin mob (?) during the
following night, was echoed throughout Germany. The view that Russia had
no right to interest herself on behalf of Serbia (passing over Russia's
right to preserve the newly-established balance of power in the Balkans)
is untenable. If Canada had a quarrel--just or unjust--with the United
States, it would be ridiculous to assert that England had no right to
intervene.
This was, however, not the first occasion on which Germany had advanced
so preposterous a claim. During the tariff conflict between Germany and
Canada some years ago, a wave of indignant anger went over the whole
Fatherland, because England ventured to interfere.
In any case, during the last week before war broke out, the German
Government succeeded in imposing upon public opinion the feeling that
the quarrel was a racial one; together with the conviction that Russia
was interfering in order to protect a band of murderers from just
punishment, and had neither rights nor interests at stake in the
quarrel. This conspiracy succeeded, but the whole German nation must
still be held responsible for the outbreak of war, because, as has been
shown in the preceding chapter, the nation had already been warned by
newspapers of various political parties. They had been plainly told that
Austria had exceeded the limits of all diplomatic dealings between two
sovereign States, and that Austria's provocation could easily kindle a
world war.
Warnings and truths were alike forgotten, and the voices which uttered
them were now raising another hue and cry.[1] Racial hatred was ablaze;
the warlike instincts of a military people were calling for action, and
a diseased conception of national honour was asking why Berlin did not
act against the Russian barbarians. In one paper the author remembers
reading a violent demand for action against Russia before the national
ardour had time to cool down.
[Footnote 1: The last mention of Austria as the guilty party is the
account of the Social Democratic demonstrations in Berlin on July 28th;
reported in the papers of the following day.]
On July 26th Austrian mobilization was in full swing, and Russia
admittedly took precautions of a similar nature soon after that date. We
may be sure that Russia understands her neighbours better than the
inhabitants of the British Isles understand them. In 1909 she had
suffered a severe diplomatic defeat and corresponding loss of prestige,
because she could only use words in dealing with Germany and Austria.[2]
Now she was faced with the alternative of withdrawing from her declared
attitude (July 24th) or taking measures of a military character. In
order not to sacrifice her position as a European power and her special
position as the leader of the Slavonic peoples, Russia chose the latter
course, the only honourable one open to her. German papers and public
speakers retorted that Russia is the patron and protector of
assassins--a calculated distortion of the facts intended to have due
effect on public opinion. On all sides it was said that Russia had given
Serbia secret assurances of help which caused her to become stiff-backed
and unrepentant. Fortunately, it is possible to refute the accusation
through the pen of a German journalist, who described Belgrade's
desperate position on July 25th, the day when the ultimatum expired.
[Footnote 2: "The interests of Russian and German imperialism have
continually clashed during the last ten years, and more than once Russia
has had to beat a retreat before Germany's threats." Dr. Paul Lensch,
member of the Reichstag, in his "German Social Democracy and the World
War," p. 35. Published by "Vorwaerts Co." Berlin, 1915.]