What Germany Thinks - Thomas F. A. Smith
"Our paths led in different directions, but we parted with the
consciousness that we are tribal brothers. So much seems certain, that
when the Flemings are freed from the embittering influence of the
Walloons and French, then this Low German tribe will again learn to love
everything German--because they are German. Furthermore, that will make
an end of the French language in Flemish districts" (p. 84).
"German infantry marched with us into Antwerp. How deeply it touched me
to hear them sing the 'Wacht am Rhein' and then 'Deutschland,
Deutschland ueber alles,' in the very city which was to serve as an
English base for operations against our dear Fatherland. And my Flemish
companion softly hummed this splendid German song of faith.
"In that moment a spasm of pain went through my heart, that the Flemings
should have to fight against us in this great struggle for the existence
of Germany: these, our lost brothers, of whom so many yearn to be with
us again" (p. 86).
"With the fall of Antwerp, Flanders--the land of the German Hanse
period, of Ghent, Ypres and Bruges--became German once more" (p. 147).
Kotzde concludes his work as follows:--
"Holland was compelled to bow before the might of France and consent to
Belgium becoming an independent State. From that moment the Flemings,
cut off in every way from their German brothers, were delivered up to
the Walloons, behind whom stood the French.
"The Germans at that time lacked a Bismarck to unite them and interest
them in the fate of their outlying brother tribe. This war has freed our
hands, which hitherto had been bound by the dictates of conscience. Of
himself the German would never have kindled this world conflagration,
but others have hurled the torch into our abode--and our hands are free!
"We do not yet know what Belgium's fate will be, but we can be perfectly
sure that the Flemings will never again be left to the mercy of the
Walloons and French. They have had a wild and chequered history; and
although they have often shown signs of barbarism in the fight, they
have not waged this war with the devilish cruelty of the Walloons.
"They lack the discipline which alone a well-ordered State can bestow.
The training and education of the German military system and German
administration, will be a blessing to them. Even to-day many Flemings
bless the hour of their return into the German paternal home" (p. 190).
"In a struggle which has lasted for nearly a century, the Flemings have
displayed their unconquerable will to maintain their national
peculiarities. Without outside aid, and with little or no deterioration,
they have maintained their nationalism. Now the horrors of war have
swept over the lands of the Flemings and Walloons. The Belgian army,
consisting of 65 per cent. Flemings, has been decimated by German arms.
North and south of the Meuse a wicked harvest of hate has sprung up. But
the most remarkable point is that this hate is not directed against the
Germans alone; the mutual dislike of Flemings and Walloons has turned
into hatred. The Walloons cherish bitter suspicions of the Flemings;
they scent the racial German, and are promising that after the war they
will wage a life and death feud against the German part of the Flemish
nature."[152]
[Footnote 152: Ulrich Rauscher: "Belgien heute und morgen" ("Belgium
to-day and to-morrow"). Leipzig, 1915; p. 35.]
The same writer claims that the Germans had conquered Antwerp before its
fall, by peaceful penetration. "In 1880 the British share of Antwerp's
trade was 56 per cent., Germany's 9 per cent.; in 1900, British 48 per
cent., German 23-1/2 per cent. Not only had the British flag been beaten
in percentages but also in absolute figures; in the year 1912-1913
German trade to Antwerp increased by 400,000 tons, while that of Great
Britain decreased by 200,000 tons. The commercial future of Antwerp will
be German!"[153]
[Footnote 153: Ibid., p. 64.]
"To-day Antwerp is the second largest port on the Continent, with over
400,000 inhabitants, and now Germany's war banner waves above its
cathedral. Germany's maritime flag has waved during the last twenty
years above Antwerp's commercial progress. Antwerp's progress was German
progress."[154]
[Footnote 154: Ibid., p. 68.]
After which follows a glowing account of Belgium's mineral wealth. "It
is Belgium's mission to be a gigantic factory for the rest of the
world," and of course this mission will be directed by--Germany!
"Those who had warned us for years past that England is our greatest
enemy were right. To-day every German recognizes who is our principal
opponent in this world war. Against Russia and France we fight, as the
poet expresses it, 'with steel and bronze, and conclude a peace some
time or other.' But against England we wage war with the greatest
bitterness and such an awful rage, as only an entire and great people in
their holy wrath can feel. The words of Lissauer's 'Hymn of Hate' were
spoken out of the innermost depths of every German soul.
"When Hindenburg announces a new victory we are happy; when our front in
the Argonne advances we are satisfied; when our faithful Landsturm beats
back a French attack in the Vosges, it awakes a pleasurable pride in our
breasts. But when progress is announced in Flanders, when a single
square yard of earth is captured by our brave troops in the Ypres
district, then all Germany is beside herself with pure joy. The seventy
millions know only too well, that everything depends upon the
development of events in Flanders, as to when and how, we shall force
England to her knees.
"Hence of all the fields of war, Belgium is the most familiar to us, and
we love best of all to hear news from that quarter. May God grant that
in the peace negotiations we shall hear much more and good tidings about
Flanders."[155]
[Footnote 155: Dr. Fritz Mittelmann: "Kreuz und Quer durch Belgien"
("Round and about Belgium"). Stettin, 1915: p. 8. Dr. Mittelmann is a
personal friend of the Liberal leader, Herr Bassermann, who accompanied
him on some of his journeys.]
Dr. Mittelmann's book is a prose-poem in praise of Germany's ineffable
greatness. He sees in the present war, "a holy struggle for Germany's
might and future," and like all his compatriots, makes no mention of
Austria. If the Central Powers should be victorious, there is no doubt
that Germany would seize the booty. In justifying the destruction of
churches, cathedrals, etc., Herr Mittelmann asserts that "one single
German soldier is of more worth than all the art treasures of our
enemies" (p. 12).
His book deserves to be read by all Britishers who imagine that we can
win Germany's love and respect--by weakness and compromise. "In this war
Germans and English soldiers are opposed to each other for the first
time. All the scorn and hate which had accumulated for years past in the
German nation has now broken loose with volcanic force. Whoever assumes
that the English were ever other than what they are--is wrong. They have
never had ideals, and seek singly and alone their own profit. Whenever
they have fought side by side with another nation against a common foe,
they have done their best to weaken their ally and reap all the glory
and advantage for themselves."[156]
[Footnote 156: Ibid., p. 29.]
Pity for the Belgians suffering through Germany's brutal war of
aggression does not appear to be one of Dr. Mittelmann's weaknesses.
"The principal industrial occupation of the inhabitants seems at present
to be begging. In spite of their hostile glances the crowd did not
hesitate to gather round as we entered our car, and quite a hundred
greedy hands were stretched towards us for alms. But in Liege, without
the shadow of a doubt the best of all was the magnificent Burgundy which
we drank there; perhaps we had never relished wine so much in our
lives."[157] One wonders whether these pioneers of _Kultur_ relished the
wine so much because they knew themselves to be surrounded by thousands
of hungry, "greedy" Belgians.
[Footnote 157: Ibid., p. 44.]
On page 93, Mittelmann relates at length his genuine Prussian joy at
humiliating a Belgian policeman before the latter's compatriots. None
enjoy having their boots licked, so much as those who are accustomed to
perform that service for others.
Our author pays the customary compliments to the Flemings. It must be
remembered that the above incident took place in Liege among the
Walloons, but it would seem that the Germans try to behave with decency
when among their Low German brothers.
"One feels at home in the house of a Flemish peasant; the racial
relationship tends to homeliness. The painful cleanliness of the
white-washed cottages makes a pleasant contrast to the homes of the
Walloons. War and politics are never mentioned, as these delicate
subjects would prevent a friendly understanding."[158]
[Footnote 158: Ibid., p. 90.]
"A dream. An old German dream. A land full of quaintness which the rush
of modern life has left untouched. On all sides cleanliness and order
which makes the heart beat gladly. And this joyful impression is doubly
strong when one comes direct from the dirty, disorderly villages of the
Walloons.
"Just as a mother may give birth to two children with entirely different
natures, so Belgium affords hearth and home to two peoples in whose
language, culture and customs there is neither similarity nor harmony.
The Flemings are absolutely German, and in this war they treat us with
friendly confidence. Their eyes do not glitter with fanatical hate like
those of the Walloons."[159]
[Footnote 159: Heinrich Binder: "Mit dem Hauptquartier nach Westen," p.
102.]
Herr Binder's meditations on the slaughter in the valley of the Meuse
are not without interest. "A vale which has been won by German blood! In
recent days the waters of the Meuse have often flowed blood-red. Many a
warrior has sunk into these depths. Longing and hope rise in our hearts:
May destiny determine that all these dead, after a triumphant war, shall
sleep at rest in a German valley!"[160]
[Footnote 160: Ibid., p. 122.]
CHAPTER X
SAIGNER A BLANC.[161]
[Footnote 161: "To bleed white." Bismarck employed this phrase on two
occasions in addressing the Reichstag; his purpose could have been no
other than to bully France.--Author.]
It would be superfluous to review here the history of Franco-German
relations during the last half century; other writers have already
performed the task. Yet the whole trend of development in the relations
between the two powerful neighbours may be defined by two watch-words:
_saigner a blanc_ in Germany, and the _revanche idee_ in France. But
there is this difference: the former has become ever more and more, and
the latter less and less, a factor in European politics.
While the German nation has been gradually and systematically leavened
with the teaching that might alone is right, the French revenge party
has been weakened year by year by national prosperity, colonial
expansion and the growth of a powerful anti-military party. Whatever may
be said of French chauvinists, this much remains an immovable fact--the
party was incapable of providing adequate national defences against the
Germanic neighbour, while plans of reconquest can only be assigned to
the domain of myths.
On every occasion that the _revanche_ cry has been resuscitated, the
direct cause is to be sought in Germany. Having displaced France in 1870
from her position of the first military power in Europe, Germany has
endeavoured by fair and foul means to prevent her neighbour from again
raising her head, and that policy alone is to blame for the suspicion
and hatred which have marked Franco-German relations during the whole
period and plunged Europe into an era of armaments, ending in a world
war. England and Russia prevented Bismarck from annihilating France in
1875, an incident which aroused justified fear throughout France and
gave an impulse to the revenge party.
In 1881 the Iron Chancellor told the French Ambassador: "Outside Europe
you can do what you like." Bismarck's intention was to divert reviving
French energies to colonial work, and if possible involve her in
conflicts with the other Colonizing Powers. In both of these plans he
succeeded, but the common sense and loyalty of Great Britain and Italy
prevented the conflicts from assuming a dangerous form--war--as desired
by the Government in Berlin.
As soon as the latter perceived that French genius and persistency were
bearing fruit in a magnificent colonial empire, the innate jealousy and
greed of the German nation led to a policy of colonial pinpricks on the
part of the Kaiser's Government. This seems the most probable
explanation of Germany's attitude during the last decade before 1914.
The natural consequence was that those powers which had most to fear
through German ill-will were welded together more firmly in a policy of
self-protection.
Germany cannot, or will not, recognize that the causes of the
above-mentioned development are to be found solely and alone in her own
actions. On the contrary, she designates the "consequences" a world-wide
conspiracy against German interests. In naval affairs she adopts the
same naive line of argument. First and foremost Germany committed
herself to a policy of unlimited--even provocative--naval expansion.
When the Power most concerned--Great Britain--took precautionary
measures to guarantee British interests in view of Germany's "peaceful"
development, then the latter Power declared the consequences of her own
actions to be a hostile initiative directed against her.
A defence of this kind may be convincing for those who observe events in
the German perspective, but it will be unable to withstand impartial
historical criticism. Boxers expect a rebound when they "punch the
ball," but none of them would be so foolish as to deny having delivered
a blow when the rebound takes place. Yet that is the unscientific
defence which Germany has adopted in her endeavours to explain away her
aggressive attitude to Belgium, France, and Great Britain.
In a word, the principles underlying _saigner a blanc_ have grown during
the past four decades into a possible avalanche possessing huge
potential energy; the momentum was given to it in August, 1914.
If it were necessary, a picture of German popular opinion might be
projected, showing how that opinion was influenced and formed during the
critical days at the close of July last year. But from considerations of
space only the outlines of the picture can be given. Before the war
German newspapers abounded in reports of French unpreparedness and
chaos. The German public was informed that France dreaded and feared war
with Germany.
"Without any exaggeration it may be said that a state of nerves has
seized the French nation, such as we should seek for in vain at the time
of Tangiers and Agadir. There is tremendous excitement, which in many
reports suggests absolute panic."[162]
[Footnote 162: _Dresdner Neueste Nachrichten_, August 1st.]
The Paris correspondent of the _Koelnische Zeitung_ (August 4th) on
returning to Cologne wrote: "Conditions in France afford a striking
picture of bad organization. War rage possesses the people; but such an
enthusiasm as I found in Germany on my return is unknown to them."
On the same day the _Hamburger Nachrichten_ reported: "A German refugee
who has returned from the French capital says that there is no
enthusiasm in Paris. Men and women may be seen weeping in the streets,
while the crowds are shouting: 'Down with war!' 'We desire no war!'"
Probably there is no better way to incite a ferocious bully than to tell
him that his opponent is weak, unprepared and afraid. Almost
simultaneously false reports of French troops crossing the frontier and
of French airmen dropping bombs on Nuremberg were spread by the Berlin
General Staff, and thus an excuse found for a declaration of war on
France.
From the French point of view events appeared quite different. "This
morning German troops have violated French territory at three different
points: in the direction of Longwy by Luneville, at Cirey and by
Belfort. War has thus been declared, and the endeavours for peace as
described in the President's proclamation have been in vain. For the
last eight days Herr von Schoen (German Ambassador in Paris) has lulled
us to sleep with endearing protestations of peace. Meanwhile Germany has
mobilized troops in a secret and malevolent manner.
"The war upon which we must enter is for civilization against barbarism.
All Frenchmen must be united not merely by the feeling of duty, but also
in hatred for an enemy who seeks no other goal than our
annihilation--the destruction of a nation which has always been a
pioneer of justice and liberty in the world.
"To-night our five covering-corps will take up their positions and face
the enemy till our plan of concentration is completed. Russia is with
us.
"MESSIMY,
"Minister for War."
From the moment that Germany declared war on France, new tactics were
adopted in the Press. A campaign of calumny began which is the exact
counterpart of that against Belgium and the Belgians. Uncorroborated
tales of Germans having been ill treated in all parts of France were
spread broadcast. According to one journal[163] sixty to eighty Germans
had been murdered on the platforms of the Gare de l'Est in Paris.
[Footnote 163: _Koelnische Volkszeitung_, August 5th.]
Still there is one accusation which even German newspapers have never
dared to make, viz., that Frenchmen murdered and ill-treated Frenchmen,
or that war delirium led them to destroy property on a wholesale scale.
On the other hand, the picture obtainable of Germany during August,
1914, proves that similar peaceful conditions did not prevail in the
great nation of "drill and discipline."
France was even "convicted" of having caused the war; instead of being
unprepared, she had laid the fuse and was the guilty power in causing
the European explosion. "The German Government has now obtained absolute
proof that France has been standing at arms, ready to fall upon Germany,
for many weeks past."[164]
[Footnote 164: _Hamburger Fremdenblatt_, August 13th.]
Above all, President Poincare has been marked down in Germany's
senseless, unnecessary hunt for a scapegoat upon whom to fix her own
guilt. Even in the year 1915 there is a section of the German
public[165] which believes that the French President--a native of
Lorraine--has worked for years past in building up a _revanche_
conspiracy ending in the European war.
[Footnote 165: Dr. Max Beer: "Tzar Poincarew, die Schuld am Kriege"
("Czar Poincarew, the War-guilty"). Berlin, 1915.]
Germany despised France and has tried in vain to patronize her. For many
years past the average German has held that the French are a nation of
"degenerate weaklings." Inspired by these sentiments, with a mixture of
hate, the German troops invaded France, and it is a promising symptom
that during twelve months of war respect for French valour has taken the
place of contempt.
The first engagements are described in the official telegrams from the
German army head-quarters. "August 11th. Enemies' troops, apparently the
7th French army corps and an infantry division from the Belfort
garrison, were driven out of a fortified position by Muelhausen. Our
losses were inconsiderable, those of the French heavy.
"August 12th. Our troops attacked a French brigade by Lagarde. The enemy
suffered heavy losses and was thrown back into the Paroy forest. We
captured a flag, two batteries, four machine guns and about seven
hundred prisoners. A French general was among the killed.
"August 18th. The fight by Muelhausen was little more than a skirmish.
One and a half enemy corps had invaded Upper Alsace before our troops
could be collected and placed on a war-footing. In spite of their
numerical inferiority they attacked the enemy without hesitation and
hurled him back in the direction of Belfort.
"Meanwhile an artillery contingent from Strasbourg has suffered a check.
Two battalions with cannon and machine guns advanced from Shirmeck on
the 14th. They were attacked by hostile artillery fire while passing
through a narrow pass. The cannon, etc., were badly damaged and
therefore left. No doubt they were captured by the enemy.
"The incident is of no importance and will have no influence on our
operations, but it should serve as a warning to our soldiers against
over-confidence and carelessness. The men mustered again and reached the
fortress in safety: they had lost their guns but not their courage.
Whether treachery on the part of the inhabitants had any part in the
affair has not yet been ascertained.
"August 22nd. Our troops are in pursuit of the French army defeated
between Metz and the Vosges. The enemies' retreat became a flight. Up
till now more than ten thousand prisoners have been taken and at least
fifty cannon captured. The French had eight army corps in the field.
"August 24th. Yesterday the German Crown Prince, advancing on both sides
of Longwy, achieved a victory over the opposing forces and hurled them
back.
"The troops under the leadership of the Bavarian Crown Prince have also
been victorious and crossed the line Luneville-Blamont-Tirey. To-day the
21st army corps occupied Luneville.
"The pursuit has brought rich booty. Besides numerous prisoners and
standards the left wing of the Vosges army has already captured 150
cannon.
"To-day the German Crown Prince's army has continued the pursuit beyond
Longwy.
"The army under Duke Albrecht of Wuerttemberg has advanced on both sides
of Neufchateau and completely defeated the French army which had crossed
the Semois. Numerous cannon, standards and prisoners--among the latter
several generals--were captured.
"West of the Meuse our troops are advancing on Maubeuge. An English
cavalry brigade which appeared on their front was defeated.
"August 27th. Nine days after the conclusion of our concentration the
armies in the West have gained victory after victory and penetrated the
enemy's territory from Cambrai to the Southern Vosges. At all points the
enemy has been driven out of his positions and is now in full retreat.
"It is not yet possible to estimate, even approximately, his losses in
killed, prisoners and booty; the explanation for this is the enormous
extent of the battlefields, broken by thick forests and mountainous
country.
"General von Kluck's army defeated the English at Maubeuge and to-day
has attacked them in an encircling move south-west of that place.
"After several days' fighting about eight army corps of French and
Belgian troops between the Sambre, Namur and the Meuse were completely
defeated by the German armies under Generals von Buelow and von Hausen.
"Namur has fallen after two days' cannonade. The attack on Maubeuge has
commenced. Duke Albrecht's army pursued the defeated enemy over the
Semois and has now crossed the Meuse.
"On the other side of Longwy the German Crown Prince has captured a
fortified enemy position, and thrown back a heavy attack from the
direction of Verdun. His army is advancing towards the Meuse. Longwy has
fallen.
"New hostile forces from Nancy attacked the Bavarian Crown Prince's army
during its pursuit of the French army before it. The attack failed.
"General von Heeringen's army is pursuing the enemy in the Vosges, and
driving him southwards. Alsace has been cleared of enemy forces.
"Up till the present the lines of communication have been guarded by the
various armies; now the troops left behind for that purpose are urgently
required for our further advance. Hence His Majesty has ordered the
mobilization of the Landsturm.
"The Landsturm will be employed in protecting the lines of communication
and for the occupation of Belgium. This land which now comes under
German administration will be utilized for supplying all kinds of
necessities for our armies, in order that Germany may be spared as much
as possible."
During the first month of hostilities on the Western front, the Germans
claimed that their captures amounted to 233 pieces of heavy artillery,
116 field guns, 79 machine guns, 166 wagons and 12,934 prisoners. On
September 8th General Quartermaster von Stein announced: "Maubeuge
capitulated yesterday; 40,000 prisoners of war, including four generals,
400 cannon and immense quantities of war materials fell into our hands."
A German war correspondent, who was present at the fall of Maubeuge,
wrote:[166] "The march out of the prisoners began on the same day at
2.30 p.m. and lasted over six hours. They were conducted to trains and
despatched to Germany. Some of the infantry made a good impression,
while the pioneers and artillery can only be classed as passable.
[Footnote 166: Heinrich Binder: "Mit dem Hauptquartier nach Westen," p.
96.]
"To the great disappointment of our troops there were only a hundred and
twenty English among the prisoners who had been cut off from the main
army; young fellows about eighteen to twenty years of age. When marching
out these English youths were so stupid as to offer the hand to their
German victors in token of the gentlemanlike manner in which they
accepted defeat. In accordance with Albion's ancient boxing custom, they
desired to show the absence of any bitter feeling by a handshake; just
as one does after a football match.