What Germany Thinks - Thomas F. A. Smith
"Can we remain indifferent in our hour of dread need, when the gleaming
promise of a bright future appears in the distance, if the inability to
resolve and dare has made Berlin its headquarters. All efforts are for
'peace' with honour. But in politics one must be able to recognize when
it is impossible to continue at peace; when peace is at the cost of our
friends, our own security, and the future of European peace. In view of
this one must be able to act."[11]
[Footnote 11: _Deutsche Zeitung_, July 31st.]
The internal tactics of the German Government had been successful all
along the line. Insignificant Serbia had dropped out of the reckoning.
Russia must be humbled. The German nation, believing itself entirely
peaceful, and convinced that its leaders had done everything possible
for peace, now demanded in no unmistakable voice--action! mobilization!
war!
Announcements of mobilization on all sides (Switzerland, Holland,
Belgium) doubtless added to the popular belief that Germany desired
above all things--peace. Still, in spite of the warlike spirit of the
nation and the burning desire to settle off Russia once and for all,
there was an undercurrent of overstrained nervousness. A Dresden paper
of July 30th relates that between the hours of two and four on the
preceding afternoon a Berlin newspaper had been asked thirty-seven
different questions on the telephone relating to rumours of
assassinations, mobilization, etc.
The process of inspiring national confidence, however, had by no means
suffered through neglect. France was represented as being unprepared
and, together with England, desiring only peace. As early as July 27th
in the _Taegliche Rundschau_ the public had been told that Italy, had
officially declared herself ready and willing to stand by the Central
Powers as an ally.
Even Japan was used to stiffen Teutonic courage. The _Deutscher Kurier_
told its readers in a telegram from New York (?) that Americans fully
expected Japan to attack Russia in the back and Japanese ministers were
holding conferences all day and night. According to the _Weser Zeitung_,
August 1st, Japan was arming for war, while the _Muenchen-Augsburger
Zeitung_ published details of an alliance concluded between Austria and
Japan in Vienna on the afternoon of July 30th. According to this source
Japan had pledged herself to support Austria in case the latter was
attacked by Russia, while Austria declared her absolute
disinterestedness in the Far East. On August 1st the _Berliner
Tageblatt_ repeated this legend; but advised its readers to exercise
reserve in accepting it.
"During the evening (August 2nd) the news spread in the streets of
Berlin that Japan was mobilizing and had already declared war on Russia.
Huge crowds flocked to the Japanese Embassy and spent hours in cheering
Japan, Germany, and the Triple Alliance."[12]
[Footnote 12: _Der Montag_, August 3rd.]
Meanwhile Russia, having failed to get her simple rights recognized and
knowing that Germany had made extensive military preparations, decided
on July 31st to mobilize her entire forces. The German Ambassador
immediately informed his Government of this step, and the Kaiser placed
Germany under martial law. On the same day the Emperor proceeded from
Potsdam to the Imperial Palace in Berlin.
CHAPTER III
THE DOGS LET LOOSE
"Just after three o'clock a company, at war strength, from the
'Alexander' regiment marched under the command of a young lieutenant,
down Unter den Linden. Drums were beaten; a huge crowd listened in
solemn silence as the lieutenant read the articles placing the German
Empire under martial law. The crowd was fully alive to the awful
sternness of this historic moment.
"After the proclamation was ended a deep silence ensued, then a loud
voice cried: 'The Kaiser! Hurrah!' Three times the shout rang to the
heavens. 'The German army! Hurrah!' Once more the caps were swung three
times. The boy-like lieutenant, with head erect, sword in hand,
commands: 'Attention! Slope arms!' The regular beat of marching men
follows as they proceed in the direction of the Imperial Residence.
Berlin is under martial law!"[13]
[Footnote 13: _Deutscher Kurier_, July 31st.]
"During the afternoon enormous masses of people collected in the streets
and open spaces of Berlin. Unter den Linden, in expectation of the
Kaiser's return, was overfilled with excited, waiting throngs. Just
before a quarter to four a great movement was seen from the direction of
the Brandenburger Tor, which spread like a wave along the street.
Everybody rushed on to the road, and the police were pushed aside. Then
the suppressed excitement of the last few days gave vent to a hurricane
of hurrahs as the populace greeted their monarch. The Emperor was
wearing the uniform of the _Garde-Kuerassiere_; beside him sat the
Empress. His countenance was overshadowed by deep gravity as he returned
the welcome of his subjects. At a quarter to four the Kaiser was in the
royal castle, and immediately the Imperial Standard was fluttering
aloft."[14]
[Footnote 14: _Vossische Zeitung_, July 31st.]
The next twenty-four hours are so full of fateful events that they seem
one big blur on the memory. Although everyone was convinced that an
appeal to the sword was inevitable, there was still a tense feeling of
dread expectation hanging like a cloud over the land. During the whole
of that long night the author was an observer from an overcrowded train
which left Nuremberg at 9 p.m. and rumbled dismally into Cologne the
next morning at ten o'clock. Every station, great and small, was crowded
with anxious, expectant crowds; the smaller stations full of spectators
and relatives bidding farewell to departing soldiers, and the greater
ones crowded with fleeing tourists.
On the platforms at Frankfort and Cologne many tons of luggage were
stacked in huge piles. It would be interesting to know what became of
them.[15] Few Germans could have slept that night; the anxiety was too
great. The whole railway line was guarded by patrols, many of whom were
in civilian attire. Here and there a "field-grey" uniform was visible.
On many stations armed guards awaited the arrival of reservists and gave
them conduct to the barracks.
[Footnote 15: The _Koenigsberger Hartungsche Zeitung_ contained a
paragraph on August 7th to the effect that 120,000 trunks and
portmanteaux had been collected on Berlin stations alone.]
The Kaiser spoke words of cheer from a window of the royal palace on
Friday evening, after which the restless crowd thronged to the official
residence of the Chancellor to receive as a watchword the words which
Prince Friedrich Karl had spoken on a memorable occasion to his
Brandenburger troops: "Let your hearts beat to God, and your blows on
the enemy."
An ultimatum was despatched to St. Petersburg and presented at midnight
to the Russian Government. The latter was requested to cancel all
mobilization orders within twelve hours, or war would ensue.
Simultaneously the French Government was asked what its attitude would
be in case of a Russo-German war. In these measures it is safe to
conclude that the German nation was heart and soul behind the
Government, otherwise the tremendous outbreak of national enthusiasm
throughout the length and breadth of the land would be entirely
inexplicable.
Throughout the day the nation awaited, under tense strain, an answer
from Russia. "At five o'clock the excitement of the masses in Unter den
Linden had increased to a degree almost beyond endurance. The crowd
surged from side to side when a court carriage or an officer drove by in
a motor-car. Everyone felt that the fateful decision might fall at any
minute, when the German nation would know its fate.
"Suddenly motor-cars full of officers appeared from the gates of the
royal residence. They shouted to the excited crowd that the general
mobilization had been ordered. One officer waved his drawn sword,
another his handkerchief, while others stood up and waved their caps.
Then an indescribable scene of jubilation followed; the parole
'mobilization' was passed on by the police, and in less time than it
takes to write, the hundreds of thousands of human beings surging to and
fro between the monument to 'Old Fritz' and the Lustgarten, knew that
Germany would now speak with her sword."[16]
[Footnote 16: _Berliner Tageblatt_, August 2nd.]
"Our hour of destiny has struck! Germany, the strongest and most
peaceful nation on earth, appeals to the sword. The last call which we
sent across the Eastern frontier has remained unanswered. The enemy is
mute. Now Germany speaks!
"The Kaiser calls the Empire to arms! Our King will lead Bavaria's
armies to him. The nation is ready, armed to the teeth. Challenged by a
dishonest opponent who envies us the fruit of our peaceful toil, the
hands of German men leave their work and grasp the sword. Our enemy
shall learn to his terrible cost, what it means to summon a nation in
arms to the battlefield. The German army goes out to fight for our
country, in a cause which is more stainless and pure than the light of
the sun. The disgraceful Muscovite conspiracy, creeping in the footsteps
of Serbian murderers, believes the moment has arrived in which they will
be able to fall upon, overthrow and plunder us; Russia desires to kindle
a world war.
"We believe that he will not succeed; but should it thus fall out, we
Germans will defend not only our land and ourselves; but, in this war
which has been forced upon us in the basest manner possible, we shall
defend the civilization of the world, the culture of the earth, against
debased 'unculture' and the spreading roots of decay. This is a lofty
and tremendous task. If we are victorious, as we confidently trust, then
the ever-increasing number of civilized peoples honestly toiling in the
blessings of peace, will thank us for centuries to come.
"Brothers! Sisters! such an hour has come that the history of the world
has never witnessed before. In the struggle which now begins--a deadly
grapple frivolously conjured up by Russia's monarch--the whole earth
will groan. The German people, however, will prove that it is worthy to
retain and develop its leading place in the intellectual and cultural
progress of the world. Our enemy envies us this position because in his
land, stupidity and confusion reign supreme; his own uncivilization and
barbarism cannot be rooted out.
"We will prevent him from throwing Europe back to the conditions in
which he and his likes dwell. May God grant that the civilized peoples
of Europe may have true understanding for this historic hour, just as
their heroic ancestors understood the danger when they hurled themselves
against the invasions of the Mongols.
"First of all the German nation will march against the armies of the
East, and, hand in hand with our ally, we hope will so grip the enemy
that he will lose all desire ever to attack us again."[17]
[Footnote 17: _Muenchen-Augsburger Abendzeitung_, August 2nd.]
The last lines of this perfervid article, give an instructive clue. A
mere quibble had arisen between the Central Powers and Russia. The
former immediately adopted an arrogant, even threatening, attitude which
thoughtful Germans condemned. Russia's willingness to submit the
question to an arbitration conference consisting of four neutral
ambassadors seems only to have intensified Teutonic lust to humiliate
the opponent. In any case, it is interesting to note that between July
24th and 31st the whole German nation had been converted to the
uncompromising attitude of the Government.
Further, it is evident that the German people believed they were about
to march against Russia. The very last remark which I heard from German
lips as we entered the train to leave Erlangen on July 31st was: "Jetzt
werden die Russen abgekloepft." ("Now the Russians will get a
whacking.")[18]
[Footnote 18: We left Erlangen at 3.30 p.m. Martial law had been
proclaimed some time previous to that. But the proclamation in Berlin
occurred at 3.30 p.m. on the same day. The _Berliner Abendblatt_
published on the same evening states that the Kaiser had been waiting
and hoping for a peaceful answer from Russia. The Bavarian authorities
could not have taken so serious a step without an order from the Highest
War Lord, which leads to the conclusion that it was a device to get
military preparation well under way.]
The Berlin cabinet mobilized Germany's armed strength, as they alleged,
against Russia, and the Government succeeded in arousing and enlisting
national enthusiasm against the Eastern neighbour. Yet when the time
came to strike, Germany's might was hurled against neutral Belgium and
unwilling France, while Russia was left free to overrun the Eastern part
of Germany. The blood-guilt rests in the first place with the Kaiser and
his Government, and in the second place (although in no less a degree)
with the German people, because they condoned the crime and acquiesced
in the duplicity.
While the war fury seethed through the nation the cry echoed on all
sides: "We want peace! We have worked for a peaceful solution!" Yet a
study of the workings of the national mind as revealed in the German
Press, and of diplomatic doings as shown in the German White Book,
affords not a single instance--excepting the Socialists'
demonstrations--of any tangible, concrete effort made either by the
German people or its representative diplomacy to avoid a catastrophe. On
the other hand it must be said that the latter (German diplomacy)
deliberately baulked the only practical proposal (Sir Edward Grey's)
which could have brought about a solution. The German nation _did_
desire peace, but only on the condition that their opponents granted
Germany and Austria's arrogant claims down to the smallest tittle.
Exactly at six minutes to one (midday) on August 1st, a telegram left
Berlin instructing the German Ambassador in St. Petersburg to declare
war on Russia at 5 p.m. if the latter State had not given a satisfactory
answer to Germany's ultimatum by that time. Count Pourtales performed
this duty, and therewith the sands of fate ran out.
On the previous day summonses had been issued calling a meeting of the
Reichstag for Tuesday, August 4th. The opening ceremony took place at 1
p.m. and all the political parties were present, except the Social
Democrats, who, according to their traditions, did not appear, and thus
escaped the famous hand-shaking scene. The Kaiser and two of his sons
appeared in field-grey uniform. His theatrical appeal for the leaders of
each party to swear fidelity to the national cause by shaking hands with
him, as well as his saying that "Now there are only Germans," may have
been spontaneous; but it is far more probable that they were meant to be
a diplomatic appeal to the sentimental vanity of the German nation.
It would be superfluous to deal with the speech from the throne in this
place, but at the close of the ceremony an incident occurred which
deserves mention. "After taking leave of the Reichstag's representatives
the Kaiser stretched out his hand to the famous professor of
jurisprudence in Strasbourg University, Dr. van Calker. The Kaiser
looked steadily at Professor van Calker for a moment, then, after the
handshake, clenched his fist and struck downwards uttering these words:
'Nun aber wollen wir sie dreschen!'[19] ('Now we will jolly well thrash
them!'); nodded to the professor and walked away."[20]
[Footnote 19: This utterance has since become a common theme for
composition exercises in German schools.]
[Footnote 20: _Taegliche Rundschau_, August 5th.]
The sitting in the Reichstag was a solemn event. On that occasion the
Chancellor expressed himself at length in defining Germany's position.
"A tremendous fate has fallen upon Europe. While we have endeavoured to
maintain the prestige of the German Empire in the eyes of the world, we
have lived for forty-four years in peace and protected European peace.
In this work of peace we have become strong and mighty--therefore we are
envied. We have suffered with long-enduring patience; while in the East
and West, under the excuse that Germany is lusting for war, hatred for
us has been nourished and fetters wrought where-with to bind us. The
wind which blows there has now become a storm.
"We desired nothing but to live on in peaceful toil, content with an
unspoken oath that was echoed from the Emperor down to the youngest
recruit. Our sword shall only leap from its sheath in defence of a just
cause. (Loud applause.) The day on which we must draw it, has dawned
against our will and contrary to our honest endeavours. Russia has set a
burning torch to the house of peace. (Loud cries of 'Quite true.') We
stand to-day in a forced war with Russia and France.
"Gentlemen, a number of documents, collected in the haste caused by
these overwhelming events, have been laid before you. Permit me to
emphasize the facts which characterize our attitude.
"From the moment that the Austrian conflict broke out we have striven
and worked to limit the quarrel to Austria-Hungary and Serbia. All the
cabinets, in particular England, accept this view; only Russia has
declared that in the settlement of this conflict, she must be allowed to
express her wishes. Therewith the danger of European complications
raised its threatening countenance.
"As soon as the first certain news of Russian military preparations
reached us, we caused it to be made known in St. Petersburg, in a
friendly but unmistakable manner, that warlike measures and military
preparations would compel us also to take corresponding steps. But
mobilization is next to war. Russia assured us in a friendly tone (cries
of indignation) that she was making no military preparations against us.
"Meanwhile England tried to mediate between Vienna and St. Petersburg
and was warmly supported by us. On July 28th the Kaiser telegraphed to
the Czar begging him to remember that it was Austria-Hungary's right and
duty to stop the Greater-Serbian agitation, as this threatened to
undermine Austria's existence. (Cries of indignation.) The Kaiser
pointed out to the Czar the gulf between monarchical interests and the
outrage at Serajewo; he begged him to give his personal support to the
Kaiser's endeavour to smooth out the antithesis between Vienna and St.
Petersburg.
"Just before this telegram came into the Czar's hands, the Czar, on his
side, begged the Kaiser for his help: the Kaiser should advise Vienna to
be more moderate. The Kaiser undertook the task of mediator, but the
action ordered by him was hardly in motion, when Russia began to
mobilize all her forces against Austria-Hungary. (Excited shouts of
indignation and disgust.) But Austria had only mobilized certain army
corps against Serbia, besides which she had only two corps, and these
were far from the Russian frontier.
"At this juncture the Kaiser informed the Czar that the mobilization of
his armies against Austria would increase the difficulties of mediation,
a task which he had undertaken at the Czar's express wish, and perhaps
render it impossible. Nevertheless, we continued our mediatory action in
Berlin, and indeed in a form which went to the limits permitted by our
alliance. (Great excitement.) During this time Russia renewed her
assurances that she was taking no military measures against us.
"We come to July 3ist. In Vienna a decision was to be arrived at on that
day. By our representations we had already brought it about that Vienna,
which for a time was not in direct communication with St. Petersburg,
had commenced direct discussion again. But before Vienna could come to a
final decision, the news came that Russia was mobilizing--_i.e._,
against us too--her whole forces. (Cries of indignation.) The Russian
Government, although fully aware from our repeated representations what
a mobilization on our frontiers means, did not notify this step to us,
and gave us no explanations concerning it.
"As late as the afternoon of July 31st a telegram came from the Czar to
the Kaiser in which the former pledged himself that his army should take
up no provocative attitude against us. (Great excitement.) But the
hostile mobilization on the Russian frontier was in full swing during
the night July 30th-31st. While we were mediating in Berlin the Russian
armies appeared on our long and almost entirely open frontier. France
was not yet mobilizing, but, as she admits, was already taking
precautionary measures.
"And we? Up till then we had not--the Imperial Chancellor spoke with
great emotion and repeatedly struck the table while uttering these
words--called up a single reservist, out of a loving regard for the
peace of Europe. (Loud cries of 'Bravo!') Were we then to wait on in
patience till the Powers between which we are wedged should choose their
moment to strike? (A hurricane of voices, 'No!') To expose Germany to
this danger would be a crime. (Stormy, general and long continued cries
of 'Quite true!' and 'Bravo!' in which the Social Democrats joined too.)
"Therefore on July 31st we requested Russia to demobilize as the only
measure which could save the European peace. (Loud applause.) The
Imperial Ambassador in St. Petersburg further received instructions to
inform the Russian Government, that in case our demand was rejected, we
should consider ourselves in a state of war with Russia. The Imperial
Ambassador has carried out these instructions.
"What answer Russia accorded to our demand for demobilization we do not
know even to-day. Telegraphic announcements on this point have not
reached us, although matters of far less importance have been sent over
the wires. Hence, long after the expiration of the stated time, the
Kaiser saw himself compelled to mobilize our forces at 5 o'clock on
August 1st.
"Simultaneously, it was necessary for us to inquire regarding France's
attitude. In answer to our definite question whether, in case of a
Russo-German war, France would remain neutral, the French Government has
replied that they will act as their interests dictate. (Laughter.) This
was at least an evasion, if not a negative answer to our question.
"In spite of this, the Kaiser ordered that the French frontier should be
respected. This order was strictly obeyed with one single exception.
France, who mobilized at the same time as ourselves, declared that she
would respect a ten-kilometre zone along her frontiers. (Cries of
indignation.) And what happened in reality? Their airmen have thrown
bombs, cavalry patrols have violated our territory, and companies have
broken into Alsace-Lorraine. (Indignation.) Therewith, France, although
war has not yet been declared, has attacked our territories.
"As regards the single exception which I have referred, I have received
the following report from the Chief of the General Staff: In respect to
French complaints of violations of her frontiers, only one case is
admitted. Against express orders an officer with a patrol from the 14th
Army Corps crossed the French frontier on August 2nd. Apparently they
were shot down; only one man has returned. But long before this single
instance occurred, French airmen had penetrated into Southern Germany
and dropped bombs, and French troops had attacked our
frontier-protection-troops in the Schlucht Pass. Up till now our
soldiers have confined themselves entirely to protecting the frontier.
"So far the report from the Chief of the General Staff.
"We are now in a position of self-defence, and necessity knows no
law![21] (Cries of 'Quite right!') Our troops have occupied Luxembourg,
perhaps they have already entered Belgium. (Loud applause.) That is a
breach of international law. The French Government, it is true, had
declared in Brussels that they would respect Belgian neutrality so long
as their opponent respected it. But we knew that France stood ready to
invade it. (Cries of indignation.)
[Footnote 21: This sentence seems so important that I give the original:
"Wir sind jetzt in der Notwehr, und Not kennt kein Gebot!"]
"France could wait, we could not; and a French attack in our flank on
the Lower Rhine might have been disastrous for us. Thus we were
compelled to ignore the protests of the Luxembourg and Belgian
Governments.
"The injustice which we commit thereby, we shall try to make good again
as soon as our military goal is attained. Anyone who fights for the
highest, as we do now, may only think of how he may hack his way
through. (Hurricanes of applause; long continued hand-clapping in the
whole house and on the tribune.)
"Gentlemen, we are standing shoulder to shoulder with Austria-Hungary.
Concerning England's attitude, the declaration made by Sir Edward Grey
in the House of Commons yesterday has made the standpoint which the
English Government takes up quite clear.
"We have declared to the English Government that as long as England
remains neutral, our fleet shall not attack the North Coast of France.
Further, that we shall not disturb the integrity and independence of
Belgium. I repeat this declaration before the whole world and I may add
that if England will remain neutral, we are prepared--assuming mutual
treatment--to undertake no hostile operations against France's
commercial marine. (Applause.)