What Germany Thinks - Thomas F. A. Smith
"Gentlemen, so much for events up till now! I repeat the words of the
Kaiser: 'We enter the struggle with a clear conscience!' (Great
enthusiasm.) We are fighting for the fruits of our labours in peace, for
the heritage of a great past, and for our future. The fifty years are
not yet ended within which Moltke said we should stand at arms to defend
the heritage and the achievements of 1870. The hour of great trial has
struck for our nation. But we look forward to it with absolute
confidence. (Tremendous applause.)
"Our army is in the field, our fleet is ready, and behind them the
entire German nation (roars of never-ending applause and hand-clapping
in the whole house)--the whole German nation! (These words were
accompanied by a gesture towards the Social Democrats.--Renewed outburst
of applause, in which the Social Democrats also joined.)
"Gentlemen, you know your duty in its entirety. The vote of credit
requires no further argument, I beg you to pass it quickly. (Loud
applause.)"[22]
[Footnote 22: _Berliner Tageblatt_, August 5th.]
Unfortunately this eloquent exposition of Germany's case contains
inaccuracies which can only be described as conscious untruths. I have
already made myself responsible for the statement: "Lying has always
been the foundation stone of German policy."[23] Earl Cromer, in
commenting on this, gives additional evidence of its veracity.[24]
[Footnote 23: "Soul of Germany," p. 192.]
[Footnote 24: _The Spectator_, August 7th, 1915, p. 169.]
The German Chancellor, when he justified his policy by the dictum:
"Necessity knows no law," evidently meant that necessity also recognizes
no law of truth. In any case, he remained faithful to the traditions of
his country. Although the German Press is both venal and supine, we
shall see that it has done the world a service and played its own
Government a foul trick. (Der deutschen Regierung einen boesen Streich
gespielt.)
When Bethmann-Hollweg was thumping the table before him, and assuring
his immediate hearers and the world in general that the Berlin cabinet
had not called up a single reservist before five o'clock on Saturday,
August 1st, he was guilty of a deliberate falsehood. On July 31st, I
left Erlangen by the 3.31 train for Nuremberg; travelling in the same
train was Dr. Haack, professor of the history of art in Erlangen
University. He was accompanied by his wife and various colleagues,
including Professor Busch, who bade him farewell on the platform. Dr.
Haack is an artillery reserve officer, and he was then going to join his
regiment. At 8.30 p.m. on the same day, we spoke to Frau Haack on
Nuremberg station. The lady's face was very tear-stained and she was
about to return to Erlangen alone. She told us in a broken voice that
her husband had been called up.
In "The Soul of Germany" I have given names and dates of other cases. I
do not propose to disgrace my word of honour by playing it off against
the German Chancellor. But acting on the principle of "Set a thief to
catch a thief," I shall adduce some instances from German newspapers.
The Paris correspondent of the _Koelnische Zeitung_ travelled home via
Brussels; his adventures are related at length in the _K.Z._ for August
4th. On August 1st he was in Brussels and complained bitterly, in his
article, about the hotel service, and excuses it by writing: "The German
waiters had all left Brussels the day before (July 31st) to join the
army."
An article dated Strasbourg, August 3rd, was published in the
_Frankfurter Zeitung_ on the 6th of the same month. The writer describes
the martial scenes which he had witnessed during the preceding week, and
mentions that the officers in the garrison had received a special order
to send their wives and children away from the city several days before
martial law was proclaimed. Friday, presumably, the order came for the
garrison to march to the French frontier, for on Saturday the regiments
were entrained and left Strasbourg. Our good German friend describes the
scene in the streets: "Alongside the ranks were the wives and children
of the called-up reservists, trying to keep step with the quickly moving
troops. Before sunset the regiments, all on a war-footing, had left the
city."
Every layman knows that a reservist cannot enter a barracks in civilian
attire, and emerge five minutes later in full war-kit ready for the
march. The German Imperial Chancellor affirms that not one of them had
been called up before five o'clock in the afternoon of that day. It is
true that neither the age of miracles nor the age of lies has passed
away. Perhaps Herr Bethmann-Hollweg could explain why it was impossible
to send trunk-messages on Germany's telephone system during the last
three days of July, 1914. At least, the local papers in Bavaria asserted
that that was the case.
The _Elbinger Zeitung_, August 13th, contained a reservist's letter with
this illuminating passage: "During the last few days everybody was in
readiness; our linen, etc., had been packed and sent off in advance. On
Friday, July 31st, the order arrived that I should present myself;
mobilization had begun. With feelings of joy I changed into my uniform
and rushed to join my company. The streets were full of frightened
people with tears in their eyes. We officers pressed each others' hands
and with ardent glances exclaimed: 'At last it has come!'"
The Chancellor based his assertion that French troops had crossed the
German frontier, on the report from the Chief of the General Staff. This
authority admitted that German soldiers on August 2nd (Sunday) had
violated the French frontier and continues with these words: "But long
before that French airmen had dropped bombs in Southern Germany, and
French soldiers had attacked our frontier-guards in the Schlucht Pass."
The _Frankfurter Zeitung_, July 31st, gives Bethmann-Hollweg and the
Chief of the General Staff the lie direct. The paragraph is dated July
30th, Kolmar, and runs: "The Schlucht Pass has just been barricaded by
German frontier guards. This is to prevent motor-lorries and such-like
vehicles from entering French territory without our permission. Several
papers have announced the alleged occupation of the Schlucht (gorge) by
French troops. The report is an absolute invention. (Die Meldung ist
voellig aus der Luft gegriffen.) I have taken the trouble to look round,
and may say that the usual tourist traffic is going on as usual."
The remainder of the charge is that "long before August 2nd," French
airmen had dropped bombs on South German towns. The towns in question
are Frankfort and Nuremberg. The _Koelnische Zeitung_ contained this
paragraph on August 2nd: "A military report has just come in, stating
that French airmen dropped bombs in the neighbourhood of Nuremberg this
morning. As war has not yet been declared between France and Germany,
this is a breach of international law."
Two remarks are necessary to supplement the above "news." Firstly, in
the Reichstag, the Chancellor said this attack had occurred "long before
August 2nd." Secondly, the _Cologne Gazette_ received the report from
the _military authorities_. That betrays the source from which all these
lies emanated.
The author has in his possession a Nuremberg paper (_Fraenkische
Tagepost_) for the whole of August, 1914. It contains absolutely no
mention of any air raid on or near Nuremberg. If bombs had been dropped
in the vicinity, it is quite unthinkable that the local papers should
contain no report of the affair.
President Poincare, on July 15th, 1915, declared the Nuremberg flight to
be a fable. The _Fraenkischer Kurier_ (a Nuremberg newspaper) on August
1st, 1915, contains an article which states that the news of these
alleged airmen, whom nobody saw, was spread throughout the length and
breadth of the German Empire. This same paper ridicules the whole
affair.
Another extract gives the key to the whole mystery. "Yesterday (Monday,
August 3rd), at 8 p.m., the following official announcement was given
out for publication.
"Up till now, the German troops, in obedience to orders given, have not
crossed the French frontier. In contrast to this _since_ yesterday
(August 2nd) French troops have attacked our frontier posts without any
declaration of war. They have crossed the German frontier at several
points, although only a few days ago the French Government assured us
that they would keep a zone ten kilometres wide free from their troops.
_Since_ last night French troops hold German places in occupation.
_Since_ yesterday bomb-dropping airmen have come into Baden and Bavaria;
further, by violating Belgian neutrality, they have fled over Belgian
territory into the Rhine province and tried to destroy our railways.
Thus France has begun an attack upon us, and thereby created a state of
war. The safety of the Empire compels us to take defensive measures. The
Kaiser has given the necessary orders. The German Ambassador in Paris
has been instructed to demand his passports."[25]
[Footnote 25: From the _Berliner Lokal Anzeiger_ of August 4th.]
Germany had no earthly excuse to begin war on France, and imitating the
noble example of Bismarck in forging the notorious Ems telegram which
precipitated the 1870 war, the German military authorities forged the
"news" of alleged attacks by French airmen and French troops. The German
Official Press Bureau completed this vile, criminal work.
Although the point is proved, a few more examples of the "airmen" legend
will be of interest. "Berlin, August 2nd. _Last night_ a hostile airship
was observed flying from Kerprich to Andernach. Hostile aeroplanes were
observed flying from Dueren to Cologne. A French aeroplane was shot down
by Wesel." (From the _Muenchen-Augsburger Abendzeitung_, August 3rd.)
The _Frankfurter Zeitung_, August 4th, contains three separate detailed
accounts of French airmen dropping bombs on Frankfort railway station
during the previous night. The third account will suffice.
"The military authorities in Frankfort were informed last night that a
hostile airman was flying in the direction from Darmstadt to Frankfort.
At ten minutes past one the noise of the propellers as well as bursting
bombs was heard by those standing on the command-bridge of the Central
Station. In the dark night it was impossible to see the flying-machine.
As it approached the station, where all lights were out, fifty to sixty
soldiers stationed on the command-bridge fired at the aeroplane, which
soon moved off in the direction of the Southern Station. There, too, it
came under a heavy fire from soldiers and policemen. Nothing whatever
has been found on the ground or at the station, not even parts of the
bombs. It is assumed that the hand-bombs exploded in the air."[26]
[Footnote 26: Yes, they burst in the air, _aus der sie gegriffen worden
sind!_ Author.]
In peace times no German editor would dare to refuse any contribution
sent to him by the military authorities. The above airman-story
sufficiently illustrates the state of affairs in war time.
"Chemnitz, August 4th. During the past night, between 3 and 4 a.m., a
French airman dropped bombs on Chemnitz. Bombs exploded in the streets
without, however, doing any damage. Apparently the shots fired at the
aeroplane were unfortunately without result." _Magdeburgische Zeitung_,
August 5th.
This is an excellent example of how the Press trick is worked. A lying
report is published in a city hundreds of miles away from the scene of
the alleged occurrence. The extract where it was alleged that a French
airman was shot down at Wesel, on the Dutch frontier, was published in a
Munich paper, four hundred miles away.
The last and supreme lie in Bethmann-Hollweg's speech is the most
insidious of all. The Chancellor sketched a truly moving picture of
Germany beseeching Austria to find a _modus vivendi_ between herself and
Russia. Germany claims that up to the last minute of the last fatal week
she was working for peace. Bethmann-Hollweg insinuates that on July 31st
a last decision was to have fallen in Vienna; he does not tell us what
that decision would have been, but he maintains that Russia's military
preparations forestalled it and so the decision was never arrived at.
Thus Russia destroyed the last hope of peace; the Chancellor falsely led
his hearers to believe that it was a certain hope and that the European
peace would have been saved.
It is useless to choose one's words in writing of German diplomacy. This
is a base lie. Austria arrived at her decision previous to sending her
ultimatum to Serbia. This momentous decision was, that Russia had no
right to intervene in the quarrel, which means, in other words, that
Russia had absolutely no right to speak or use her influence in a crisis
affecting the destiny of the Slavonic peoples, neither had Russia any
right to move in a crisis which would disturb the balance of power in
the Balkans and in Europe. It was merely these rights which Russia
throughout the crisis endeavoured to establish; if they had been
recognized there would have been no war.
In order to prove what the Austro-German standpoint was, and that from
first to last never changed, reference must be made to the Austrian Red
Book.[27] On page 24: Sir Edward Grey was informed by Count Mensdorf on
July 24th, "and I (Mensdorf) repeated to him (Grey) many times, that we
should stick to that view."
[Footnote 27: Oesterreichisch-ungarisches Rotbuch. Vienna, 1915.]
Page 25. Count Czecsen in Paris informed French Minister: "It is a
question which can only be settled between Serbia and ourselves," on
July 24th.
On the same day the Austrian Ambassador emphasized the same point in an
interview with the Russian Foreign Minister--pp. 27-8.
During the evening Monsieur Sasonow had interviews with both the German
and Austrian Ambassadors. The latter telegraphed to Vienna: "My German
colleague at once pointed out to M. Sasonow that Austria would not
accept any interference in her differences with Serbia and that Germany
would also not permit it."--p. 29.
That gives the situation in its simplest form, and without making
further quotations, it will suffice to cite the dates on which it was
re-emphasized:
July 25th in St. Petersburg, p. 89
" 27th " " " p. 101
" 28th " Berlin by Germany, p. 116
" " " London by Austria, p. 123
" 29th " St. Petersburg, " p. 128
" 30th " Berlin, " p. 130
" 30th " St. Petersburg, " p. 131
" 31st " Vienna, " p. 133
August 1st " St. Petersburg, " p. 136
Moreover, no less a personage than the Kaiser's brother confirmed this
view. In Prince Heinrich's telegram to the King of England, July 30th,
the following passage occurs: "If you really and sincerely wish to
prevent this terrible misfortune (a European war), may I propose that
you should exercise your influence on France and Russia to keep them
both neutral (in the Austro-Serbian quarrel). In my opinion this would
be of the greatest service. I consider this a certain means and perhaps
_the only possibility of preserving European peace_."
Prince Heinrich expressed no hope that Austria could be persuaded to
make any concession, but merely requested King George to exercise his
influence to get Russia to accept a position impossible to herself and
incompatible with the balance of power in Europe.
The rock of Germanic obstinacy was seated in Vienna, whether Germany was
the prime mover in erecting it remains to be proved. Germany knew full
well that European peace would be shattered on that rock, yet there is
no fragment of evidence to show that she tried to remove it; but there
is overwhelming proof that she encouraged Austria to stand by it, thus
causing a European conflagration.
And as if the above were insufficient to prove that the German Imperial
Chancellor was guilty of conscious falsification, Austria put one more
nail in the coffin of European peace on September 24th, 1914, when it
issued an official communication to the Press, reiterating that Austria
had never dreamed of departing from the attitude which she first took
up.[28]
[Footnote 28: "Die Schuld am Weltkriege" ("The Guilt for the World
War"), by an Austrian. Vienna, 1915, p. 59.]
Germany's aim was to employ the Serajewo crime as a lever to put Russia,
as a vital force, out of the domain of European politics. In spite of
denials, there is reason to believe that Austria was inclined to listen
to reason, but Germany forestalled and prevented this by despatching an
ultimatum to Russia and then declaring war.
A few other points in Bethmann-Hollweg's speech deserve brief notice. He
quotes Germany's threats, but not one word from the peaceful overtures
which were so often mentioned. He fails to cite any single point which
Austria had yielded at Germany's advice. Further, no proof of Germany's
vaunted "mediatory action" is discoverable either in the speech or the
diplomatic documents published by the Central Powers.
In regard to his justification of the violation of Belgian neutrality,
the civilized world has already passed judgment, and in this place it
only remains to point out that the four hundred members of the Reichstag
cheered the Chancellor's announcement. This alone is a sufficiently
severe comment on the conceptions of right and justice which direct the
proceedings of Germany's highest legislative body.
It evidently did not occur to the Reichstag or Germany's Imperial
Chancellor that, if necessity knows no law which respects a neutrality
guaranteed by Germany, then at a later date necessity would also
recognize no law which protected Belgian territory after Germany had
conquered it. A lamb in the jaws of a lion is in a truly dangerous
position, and although the outlook may be black, it is still wiser for
the lamb to try and avoid the lion's jaws.
Bethmann-Hollweg saw the mote of Greater-Serbianism in Serbia's eye, but
he was peculiarly anxious not to perceive the beam of Pan-Germanism
which has blinded Germany's vision for a generation, and is the one and
only cause for the rapid increase in European armaments.
Before consigning the German Chancellor's Pecksniffian oration to
well-deserved oblivion, there is one other fact to state, because it is
of immediate interest to Great Britain. In the person of
Bethmann-Hollweg the German Government stood before the world on August
4th, 1914, and endeavoured to prove that Germany was attacked, and that
her conscience was clear. There are even Britons who have got stuck in
Bethmann-Hollweg's peace-lime. Yet it would be interesting if the German
Government would explain why the civilian population was ordered to
leave Heligoland on the afternoon of Friday, July 31st. They were
allowed twenty-four hours within which to leave the island, and one who
was in the exodus describes the scene in the _Leipziger Neueste
Nachrichten_ for August 12th. Early on Saturday morning the civilians
proceeded on to the landing-stage, where several steamers were waiting.
"Suddenly the _Koenigin Luise_ started off without taking any passengers
on board, and soon disappeared under full steam."
This was the boat which laid mines round the mouth of the Thames.
Although the German Chancellor protested his desire for peace with
England as late as August 4th, it seems quite evident from the events in
Heligoland that war with this country had been decided upon on July
31st.
CHAPTER IV
MOBILIZATION
"Munich.--Evening after evening masses of people thronged the streets.
The heavy, oppressive atmosphere weighed upon the spirit--a leaden
pressure which increased with every hour. Then came the stirring events
on the evening of July 3ist, when the drums beat 'general march' on the
Marienplatz, and a commissioner read the articles of war to a crowd
numbered by thousands. Thirty drummers and commissioners in motors
rushed through the streets of the city.
"On Saturday evening, August 1st, the general order for mobilization was
proclaimed from the offices of the _Muenchener Neuesten Nachrichten_. A
deep solemnity fell upon the masses of spectators and the crowd fell
into rank to march to the Royal Palace, from a window of which King
Ludwig spoke words of comfort and inspiration. Still singing the 'Wacht
am Rhein,' this river of humanity flowed on to the 'Englischen Garten,'
at the corner of which stands the Austrian Legation. A gentleman
addressed the representative of our beloved ally, who sounded in his
reply the note of 'faithfulness unto death.'
"And now from out the stifling depression of the leaden weight of the
previous days there arose a terrible, united will, a single mighty
thought. The whole of a great and powerful people was aroused, fired by
one solemn resolve--to act; advance on the enemy, and smash him to the
earth!
"Dresden.--I was sitting in the garden of a suburban restaurant; above
me were the dark masses of chestnut trees, while before us, above the
railway, was a long strip of bright, summer-night sky. There seemed to
be something gloomy and uncanny in the air; the lamps blinked
maliciously; a spirit of still expectation rested on the people; furtive
glances were cast from time to time at the near embankment. Military
trains were expected, and we listened nervously to the noises of the
night. The first troop-transports; where were they going--against Russia
or to the French frontier? It was whispered that the troops would only
be transported by night.
"At last a pounding thud came through the stillness of the night, and
soon two colossal engines were silhouetted against the sky, like
fire-spitting monsters. Their roar seemed more sinister than usual.
Heavy forebodings rumbled out in the rocking and rolling of the endless
coaches--the clang of a future, pregnant with death and pain. Suddenly
the tables were empty; everyone rushed towards the lighted compartments
of the train, and a scene of indescribable jubilation followed as train
after train of armed men rushed by into the night.
"Sometimes a troubled father was heard to exclaim: 'If only the first
battles were fought and won!' Yet calm confidence prevailed from the
very beginning. But the sight of the quiet, machine-like completion of
the mobilization strengthened our trust, even though a justifiable
indignation and rage filled our hearts at Europe's dastardly attack on
the Central States. Hate flamed highest, however, when England declared
war against us.
"There are several reasons for this. In the north of Germany, the
Englishman is looked upon as the European who stands nearest the German,
and with whom we have the most sympathy. His personal reliability and
the manly firmness of his bearing, the culture of English social life,
English art and style, have given Imperial Germany many points of
contact and grounds for sympathy. Our historical interests have never
collided. Then we suddenly became aware that this country, under the
mask of friendship, had egged on the whole of Europe to attack us. Not
because we had injured English feelings or interests, but solely to
destroy a competitor and divide his coat of many colours.
"No political necessity compelled modern Carthage to declare war on us,
but merely the avowed aim to do a good piece of business by the war.
Without England's intrigues Europe would never have dared to attack us.
In our case, therefore, hate has sprung out of disappointed love.
England has become our mortal enemy, just as Russia is Austria's. In a
word, the two Central Powers are inspired by moral superiority over
their enemies, and are determined to wage war on them to the last drop
of blood, and if fate permits it, to settle them off and settle up with
them once for all.
"At the commencement of the mobilization the railway time-tables in
force were cancelled; railway traffic ceased, and only slow local-trains
ran, stopping at every station to pick up the men. During the nights a
gigantic transport of troops went on to the frontiers. From that moment
the sale of alcohol on the stations was prohibited. The publication of
news concerning troop movements was suppressed, in order to veil our
objective and to keep secret our strength on the various frontiers.
"The trains in the Tyrol were decked with wreaths and flowers. They bore
Germans from the most southerly corners of our neutral ally--Italy.
Members of the _Wehrkraftverein_ (Boy Scouts) inspected the trains at
every station, and it is said that a Serb was found bound fast
underneath one of the carriages. Serbian scoundrels were found on all
sides; if one of them had succeeded in destroying the Brenner line the
whole plan of mobilization would have been disturbed. Therefore
sentinels were placed along the whole line and strong guards protected
every tunnel. At night all lights were put out and those on the engines
covered up; even the stations were not illuminated--everywhere darkness.
"Slowly feeling its way, the train crept over the Brenner--it took
twelve hours; in Innsbruck the station was crowded with Germans to
welcome the warriors, and the ancient hills echoed again and again the
'Wacht am Rhein.' The solemnity which had marked the first days in
Munich had given place to boisterous joy. Thousands of men in mountain
costume had flocked into Munich to offer themselves as volunteers, and
the streets and station rang with their _jodeln_! (the peculiar cry of
Alpine herdsmen).