What Germany Thinks - Thomas F. A. Smith
"Militarism is an evil for the nations; its burdens cannot be borne for
ever, and even to-day the nations are collapsing under them. Modern
conditions are unbearable; out of them spring ever-increasing armaments,
and at last a time will come when war must break out, because the state
of modern armed peace will one day have become impossible."
Another authoritative pronouncement from the report[63] of the Social
Democratic Congress in Erfurt, 1891, deserves mention. It is a passage
from a speech delivered by the elder Liebknecht in the Reichstag: "As
regards the defence of the Fatherland all parties will be united when it
is necessary to meet an outside enemy. In that moment no party will
shirk its duty."
[Footnote 63: "Protokoll ueber die Verhandlungen des Parteitags der Soz.
Dem. Partei Deutschlands zu Erfurt, 1891."]
This is an instance of what Germans call _Rueckversicherung_, or a
covering insurance. Having pledged themselves never to leave the
Fatherland in the lurch--and the pledge was repeated on many
occasions--they were free to babble to French, English and Italian
Socialists about the blessings of internationalism, general strikes, and
eternal peace. But there is no single instance on record to show that
German Socialists considered any other benefits of internationalism,
except those which served the purposes of their own nationalism.
At Halle, 1890, Liebknecht said: "These ideas are indisputably correct.
Nobody,[64] no matter how enthusiastic he may be for the international
cause, will dare to maintain that we have no national duties. National
and international are not opposing principles. The word 'national' must
be rightly understood. It includes only a certain, limited portion of
international humanity. The part belongs to the whole, and international
merely means going beyond the boundary-posts of the nation, the narrower
limits of the native land; to extend one's horizon to include the whole;
to consider humanity as one family and the world as a home."
[Footnote 64: Liebknecht was wrong. There are dupes who hold that their
international obligations come before their national duties, and
unfortunately in the ranks of these traitors, English M.P.'s may be
found, who receive L400 per annum from the British State, presumably to
aid them in injuring the British cause.]
The error into which British Socialists have fallen--or been led--is
their attitude towards militarism. German Democrats have never denounced
the bearing of arms; they have admitted that arms will always be
necessary, pre-supposing that the world continues along the same lines
of development as heretofore.
They have only objected to the existing _form_[65] of militarism, but
otherwise they have always been unanimous that military training should
be compulsory and universal. Their British _Genossen_ (comrades) have
either misunderstood or wilfully perverted these teachings. German
Socialists have unswervingly insisted upon every man learning the use of
arms, while their British followers have preached absolute disarmament
and done their utmost to betray this country into weakening herself
below the minimum necessary to guard the land, and to maintain the
country's pledges to the world.
[Footnote 65: Kautsky: "Die Internationalitaet und der Krieg" (Vorwaerts
Publishing House, Berlin, 1915), p. 26. "We have fought against the
military system not to make the land defenceless, but in order to
introduce another system in its place, which will give us the necessary
guarantees that the army will always be the tool of the civil
authorities and never their master. When the latter is the case we call
such a condition 'militarism,' and it is against that alone that we
fight." Seeing that military power is absolutely subordinated to the
civil authorities in the case of Great Britain (Mutiny Acts), then
according to the principles of German Socialists their British
colleagues were wrong in all the efforts which they have made against
the armed powers of these islands.]
In Halle, Herr Bebel made this statement: "I have already made it clear
that I consider the efforts of the so-called peace friends towards
disarmament to be useless (_aussichtslos_), because it is unthinkable
that the rival States would agree to legal restrictions concerning
disarmament. If such were made, each would endeavour by secret
preparations to out-do the other. War and national enmity are necessary
products of society, and the existing class distinctions."
The Germans were quite logical in this matter; in effect they said--the
existing States and forms of government make militarism necessary, and
war inevitable. Therefore we declare war to the knife on every existing
government, including Russian Czarism, British constitutionalism, German
autocracy and American republicanism. They are one and all rotten,
unjust and inhuman. Our programme includes their complete overthrow and
the erection in their stead of a _Volksstaat_ (People's State).
The position is perfectly simple, and to those who are sufficiently
ignorant and naive this programme promises an universal salvation, as
delirious in its joy as that expected by African races when bending the
knee before images of wood and stone. German Socialists are pledged just
as irrevocably to the doctrines of brute force as are the Junker and
military powers in the German Fatherland. What is their industrial and
class warfare but an attempt to enforce the doctrine of might is right?
In the official programme drawn up at Erfurt, 1891, there is a paragraph
stating a claim for _uneingeschraenktes Koalitionsrecht_ (absolute and
unlimited right of coalition), which means that the masses may unite to
enforce what they will, and annihilate whom they please. The same rights
of coalition are denied to anyone else, and in the coal-strikes in South
Wales[66] we have a lurid example--such instances could not be found in
Germany--of the absolute and unlimited right of coalition at the risk of
undoing any and every other right.
[Footnote 66: The strikes during the present war.--Author.]
The point is this: German Socialists have declared their intention to
give no allegiance to any existing form of government and to overthrow
them at the earliest possible moment. Do British Socialists accept this
part of the programme?
Throughout German Social Democratic literature we find Mr. Ramsay
Macdonald referred to as _Genosse_ Ramsay Macdonald, which means that he
is considered a full member of the brotherhood. If that is really the
case, and if he accepts their programme as one to be followed here he
would be favouring the substitution of the _volksstaat_ for the British
constitutional monarchy.
In face of this it may be asked why do British members of the Socialist
party take an oath on entering the House of Commons, and why do they
accept L400 per annum to support a national State, if they have pledged
themselves internationally to overthrow it?
The author admits his inability to solve the riddle, but during the
years 1902-1914 he has heard members of all non-Socialist German parties
assert that the German Socialists do not recognize any religious oath,
and sections of the Socialists admit this position. As a party they are
professedly atheistic; therefore when the might of the German State
compels them to take an oath--they take it with an inward
_Rueckversicherung_.
In a word, false-swearing is permitted, when one is obliged by
circumstances, to take an oath to authorities whose right and might the
oath-taker does not admit. So long ago as 1892 the Social Democrats were
publicly charged with condoning perjury in order to rescue fellow
members from the results of breaches of the law. Judge Schmidt in a
court at Breslau said in that year: "Social Democrats have never
concealed the fact that they are hostile to any religious form of oath.
For them the religious importance and responsibility of an oath has no
meaning whatever." Numerous German judges and authors have expressed
themselves in a similar strain.
Readers who are interested in the point are referred to the report[67]
of the Socialist Congress held in Berlin, October, 1892. The party
leaders endeavoured to gloss the matter over with righteous indignation
and ambiguous phrases, but it nevertheless remains a fact that the
desire to counteract effectively, a tendency to perjury among Socialists
led the German Government a few years later to make perjury punishable
by penal servitude up to ten years.
[Footnote 67: All these reports may be seen in the British Museum
Reading Room. Press mark is: 08072d.]
Before leaving the _Volksstaat_ the author only wishes to state that it
lays the axe on every conception of morality, religion and social order
which we esteem. In the place of existing conditions, it would erect a
mob tyranny more degrading to the individual than Czarism or
Republicanism. The mines of Siberia and the tinned-meat factories of
Chicago may enslave the body, but the _Volksstaat_, as portrayed by
Socialist writers and speakers, promises an intellectual
tyranny--hopeless alike to body and soul; and those who have had an
opportunity to observe the brutal tyranny called "party discipline"
which rules the German Social Democrats, will bear the present writer
out in saying that its like, could only be found inside the German army.
The strongest, best organized and most thoroughly disciplined political
party in the world has repeatedly expressed its unalterable
determination to place national before international interests, whenever
these two should seem to be at variance. In the light of these
declarations, the action of German Socialists in giving unreserved
support to the German Government in this war, is not altogether
surprising.
Furthermore, this foundation-stone in their policy ought never to have
been left out of consideration when pondering over their ecstatic
utterances on peace and internationalism.
The communistic manifesto of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, first
published in London in the German language in 1847, contains the
following: "Men say that we Communists wish to destroy the nationality
of the native land. Workmen have no Fatherland. It is impossible to take
away what they do not possess. The Communists scorn to conceal their
views and intentions. We declare openly, that their aims can only be
attained by the violent overthrow of all existing social orders. Let the
ruling classes tremble before a communistic revolution. The proletarians
have nothing but their chains to lose, while they have a world to
gain."[68]
[Footnote 68: "Envy and greed are the two powerful levers by which the
Social Democrats are endeavouring to lift the world off its hinges. They
live by the destruction of every ideal." Treitschke in the "Preussische
Jahrbuecher," vol. 34.]
German Socialists have incorporated these principles _in theory_ in
their programme, but _in practice_ they do not hold them, especially if
their own skins are endangered, together with the Government which is
threatened by "violent overthrow." That is the sum total of their
extensive defence--literature published _since_ the outbreak of the
present war. In its naked reality that is what the guarantee-insurance
policy covered. So long as no danger threatened their own lives, goods
and chattels, such eloquence as the following extracts were shouted into
the world; but when they personally stood face to face with the Moloch
upon which for years they had heaped contemptuous abuse, then national
(_i.e._, personal) interests came first.
Herr Fischer, in his capacity as president of the Socialist Congress in
Berlin, 1892, said:
"The reception of French delegates at Halle, and of Liebknecht at
Marseilles, have proved incontrovertibly that the struggling French
proletarians are of one mind and heart with German Social Democracy. Let
the chauvinists, burning with hate on this and that side the Rhine, urge
us on to war; let the diplomats and Governments of both countries
sacrifice the well-being of the two nations to militarism and the
war-bogey. The working-men in the two countries stretch out their hands
to each other over the frontiers as pioneers of true culture and
morality. They are convinced that there is only one enemy which
separates them, and that it is their common task to fight against and
annihilate this one enemy--capitalism."
"Now as ever, we Social Democrats reply to the Government's military and
economic policy this parole: Not a man and not a farthing will be voted
for this system!"[69]
[Footnote 69: Social Democrat members of the Reichstag in their report
to the annual congress held in Cologne, 1893.]
These quotations have been intentionally taken from speeches, etc.,
published in the early nineties of the last century. If necessary, it
would be an easy matter to fill several volumes of similar matter from
the annual congress reports down to 1913; from the vast mass of German
Social Democratic literature published between 1890 and 1914; and from
the hundred party newspapers and reviews circulated in the Fatherland,
Yet in the face of all these assurances it seemed to us that the German
Socialists had shamefully betrayed their principles on August 4th, 1914,
by giving their unreserved support to "Germany's Holy War."[70]
[Footnote 70: In all Germany, and among all classes, this has become the
popular designation of the European war: "_Unser_ heiliger Krieg."]
Probably the betrayal was not so shameful as it seemed, because the fact
was not made known in this country that the German Socialists had but
imitated Bismarck's policy with Russia and Austria. (Bismarck concluded
a treaty, with the one Power, then behind that Power's back he concluded
a _Rueckversicherungsvertrag_ with the other, _i.e._, a covering
insurance policy intended to protect him against all risks.)
During a quarter of a century, German Social Democrats have been the
most ardent and insistent pioneers of internationalism and
anti-militarism. But it has not been so generally known that they too
have protected their rear by a _Rueckversicherung:_ (1.) They have
consistently taught that every man must learn to bear arms, and that
both man and woman must be prepared to make any sacrifice for their
Fatherland. (2.) They have always held that national interests must be
considered before international palaver.
In Chapter I. we have seen that up till July 28th, 1914, the German
Social Democratic Party considered Austria and Germany to be entirely
responsible for the European crisis. They had then no shadow of doubt,
that Austria alone was guilty for bringing the danger of a European war
to their very doors; from that point we again take up the story.[71]
[Footnote 71: In all the mass of literature published by German
Socialists during the war I have found only one mention of their first
attitude to the war danger. On the first anniversary of the ultimatum to
Serbia (July 23rd, 1915) the _Leipziger Volkszeitung_ contains these
lines in a leading article: "To-day we may not repeat that which we
wrote about the ultimatum in our issue of July 24th, 1914. But there was
no doubt in any section of the Press, that Europe stood on the brink of
war from the moment that ultimatum was despatched."]
Three days later they tacitly agreed that Russia was the guilty party
and acquiesced in the mobilization of the German army. On August 1st
this proclamation occupied the front page of their seventy-seven daily
papers:
"PARTEIGENOSSEN! Military law has been proclaimed. Any hour may bring
with it the outbreak of the world war. Thereby the severest trials
will be imposed upon, not only our nation, but upon the whole of our
continent.
"Up till the last minute the internationalists have done their duty,
and on the other side of our frontiers every nerve is being strained
to preserve peace and to make war impossible.
"If our earnest protests, our repeated endeavours have been without
success, it is because the conditions under which we live have once
again proved stronger than our will, and the will of our workmen
brothers. Hence, whatever comes, we must now face it with firmness.
"The horrible self-laceration of the European peoples, is the cruel
confirmation of our warnings to the ruling classes for more than a
generation; we have spoken admonishingly and in vain.
"_Parteigenossen_ (comrades), we shall not live through coming events
in fatalistic indifference; we shall remain true to our cause; we
shall hold firmly together, permeated by the sublime greatness of our
cultural mission.
"The women, on whom the burden of events presses two and threefold,
have above all, in these serious times, the task of working in the
spirit of Socialism for the high ideals of humanity, so that a
repetition of this dreadful catastrophe may be averted, and this war
may be the last.
"The stern regulations of martial law strike the workmen's movement
with terrible force. Imprudent actions, useless and falsely-conceived
sacrifices, damage in this moment not only the individual, but also
our cause.
"Comrades, we appeal to you to persevere in the unshakable confidence
that the future belongs, in spite of all, to nation-binding Socialism,
to justice and humanity.
"DER PARTEIVORSTAND.
(The leaders of the party.)
"Berlin, July 3ist, 1914."
With these words, millions of German Socialists, represented by four and
a quarter million voters and a hundred and eleven members of the
Reichstag, tacitly denied their previous protestations, that Austrian
Imperialism was letting loose the war-fury on Europe. There are rumours
of a secret consultation with the German Chancellor, but that is of
little import in this place. The leaders of this huge party proclaimed
on July 25th that Austria was the blood-guilty power and maintained this
attitude in spite of bloodshed till 11 p.m. on July 28th. By what
lightning-change Austria's original guilt was transferred to Russia by
July 31st is not recorded.
With regard to the text of the above proclamation, there are variations
to be noted. In the _Vorwaerts_ it runs "within and without our
frontiers" in the second paragraph; the text as I have given it is taken
from the _Leipziger Volkszeitung_. In the fifth paragraph the Nuremberg
_Fraenkische Tagespost_ gives "capitalistic" for "fatalistic."
A few extracts from Socialist newspapers will suffice to illustrate the
complete change of front which happened in three days:
"We Social Democrats in this solemn hour are at one with the whole
German nation, without distinction of party or creed, in accepting the
fight forced upon us by Russian barbarism, and we are ready to fight
till the last drop of blood for Germany's national independence, fame
and greatness." _Der Folksfreund_ (Karlsruhe), August 1st.
"We desired peace and we have done everything humanly possible to secure
that end. But when war is forced upon us by Russian Czarism, then,
whatever the final decision may be, we must drop all class distinctions
and differences of every kind, to form a single, determined people,
prepared to defend Germany's independence and greatness against the
enemy--even to the last drop of blood." _Volksstimme_ (Mannheim), July
31st.
"A defeat would mean collapse, annihilation and horrors most dreadful
for all of us.[72] Our imaginations revolt at such a possibility. Our
representatives in the Reichstag have unanimously declared on
innumerable occasions that the Social Democrats could not leave their
Fatherland in the lurch when the hour of destiny strikes; the workmen
will now redeem the promise given by their representatives. The
'Fatherlandless fellows'[73] will do their duty, and in doing it, will
allow themselves to be surpassed in no wise by the patriots," _Muenchener
Post_, August 1st.
[Footnote 72: These sentiments did not occur to this journalist when
Germany began a ruthless war of invasion on Belgium.--Author.]
[Footnote 73: A phrase of contempt employed by the Kaiser when speaking
of the Social Democrats in 1889, and which became proverbial.]
"Whatever our opponents have done to us, at this moment we all feel the
duty to fight against Russian knout-rule. Our women and children shall
not be sacrificed to Russian bestiality, nor the German people become a
booty for the Cossacks." _Die Volksstimme_ (Chemnitz), August 2nd.
It is possible that even at the end of the war no explanation will be
forthcoming for this astounding change of attitude. Some have suggested
that the Russian or Slavonic danger caused it. Yet just these journals,
and this party, had maintained, so long as any degree of free speech was
permitted, that Austria had provoked the danger, and they were fully
aware that the German Government had from first to last approved of and
openly assisted in provoking, nay challenging, Russia on a question
which involved the latter's prestige and diplomatic existence.
Bethmann-Hollweg gave the alleged Russian mobilization as the immediate
cause of the war, but doubtless the Social Democrats knew full well that
for several days before Russia's mobilization was announced, Germany had
been secretly mobilizing her army. From July 26th till July 30th German
papers contained many reports that Russia was mobilizing; they may have
been true or not, but the diplomatic correspondence published by Austria
and discussed on page 63 shows conclusively that the Central Powers were
baiting Russia into taking that step, and when the greatest Slavonic
power had made the desired move, Germany replied with an ultimatum which
brought about the war, so ardently desired by the great majority of
Germany's warlike tribes.
Britishers who sympathize with German Social Democracy may advance the
plea: If Germany's military preparations were secret, how could the
Social Democrats know of these proceedings? The answer is direct and
simple: Every individual Social Democrat--and men, women, and children,
they number some twenty millions--has for years past been a spy and
informer in the interests of the _Umsturzpartei_ (overthrow-party). All
the happenings of the workshop, barracks, farmyard, shop and office have
been systematically reported to the local Press, and local committees of
the Democratic Party; the ammunitions thus obtained have been just as
systematically employed to fire insidious paragraphs and Press articles
at governments, local authorities, employers, officers, and even the
employers of servant-girls. Of late years it has been dangerous to have
a difference even with a maid-servant; a few days later the inevitable
insidious, anonymous attack would certainly appear in one or other of
the S.D. journals.
One instance will suffice to illustrate the everyday routine of the
class-war (_Klassenkampf_) in which the whole energies of the Social
Democrats have been absorbed for a quarter of a century. An acquaintance
of the author's, Major Schub, in the 19th Infantry Regiment, stationed
in Erlangen, dared some years ago to send his orderly with a she-goat to
a peasant in the district who kept the indispensable he-goat. Two days
later he was pilloried in a Furth paper for calling upon a private
soldier to fulfil such a degrading office. German workmen do not read
the _Vorwaerts_ (its circulation is well under 100,000), but they read
one or other of the seventy purveyors of filth and class hatred which
form the stock-in-trade of the Social Democratic Party.
The author of this work, knew as early as July 25th, that reserve
officers had been warned to hold themselves in readiness; on succeeding
days he saw tangible evidence that mobilization was proceeding
stealthily, and it would be ridiculous for him to claim greater
knowledge than the hundred and eleven S.D. members of the Reichstag, and
the seventy-seven editors of their party papers--especially when these
have an army of millions of spies at their command.
In order to obtain a correct judgment of the motives which actuated
German Social Democrats in their complete support of the German
Government it is necessary to consult the works published by them during
the war. Karl Kautsky writes:[74] "That which under these circumstances,
was most immediate and pressing in determining the attitude to war, not
only for the masses, but also many of our leaders, was the fear of a
hostile invasion, the urgent necessity to keep the enemy out of our
territory, no matter what the causes, object or results of the war may
be. This fear was never greater and more justified than on this
occasion; never have the devastating results of invasion been more
terrible. Belgium and East Prussia speak plainly.
[Footnote 74: "Die Internationalitaet und der Krieg." Berlin, 1915; p.
32.]
"The increased size of the armies greatly extends the unavoidable
desolation of war, and in addition to this a second strongly-working
popular motive decides the attitude of a nation to war, viz., the
interest of the entire people in the fate of an army in which every
family is represented."