Roman History, Books I III - Titus Livius
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The succeeding consuls, Opiter Verginius and Spurius Cassius, first
endeavoured to take Pometia by storm, and afterward by means of
mantlets [20] and other works. But the Auruncans, stirred up against
them more by an irreconcilable hatred than induced by any hopes of
success, or by a favourable opportunity, having sallied forth, more of
them armed with lighted torches than swords, filled all places with
fire and slaughter. Having fired the mantlets, slain and wounded many
of the enemy, they almost succeeded in slaying one of the consuls, who
had been thrown from his horse and severely wounded: which of them it
was, authorities do not mention. Upon this the Romans returned to the
city unsuccessful: the consul was taken back with many more wounded,
with doubtful hope of his recovery. After a short interval, sufficient
for attending to their wounds and recruiting their army, they attacked
Pometia with greater fury and increased strength. When, after the
mantlets and the other military works had been repaired, the soldiers
were on the point of mounting the walls, the town surrendered. Yet,
though the town had surrendered, the Auruncans were treated with no
less cruelty than if it had been taken by assault: the chief men were
beheaded: the rest, who were colonists, were sold by auction, the town
was razed, and the land sold. The consuls obtained a triumph more from
having violently gratified their[21] resentment than in consequence of
the importance of the war thus concluded.
In the following year Postumus Cominius and Titus Larcius were
consuls. In that year, during the celebration of the games at Rome, as
some courtesans were being carried off by some of the Sabine youth
in wanton frolic, a crowd assembled, a quarrel ensued, and almost
a battle: and in consequence of this trifling occurrence the whole
affair seemed to point to a renewal of hostilities, which inspired
even more apprehension than a Latin war. Their fears were further
increased, because it was known for certain that thirty different
states had already entered into a confederacy against them, at the
instigation of Octavius Mamilius. While the state was troubled during
the expectation of such important events, the idea of nominating a
dictator was mentioned for the first time.
But in what year, or who the consuls were in whom confidence was not
reposed, because they belonged to the party of the Tarquins--for that
also is reported--or who was elected dictator for the first time, is
not satisfactorily established. Among the oldest authorities, however,
I find that Titus Larcius was appointed the first dictator, and
Spurius Cassius master of the horse. They chose men of consular
dignity: so the law that was passed for the election of a dictator
ordained. For this reason, I am more inclined to believe that Larcius,
who was of consular rank, was attached to the consuls as their
director and superior, rather than Manius Valerius, the son of Marcus
and grandson of Volesus, who had not vet been consul. Moreover, had
they intended a dictator to be chosen from that family under any
circumstances, they would much rather have chosen his father, Marcus
Valerius, a man of consular rank, and of approved merit. On the first
creation of the dictator at Rome, when they saw the axes carried
before him, great awe came upon the people,[22] so that they became
more attentive to obey orders. For neither, as was the case under the
consuls, who possessed equal power, could the assistance of one of
them be invoked, nor was there any appeal, nor any chance of redress
but in attentive submission. The creation of a dictator at Rome also
terrified the Sabines, and the more so because they thought he was
created on their account. Accordingly, they sent ambassadors to treat
concerning peace. To these, when they earnestly entreated the dictator
and senate to pardon a youthful offence, the answer was given, that
the young men might be forgiven, but not the old, seeing that they
were continually stirring up one war after another. Nevertheless they
continued to treat about peace, which would have been granted, if the
Sabines had brought themselves to make good the expenses incurred
during the war, as was demanded. War was proclaimed; a truce, however,
with the tacit consent of both parties, preserved peace throughout the
year.
Servius Sulpicius and Manius Tullius were consuls the next year:
nothing worth mentioning happened. Titus Aebutius and Gaius Vetusius
succeeded. In their consulship Fideae was besieged, Crustumeria taken,
and Praeneste[23] revolted from the Latins to the Romans. Nor was the
Latin war, which had now been fomenting for several years, any longer
deferred. Aulus Postumius the dictator, and Titus Aebutius his master
of the horse, setting out with a numerous army of horse and foot,
met the enemy's forces at the Lake Regillus,[24] in the territory of
Tusculum, and, because it was rumoured that the Tarquins were in the
army of the Latins, their rage could not be restrained, so that
they immediately came to an engagement. Accordingly, the battle was
considerably more severe and fierce than others. For the generals
were present not only to direct matters by their instructions, but,
exposing their own persons, they met in combat. And there was hardly
one of the principal officers of either army who came off unwounded,
except the Roman dictator. As Postumius was encouraging his men in the
first line, and drawing them up in order, Tarquinius Superbus, though
now advanced in years and enfeebled, urged on his horse to attack him:
and, being wounded in the side, he was carried off by a party of his
men to a place of safety. In like manner, on the other wing, Aebutius,
master of the horse, had charged Octavius Mamilius; nor was his
approach unobserved by the Etruscan general, who in like manner
spurred his horse against him. And such was their impetuosity as they
advanced with lances couched, that Aebutius was pierced through the
arm and Mamilius run through the breast. The Latins received the
latter into their second line; Aebutius, as he was unable to wield
his lance with his wounded arm, retired from the battle. The Latin
general, no way discouraged by his wound, stirred up the fight: and,
because he saw that his own men were disheartened, sent for a company
of Roman exiles, commanded by the son of Lucius Tarquinius. This body,
inasmuch as they fought with greater fury, owing to the loss of their
country, and the seizure of their estates, for a while revived the
battle.
When the Romans were now beginning to give ground in that quarter,
Marcus Valerius, brother of Publicola, having observed young Tarquin
boldly parading himself at the head of his exiles, fired besides with
the renown of his house, that the family, which had gained glory by
having expelled the kings, might also have the glory of destroying
them, put spurs to his horse, and with his javelin couched made toward
Tarquin. Tarquin retreated before his infuriated foe to a battalion of
his own men. As Valerius rode rashly into the line of the exiles, one
of them attacked him and ran him sideways through the body, and as the
horse was in no way impeded by the wound of his rider, the Roman sank
to the ground expiring, with his arms falling over his body. Postumius
the dictator, seeing the fall of so distinguished a man, and that the
exiles were advancing boldly at a run, and his own men disheartened
and giving ground, gave the signal to his own cohort, a chosen body of
men which he kept for the defence of his person, to treat every Roman
soldier, whom they saw fleeing from the battle, as an enemy. Upon this
the Romans, in fear of the danger on both sides, turned from flight
and attacked the enemy, and the battle was restored. The dictator's
cohort then for the first time engaged in the fight, and with persons
and courage unimpaired, fell on the wearied exiles, and cut them
to pieces. There another engagement took place between the leading
officers. The Latin general, on seeing the cohort of the exiles
almost surrounded by the Roman dictator, hurried up some companies of
reserves to the front. Titus Herminius, a lieutenant-general, seeing
them advancing in a body, and recognising Mamilius, distinguished
among them by his armour and dress, encountered the leader of the
enemy with violence so much greater than the master of the horse had
shown a little before, that at one thrust he ran him through the
side and slew him. While stripping the body of his enemy, he himself
received a wound with a javelin, and, though brought back to the camp
victorious, died while it was being dressed. Then the dictator hurried
up to the cavalry, entreating them, as the infantry were tired out, to
dismount and take up the fight. They obeyed his orders, dismounted,
flew to the front, and, taking the place of the first line, covered
themselves with their targets. The infantry immediately recovered
their courage when they saw the young nobles sustaining a share of the
danger with them, the mode of fighting being now the same for
all. Then at length the Latins were beaten back, and their line,
disheartened, gave way. The horses were then brought up to the
cavalry, that they might pursue the enemy: the infantry likewise
followed. Thereupon the dictator, disregarding nothing that held out
hope of divine or human aid, is said to have vowed a temple to Castor,
and to have promised rewards to the first and second of the soldiers
who should enter the enemy's camp. Such was the ardour of the Romans
that they took the camp with the same impetuosity wherewith they had
routed the enemy in the field. Such was the engagement at the Lake
Regillus.
The dictator and master of the horse returned to the city in triumph.
For the next three years there was neither settled peace nor open war.
The consuls were Q. Cloelius and T. Larcius. They were succeeded by
A. Sempronius and M. Minucius. During their consulship a temple was
dedicated to Saturn and the festival of the Saturnalia instituted.
The next consuls were A. Postumius and T. Verginius. I find in some
authors this year given as the date of the battle at Lake Regillus,
and that A. Postumius laid down his consulship because the fidelity
of his colleague was suspected, on which a Dictator was appointed. So
many errors as to dates occur, owing to the order in which the consuls
succeeded being variously given, that the remoteness in time of both
the events and the authorities make it impossible to determine either
which consuls succeeded which, or in what year any particular event
occurred. Ap. Claudius and P. Servilius were the next consuls. This
year is memorable for the news of Tarquin's death. His death took
place at Cuma, whither he had retired, to seek the protection of the
tyrant Aristodemus after the power of the Latins was broken. The news
was received with delight by both senate and plebs. But the elation of
the patricians was carried to excess. Up to that time they had treated
the commons with the utmost deference, now their leaders began to
practice injustice upon them. The same year a fresh batch of colonists
was sent to complete the number at Signia, a colony founded by King
Tarquin. The number of tribes at Rome was increased to twenty-one. The
temple of Mercury was dedicated on May 15.
The relations with the Volscians during the Latin war were neither
friendly nor openly hostile. The Volscians had collected a force which
they were intending to send to the aid of the Latins had not the
Dictator forestalled them by the rapidity of his movements, a rapidity
due to his anxiety to avoid a battle with the combined armies. To
punish them the consuls led the legions into the Volscian country.
This unexpected movement paralysed the Volscians, who were not
expecting retribution for what had been only an intention. Unable
to offer resistance, they gave as hostages three hundred children
belonging to their nobility, drawn from Cora and Pometia. The legions,
accordingly, were marched back without fighting. Relieved from the
immediate danger, the Volscians soon fell back on their old policy,
and after forming an armed alliance with the Hernicans, made secret
preparations for war. They also despatched envoys through the length
and breadth of Latium to induce that nation to join them. But after
their defeat at Lake Regillus the Latins were so incensed against
every one who advocated a resumption of hostilities that they did not
even spare the Volscian envoys, who were arrested and conducted to
Rome. There they were handed over to the consuls and evidence was
produced showing that the Volscians and Hernicans were preparing for
war with Rome. When the matter was brought before the senate, they
were so gratified by the action of the Latins that they sent back six
thousand prisoners who had been sold into slavery, and also referred
to the new magistrates the question of a treaty which they had
hitherto persistently refused to consider. The Latins congratulated
themselves upon the course they had adopted, and the advocates of
peace were in high honour. They sent a golden crown as a gift to
the Capitoline Jupiter. The deputation who brought the gift were
accompanied by a large number of the released prisoners, who visited
the houses where they had worked as slaves to thank their former
masters for the kindness and consideration shown them in their
misfortunes, and to form ties of hospitality with them. At no
previous period had the Latin nation been on more friendly terms both
politically and personally with the Roman government.
But a war with the Volscians was imminent, and the State was torn with
internal dissensions; the patricians and the plebeians were bitterly
hostile to one another, owing mainly to the desperate condition of the
debtors. They loudly complained that whilst fighting in the field
for liberty and empire they were oppressed and enslaved by their
fellow-citizens at home; their freedom was more secure in war than
in peace, safer amongst the enemy than amongst their own people. The
discontent, which was becoming of itself continually more embittered,
was still further aggravated by the striking sufferings of an
individual. A man advanced in years rushed into the forum with the
tokens of his utter misery upon him. His clothes were covered with
filth, his personal appearance still more pitiable, pale, and
emaciated. In addition, a long beard and hair gave a wild look to his
countenance. Notwithstanding his wretched appearance however, he
was recognised, and people said that he had been a centurion, and,
compassionating him, recounted other distinctions that he had gained
in war: he himself exhibited scars on his breast in front, which bore
witness to honourable battles in several places. When they repeatedly
inquired the reason of his plight, and wretched appearance, a crowd
having now gathered round him almost like a regular assembly, he said,
that, while serving in the Sabine war, because he had not only been
deprived of the produce of his land in consequence of the depredations
of the enemy, but his residence had also been burned down, all his
effects pillaged, his cattle driven off, and a tax imposed on him at a
time when it pressed most hardly upon him, he had got into debt: that
this debt, increased by exorbitant interest, had stripped him first of
his father's and grandfather's farm, then of all his other property;
lastly that, like a wasting sickness, it had reached his person: that
he had been dragged by his creditor, not into servitude, but into a
house of correction and a place of torture. He then showed his back
disfigured with the marks of recent scourging. At this sight and these
words a great uproar arose. The tumult now no longer confined itself
to the forum, but spread everywhere through the entire city. The
nexi,[25] both those who were imprisoned, and those who were now at
liberty, hurried into the streets from all quarters and implored the
protection of the Quirites. Nowhere was there lack of volunteers to
join the disturbance. They ran in crowds through all the streets, from
all points, to the forum with loud shouts. Such of the senators as
happened to be in the forum fell in with this mob at great peril to
themselves; and it might not have refrained from actual violence
had not the consuls, Publius Servilius and Appius Claudius, hastily
interfered to quell the disturbance. The multitude, however, turning
toward them, and showing their chains and other marks of wretchedness,
said that they deserved all this,[26] mentioning, each of them, in
reproachful terms, the military services performed by himself, by
one in one place, by another in another. They called upon them with
menaces, rather than entreaties, to assemble the senate, and stood
round the senate-house in a body, determined themselves to be
witnesses and directors of the public resolves. Very few of the
senators, whom chance had thrown in the way, were got together by the
consuls; fear kept the rest away not only from the senate-house, but
even from the forum, and no business could be transacted owing to
their small attendance. Then indeed the people began to think they
were being tricked, and put off: and that such of the senators as
absented themselves did so not through accident or fear, but with the
express purpose of obstructing business: that the consuls themselves
were shuffling, that their miseries were without doubt held up to
ridicule. Matters had now almost come to such a pass that not even
the majesty of the consuls could restrain the violence of the people.
Wherefore, uncertain whether they would incur greater danger by
staying at home, or venturing abroad, they at length came into the
senate; but, though the house was now by this time full, not only were
the senators unable to agree, but even the consuls themselves. Appius,
a man of violent temperament, thought the matter ought to be settled
by the authority of the consuls, and that, if one or two were seized,
the rest would keep quiet. Servilius, more inclined to moderate
remedies, thought that, while their minds were in this state of
excitement, they could be bent with greater ease and safety than they
could be broken.
Meanwhile an alarm of a more serious nature presented itself. Some
Latin horse came full speed to Rome, with the alarming news that the
Volscians were marching with a hostile army to besiege the city.
This announcement--so completely had discord split the state into
two--affected the senators and people in a far different manner. The
people exulted with joy, and said that the gods were coming to take
vengeance on the tyranny of the patricians. They encouraged one
another not to give in their names,[27] declaring that it was better
that all should perish together than that they should perish alone.
Let the patricians serve as soldiers; let the patricians take up arms,
so that those who reaped the advantages of war should also undergo its
dangers. But the senate, dejected and confounded by the double alarm
they felt, inspired both by their own countryman and by the enemy,
entreated the consul Servilius, whose disposition was more inclined to
favour the people, that he would extricate the commonwealth, beset as
it was with so great terrors. Then the consul, having dismissed the
senate, came forward into the assembly. There he declared that the
senate were solicitous that the interests of the people should be
consulted: but that alarm for the safety of the whole commonwealth had
interrupted their deliberation regarding that portion of the state,
which, though indeed the largest portion, was yet only a portion: nor
could they, seeing that the enemy were almost at the gates, allow
anything to take precedence of the war: nor, even though there should
be some respite, was it either to the credit of the people not to have
taken up arms in defence of their country unless they first received
pay, nor consistent with the dignity of the senators to have adopted
measures of relief for the distressed fortunes of their countrymen
through fear rather than afterward of their own free will. He then
further gave his speech the stamp of sincerity by an edict, by which
he ordained that no one should detain a Roman citizen either in chains
or in prison, so that he would thereby be deprived of the opportunity
of enrolling his name under the consuls, and that no one should either
take possession of or sell the goods of any soldier, while on service,
or detain his children or grandchildren in custody for debt. On
the publication of this edict, both the debtors who were present
immediately gave in their names, and crowds of persons, hastening from
all quarters of the city from private houses, as their creditors had
no right to detain their persons, ran together into the forum, to take
the military oath. These made up a considerable body of men, nor did
any others exhibit more conspicuous bravery or activity during the
Volscian war. The consul led out his forces against the enemy, and
pitched his camp at a little distance from them.
The next night the Volscians, relying on the dissension among the
Romans, made an attempt on their camp, to see if there were any chance
of desertion or treachery during the night. The sentinels on guard
perceived them: the army was called up, and, the signals being given,
they ran to arms. Thus the attempt of the Volscians was frustrated;
the remainder of the night was given up to repose on both sides. The
next morning at daybreak the Volscians, having filled the trenches,
attacked the rampart. And already the fortifications were being
demolished on every side, when the consul, after having delayed a
little while for the purpose of testing the feelings of the soldiers,
although all from every quarter, and before all the debtors, were
crying out for him to give the signal, at length, when their great
eagerness became unmistakable, gave the signal for sallying forth, and
let out the soldiery impatient for the fight. At the very first onset
the enemy was routed; the fugitives were harassed in the rear, as far
as the infantry were able to follow them: the cavalry drove then in
consternation up to their camp. In a short time the legions having
been drawn around it, the camp itself was taken and plundered, since
panic had driven the Volscians even from thence also. On the next
day the legions were led to Suessa Pometia, whither the enemy had
retreated. In a few days the town was taken, and, after being taken,
was given up for plunder, whereby the needs of the soldiers were
somewhat relieved. The consul led back his victorious army to Rome
with the greatest renown to himself. On his departure for Rome, he was
met by the deputies of the Ecetrans, a tribe of the Volscians, who
were alarmed for the safety of their state after the capture of
Pometia. By a decree of the senate peace was granted them, but they
were deprived of their land.
Immediately after this the Sabines also frightened the Romans: for it
was rather an alarm than a war. News was brought into the city during
the night that a Sabine army had advanced as far as the river Anio,
plundering the country: that the country houses there were being
pillaged and set fire to indiscriminately. Aulus Postumius, who had
been dictator in the Latin war, was immediately sent thither with all
the cavalry forces. The consul Servilius followed him with a picked
body of infantry. The cavalry cut off most of the stragglers; nor
did the Sabine legions make any resistance against the battalion of
infantry when it came up with them. Tired both by their march and
nightly raids, surfeited with eating and drinking in the country
houses, a great number of them had scarcely sufficient strength to
flee. Thus the Sabine war was heard of and finished in a single night.
On the following day, when all were sanguine that peace had been
secured in every quarter, ambassadors from the Auruncans presented
themselves before the senate, threatening to declare war unless the
troops were withdrawn from the Volscian territory. The army of the
Auruncans had set out from home at the same time as the ambassadors,
and the report that this army had been seen not far from Aricia threw
the Romans into such a state of confusion that neither could the
senate be consulted in regular form, nor could the Romans, while
themselves taking up arms, give a pacific answer to those who were
advancing to attack them. They marched to Aricia in hostile array,
engaged with the Auruncans not far from that town and in one battle
the war was ended.
After the defeat of the Auruncans, the people of Rome, victorious in
so many wars within a few days, were looking to the consul to fulfill
his promises, and to the senate to keep their word, when Appius, both
from his natural pride, and in order to undermine the credit of his
colleague, issued a decree concerning borrowed money in the harshest
possible terms. From this time, both those who had been formerly in
confinement were delivered up to their creditors, and others also were
taken into custody. Whenever this happened to any soldier, he appealed
to the other consul. A crowd gathered about Servilius: they threw his
promises in his teeth, severally upbraiding him with their services in
war, and the scars they had received. They called upon him either
to lay the matter before the senate, or, as consul, to assist his
fellow-citizens, as commander, his soldiers. These remonstrances
affected the consul, but the situation of affairs obliged him to act
in a shuffling manner: so completely had not only his colleague,
but the whole of the patrician party, enthusiastically taken up the
opposite cause. And thus, by playing a middle part, he neither escaped
the odium of the people, nor gained the favour of the senators.
The patricians looked upon him as wanting in energy and a
popularity-hunting consul, the people, as deceitful: and it soon
became evident that he had become as unpopular as Appius himself. A
dispute had arisen between the consuls, as to which of them should
dedicate the Temple of Mercury. The senate referred the matter from
themselves to the people, and ordained that, to whichever of them the
task of dedication should be intrusted by order of the people, he
should preside over the markets, establish a guild of merchants,[28]
and perform the ceremonies in presence of the Pontifex Maximus. The
people intrusted the dedication of the temple to Marcus Laetorius, a
centurion of the firstrank, which, as would be clear to all, was done
not so muchout of respect to a person on whom an office above his rank
had been conferred, as to affront the consuls. Upon this one of the
consuls particularly, and the senators were highly incensed: however,
the people had gained fresh courage, and proceeded in quite a
different manner to what they had at first intended. For when they
despaired of redress from the consuls and senate, whenever they saw a
debtor led into court, they rushed together from all quarters. Neither
could the decree of the consul be heard distinctly for the noise and
shouting, nor, when he had pronounced the decree, did any one obey
it. Violence was the order of the day, and apprehension and danger in
regard to personal liberty was entirely transferred from the debtors
to the creditors, who were individually maltreated by the crowd before
the very eyes of the consul. In addition, the dread of the Sabine war
spread, and when a levy was decreed, nobody gave in his name: Appius
was enraged, and bitterly inveighed against the self-seeking conduct
of his colleague, in that he, by the inactivity he displayed to win
the favour of the people, was betraying the republic, and, besides not
having enforced justice in the matter of debt, likewise neglected
even to hold a levy, in obedience to the decree of the senate. Yet
he declared that the commonwealth was not entirely deserted, nor the
consular authority altogether degraded; that he, alone and unaided,
would vindicate both his own dignity and that of the senators. When
day by day the mob, emboldened by license, stood round him, he
commanded a noted ringleader of the seditious outbreaks to be
arrested. He, as he was being dragged off by the lictors, appealed
to the people; nor would the consul have allowed the appeal, because
there was no doubt regarding the decision of the people, had not his
obstinacy been with difficulty overcome, rather by the advice and
influence of the leading men, than by the clamours of the people; with
such a superabundance of courage was he endowed to support the weight
of public odium. The evil gained ground daily, not only by open
clamours, but, what was far more dangerous, by secession and by secret
conferences. At length the consuls, so odious to the commons, resigned
office, Servilius liked by neither party, Appius highly esteemed by
the senators.