Roman History, Books I III - Titus Livius
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While Horatius was exclaiming thus and the decemvirs could not
discover the proper bounds either of their anger or forbearance, nor
saw how the matter would end, Gaius Claudius, who was the uncle
of Appius the decemvir, delivered an address more in the style of
entreaty than reproach, beseeching him by the shade of his brother and
of his father, that he would hold in recollection the civil society
in which he had been born, rather than the confederacy nefariously
entered into with his colleagues, adding that he besought this much
more on Appius's own account, than for the sake of the commonwealth.
For the commonwealth would claim its rights in spite of them, if it
could not obtain them with their consent: that however, from a great
contest great animosities were generally aroused: it was the result of
the latter that he dreaded. Though the decemvirs forbade them to speak
on any subject save that which they had submitted to them, they felt
too much respect for Claudius to interrupt him He therefore concluded
the expression of his opinion by moving that it was their wish that no
decree of the senate should be passed. And all understood the matter
thus, that they were judged by Claudius to be private citizens;[49]
and many of those of consular standing expressed their assent in
words. Another measure, more severe in appearance, which ordered the
patricians to assemble to nominate an interrex, in reality had much
less force; for by this motion the mover gave expression to a decided
opinion that those persons were magistrates of some kind or other who
might hold a meeting of the senate, while he who recommended that
no decree of the senate should be passed, had thereby declared them
private citizens. When the cause of the decemvirs was now failing,
Lucius Cornelius Maluginensis, brother of Marcus Cornelius the
decemvir, having been purposely reserved from among those of consular
rank to close the debate, by affecting an anxiety about the war,
defended his brother and his colleagues by declaring that he wondered
by what fatality it had occurred, that those who had been candidates
for the decemvirate, either these or their friends, had above all
others attacked the decemvirs: or why, when no one had disputed for
so many months while the state was free from anxiety, whether legal
magistrates were at the head of affairs, they now at length sowed
the seeds of civil discord, when the enemy were nearly at the gates,
except it were that in a state of confusion they thought that their
object would be less clearly seen through. For the rest, it was unfair
that any one should prejudge a matter of such importance, while their
minds were occupied with a more momentous concern. It was his opinion
that, in regard to what Valerius and Horatius alleged--that the
decemvirs had gone out of office before the ides of May--the matter
should be discussed in the senate and left to them to decide, when the
wars which were now impending were over, and the commonwealth restored
to tranquility, and that Appius Claudius was even now preparing to
take notice that an account had to be rendered by him of the election
which he himself as decemvir held for electing decemvirs, whether they
were elected for one year, or until the laws, which were wanting,
were ratified. It was his opinion that all other matters should be
disregarded for the present, except the war; and if they thought that
the reports regarding it were propagated without foundation, and that
not only the messengers but also the ambassadors of the Tusculans had
stated what was false, he thought that scouts should be dispatched to
bring back more certain information; but if credit were given both to
the messengers and the ambassadors, that the levy should be held at
the very earliest opportunity; that the decemvirs should lead the
armies, whither each thought proper: and that no other matter should
take precedence.
The junior patricians almost succeeded in getting this resolution
passed on a division. Accordingly, Valerius and Horatius, rising again
with greater vehemence, loudly demanded that it should be allowed them
to express their sentiments concerning the republic; that they would
address a meeting of the people, if owing to party efforts they were
not allowed to do so in the senate: for that private individuals,
whether in the senate or in a general assembly, could not prevent
them: nor would they yield to their imaginary fasces. Appius, now
considering that the crisis was already nigh at hand, when their
authority would be overpowered, unless the violence of these were
resisted with equal boldness, said, "It will be better for you not to
utter a word on any subject, except the subject of discussion";
and against Valerius, when he refused to be silent for a private
individual, he commanded a lictor to proceed. When Valerius, from
the threshold of the senate-house, now craved the protection of the
citizens, Lucius Cornelius, embracing Appius, put an end to the
struggle, not in reality consulting the interest of him whose interest
he pretended to consult;[50] and after permission to say what he
pleased had been obtained for Valerius by means of Cornelius, when
this liberty did not extend beyond words, the decemvirs attained their
object. The men of consular rank also and senior members, from the
hatred of tribunician power still rankling in their bosoms, the
longing for which they considered was much more keenly felt by the
commons than for the consular power, almost preferred that the
decemvirs themselves should voluntarily resign their office at some
future period, than that the people should once more become prominent
through hatred against these. If the matter, quietly conducted, should
again return to the consuls without popular turbulence, that the
commons might be induced to forget their tribunes, either by the
intervention of wars or by the moderation of the consuls in exercising
their authority.
A levy was proclaimed without objection on the part of the patricians;
the young men answered to their names, as the government was without
appeal. The legions having been enrolled, the decemvirs proceeded to
arrange among themselves who should set out to the war, who should
command the armies. The leading men among the decemvirs were Quintus
Fabius and Appius Claudius. The war at home appeared more serious than
abroad. The decemvirs considered the violence of Appius better
suited to suppress commotions in the city; that Fabius possessed
a disposition rather lacking in firmness in a good purpose than
energetic in a bad one. For this man, formerly distinguished at home
and abroad, had been so altered by his office of decemvir and the
influence of his colleagues that he chose rather to be like Appius
than like himself. To him the war among the Sabines was intrusted,
Manius Rabuleius and Quintus Paetilius being sent with him as
colleagues. Marcus Cornelius was sent to Algidum with Lucius Minucius,
Titus Antonius, Caeso Duillius, and Marcus Sergius: they appointed
Spurius Oppius to assist Appius Claudius in protecting the city, while
all the decemvirs were to enjoy equal authority.
The republic was managed with no better success in war than at home.
In this the only fault in the generals was, that they had rendered
themselves objects of hatred to their fellow-citizens: in other
respects the entire blame lay with the soldiers, who, lest any
enterprise should be successfully conducted under the leadership and
auspices of the decemvirs, suffered themselves to be beaten, to their
own disgrace and that of their generals. Their armies were routed both
by the Sabines at Eretum, and by the AEquans in Algidum. Fleeing from
Eretum during the silence of the night, they fortified their camp
nearer the city, on an elevated position between Fidenae and
Crustumeria; nowhere encountering on equal ground the enemy who
pursued them, they protected themselves by the nature of the ground
and a rampart, not by valour or arms. Their conduct was more
disgraceful, and greater loss also was sustained in Algidum; their
camp too was lost, and the soldiers, stripped of all their arms,
munitions, and supplies, betook themselves to Tusculum, determined to
procure the means of subsistence from the good faith and compassion of
their hosts, and in these, notwithstanding their conduct, they were
not disappointed. Such alarming accounts were brought to Rome, that
the patricians, having now laid aside their hatred of the decemvirs,
passed an order that watches should be held in the city, and commanded
that all who were not hindered by reason of their age from carrying
arms, should mount guard on the walls, and form outposts before the
gates; they also voted that arms should be sent to Tusculum, besides
a re-enforcement; and that the decemvirs should come down from the
citadel of Tusculum and keep their troops encamped; that the other
camp should be removed from Fidenas into Sabine territory, and the
enemy, by their thus attacking them first, should be deterred from
entertaining any idea of assaulting the city.
In addition to the reverses sustained at the hands of the enemy, the
decemvirs were guilty of two monstrous deeds, one abroad, and the
other in the city. They sent Lucius Siccius, who was quartered among
the Sabines, to take observations for the purpose of selecting a site
for a camp: he, availing himself of the unpopularity of the decemvirs,
was introducing, in his secret conversations with the common soldiers,
suggestions of a secession and the election of tribunes: the soldiers,
whom they had sent to accompany him in that expedition, were
commissioned to attack him in a convenient place and slay him. They
did not kill him with impunity; several of the assassins fell around
him, as he offered resistance, since, possessing great personal
strength and displaying courage equal to that strength, he defended
himself against them, although surrounded. The rest brought news into
the camp that Siccius, while fighting bravely, had fallen into an
ambush, and that some soldiers had been lost with him. At first the
account was believed; afterward a party of men, who went by permission
of the decemvirs to bury those who had fallen, when they observed that
none of the bodies there were stripped, and that Siccius lay in the
midst fully armed, and that all the bodies were turned toward him,
while there was neither the body of any of the enemy, nor any traces
of their departure, brought back his body, saying that he had
assuredly been slain by his own men. The camp was now filled with
indignation, and it was resolved that Siccius should be forthwith
brought to Rome, had not the decemvirs hastened to bury him with
military honours at the public expense. He was buried amid the great
grief of the soldiery, and with the worst possible infamy of the
decemvirs among the common people.
Another monstrous deed followed in the city, originating in lust, and
attended by results not less tragical than that deed which had brought
about the expulsion of the Tarquins from the city and the throne
through the violation and death of Lucretia: so that the decemvirs not
only came to the same end as the kings, but the reason also of their
losing their power was the same. Appius Claudius was seized with a
criminal passion for violating the person of a young woman of plebeian
rank. Lucius Verginius, the girl's father, held an honourable
rank among the centurions at Algidum, a man who was a pattern of
uprightness both at home and in the service. His wife and children
were brought up in the same manner. He had betrothed his daughter to
Lucius Icilius, who had been tribune, a man of spirit and of approved
zeal in the interest of the people. Appius, burning with desire,
attempted to seduce by bribes and promises this young woman, now grown
up, and of distinguished beauty; and when he perceived that all the
avenues of his lust were barred by modesty, he turned his thoughts to
cruel and tyrannical violence. Considering that, as the girl's father
was absent, there was an opportunity for committing the wrong; he
instructed a dependent of his, Marcus Claudius, to claim the girl as
his slave, and not to yield to those who demanded her enjoyment of
liberty pending judgment. The tool of the decemvir's lust laid hands
on the girl as she was coming into the forum--for there the elementary
schools were held in booths--calling her the daughter of his slave and
a slave herself, and commanded her to follow him, declaring that he
would drag her off by force if she demurred. The girl being struck
dumb with terror, a crowd collected at the cries of her nurse, who
besought the protection of the citizens. The popular names of her
father, Verginius, and of her betrothed, Icilius, were in every one's
mouth. Esteem for them gained the good-will of their acquaintances,
the heinousness of the proceeding, that of the crowd. She was now
safe from violence, forasmuch as the claimant said that there was no
occasion for rousing the mob; that he was proceeding by law, not by
force. He summoned the girl into court. Her supporters advising her
to follow him, they reached the tribunal of Appius. The claimant
rehearsed the farce well known to the judge, as being in presence of
the actual author of the plot, that the girl, born in his house, and
clandestinely transferred from thence to the house of Verginius, had
been fathered on the latter: that what he stated was established
by certain evidence, and that he would prove it, even if Verginius
himself, who would be the principal sufferer, were judge: that
meanwhile it was only fair the servant should accompany her master.
The supporters of Verginia, after they had urged that Verginius was
absent on business of the state, that he would be present in two days
if word were sent to him, and that it was unfair that in his absence
he should run any risk regarding his children, demanded that Appius
should adjourn the whole matter till the arrival of the father; that
he should allow the claim for her liberty pending judgment according
to the law passed by himself, and not allow a maiden of ripe age to
encounter the risk of her reputation before that of her liberty.
Appius prefaced his decision by observing that the very same law,
which the friends of Verginius put forward as the plea of their
demand, showed how strongly he himself was in favour of liberty: that
liberty, however, would find secure protection in the law on this
condition only, that it varied neither with respect to cases or
persons. For with respect to those individuals who were claimed as
free, that point of law was good, because any citizen could proceed by
law in such a matter: but in the case of her who was in the hands of
her father, there was no other person in whose favour her master need
relinquish his right of possession.[51] That it was his decision,
therefore, that her father should be sent for: that, in the meantime,
the claimant should not be deprived of the right, which allowed him
to carry off the girl with him, at the same time promising that she
should be produced on the arrival of him who was called her father.
When there were many who murmured against the injustice of this
decision rather than any one individual who ventured to protest
against it, the girl's great-uncle, Publius Numitorius, and her
betrothed, Icilius, appeared on the scene: and, way being made for
them through the crowd, the multitude thinking that Appius could be
most effectually resisted by the intervention of Icilius, the lictor
declared that he had decided the matter, and attempted to remove
Icilius, when he began to raise his voice. Such a monstrous injustice
would have fired even a cool temper. "By the sword, Appius," said he,
"must I be removed hence, that you may secure silence about that which
you wish to be concealed. This young woman I am about to marry, to
have and to hold as my lawful wife. Wherefore call together all the
lictors of your colleagues also; order the rods and axes to be got
ready: the betrothed wife of Icilius shall not pass the night outside
her father's house. No: though you have taken from us the aid of our
tribunes, and the power of appeal to the commons of Rome, the two
bulwarks for the maintenance of our liberty, absolute authority has
not therefore been given to your lust over our wives and children.
Vent your fury on our backs and necks; let chastity at least be
secure. If violence shall be offered to her, I shall implore the
protection of the citizens here present on behalf of my betrothed,
Verginius that of the soldiers on behalf of his only daughter, all of
us the protection of gods and men, nor shall you carry that sentence
into effect without our blood. I demand of you, Appius, consider again
and again to what lengths you are proceeding. Verginius, when he
comes, will see to it, what conduct he is to pursue with respect to
his daughter: only let him be assured of this, that if he yields to
the claims of this man, he will have to look out for another match for
his daughter. As for my part, in vindicating the liberty of my spouse,
life shall leave me sooner than honour."
The multitude was now roused, and a contest seemed threatening. The
lictors had taken their stand around Icilius; they did not, however,
proceed beyond threats, while Appius said that it was not Verginia who
was being defended by Icilius, but that, being a restless man, and
even now breathing the spirit of the tribuneship, he was seeking an
opportunity for creating a disturbance. That he would not afford him
the chance of doing so on that day; but in order that he might now
know that the concession had been made not to his petulance, but to
the absent Verginius, to the name of father and to liberty, that he
would not decide the case on that day, nor introduce a decree: that he
would request Marcus Claudius to forego somewhat of his right, and to
suffer the girl to be bailed till the next day. However, unless the
father attended on the following day, he gave notice to Icilius and to
men like Icilius, that, as the framer of it, he would maintain his own
law, as a decemvir, his firmness: that he would certainly not assemble
the lictors of his colleagues to put down the promoters of sedition;
that he would be content with his own. When the time of this act
of injustice had been deferred, and the friends of the maiden had
retired, it was first of all determined that the brother of Icilius,
and the son of Numitorius, both active young men, should proceed
thence straight to the city gate, and that Verginius should be
summoned from the camp with all possible haste: that the safety of the
girl depended on his being present next day at the proper time, to
protect her from wrong. They proceeded according to directions, and
galloping at full speed, carried the news to her father. When the
claimant of the maiden was pressing Icilius to lay claim to her, and
give bail for her appearance, and Icilius said that that was the very
thing that was being done, purposely wasting the time, until the
messengers sent to the camp should finish their journey, the multitude
raised their hands on all sides, and every one showed himself ready
to go surety for Icilius. And he, with his eyes full of tears, said:
"This is a great favour; to-morrow I will avail myself of your
assistance: at present I have sufficient sureties." Thus Verginia was
bailed on the security of her relations. Appius, having delayed a
short time, that he might not appear to have sat on account of that
case alone, when no one made application to him, all other concerns
being set aside owing to the interest displayed in this one case,
betook himself home, and wrote to his colleague in the camp, not
to grant leave of absence to Verginius, and even to keep him in
confinement. This wicked scheme was too late, as it deserved: for
Verginius, having already obtained his leave had set out at the first
watch, while the letter regarding his detention was delivered on the
following morning without effect.
But in the city, at daybreak, when the citizens were standing in the
forum on the tiptoe of expectation, Verginius, clad in mourning,
conducted his daughter, also shabbily attired, attended by some
matrons, into the forum, with a considerable body of supporters. He
there began to go around and solicit people: and not only entreated
their aid given out of kindness, but demanded it as a right: saying
that he stood daily in the field of battle in defence of their wives
and children, nor was there any other man, whose brave and intrepid
deeds in war could be recorded in greater numbers. What availed it,
if, while the city was secure from dangers, their children had to
endure these calamities, which were the worst that could be dreaded if
it were taken? Uttering these words just like one delivering a public
harangue, he solicited the people individually. Similar arguments were
put forward by Icilius: the attendant throng of women produced more
effect by their silent tears than any words. With a mind stubbornly
proof against all this--such an attack of frenzy, rather than of love,
had perverted his mind--Appius ascended the tribunal, and when the
claimant went on to complain briefly, that justice had not been
administered to him on the preceding day through party influence,
before either he could go through with his claim, or an opportunity of
reply was afforded to Verginius, Appius interrupted him. The preamble
with which he prefaced his decision, ancient authors may have handed
down perhaps with some degree of truth; but since I nowhere find any
that is probable in the case of so scandalous a decision, I think it
best to state the bare fact, which is generally admitted, that he
passed a sentence consigning her to slavery. At first a feeling of
bewilderment astounded all, caused by amazement at so heinous a
proceeding: then for some time silence prevailed. Then, when Marcus
Claudius proceeded to seize the maiden, while the matrons stood
around, and was met by the piteous lamentations of the women,
Verginius, menacingly stretching forth his hands toward Appius, said:
"To Icilius, and not to you, Appius, have I betrothed my daughter, and
for matrimony, not for prostitution, have I brought her up. Would
you have men gratify their lust promiscuously, like cattle and wild
beasts? Whether these persons will endure such things, I know not; I
do not think that those will do so who have arms in their hands."
When the claimant of the girl was repulsed by the crowd of women and
supporters who were standing around her, silence was proclaimed by the
crier.
The decemvir, as if he had lost his reason owing to his passion,
stated that not only from Icilius's abusive harangue of the day
before, and the violence of Verginius, of which he could produce the
entire Roman people as witnesses, but from authentic information
also he had ascertained that secret meetings were held in the city
throughout the night with the object of stirring up sedition: that
he, accordingly, being aware of that danger, had come down with armed
soldiers, not to molest any peaceable person, but in order to punish,
as the majesty of the government demanded, those who disturbed the
tranquility of the state. "It will, therefore," said he, "be better to
remain quiet: go, lictor, disperse the crowd, and clear the way for
the master to lay hold of his slave." After he had thundered out these
words, full of wrath, the multitude of their own accord dispersed, and
the girl stood deserted, a sacrifice to injustice. Then Verginius,
when he saw no aid anywhere, said: "I beg you, Appius, first pardon a
father's grief, if I have attacked you too harshly: in the next place,
suffer me to ask the nurse here in presence of the maiden, what all
this means, that, if I have been falsely called her father, I may
depart hence with mind more tranquil." Permission having been granted,
he drew the girl and the nurse aside to the booths near the chapel
of Cloacina,[52] which now go by the name of the New Booths:[53] and
there, snatching a knife from a butcher, "In this, the only one way I
can, my daughter," said he, "do I secure to you your liberty." He
then plunged it into the girl's breast, and looking back toward the
tribunal, said "With this blood I devote thee,[54] Appius, and thy
head!" Appius, aroused by the cry raised at so dreadful a deed,
ordered Verginius to be seized. He, armed with the knife, cleared the
way whithersoever he went, until, protected by the crowd of persons
attending him, he reached the gate. Icilius and Numitorius took up the
lifeless body and showed it to the people; they deplored the villainy
of Appius, the fatal beauty of the maiden, and the cruel lot of the
father.[55] The matrons, following, cried out: Was this the condition
of rearing children? Were these the rewards of chastity? And other
things which female grief on such occasions suggests, when their
complaints are so much the more affecting, in proportion as their
grief is more intense from their want of self-control. The men, and
more especially Icilius, spoke of nothing but the tribunician power,
and the right of appeal to the people which had been taken from them,
and gave vent to their indignation in regard to the condition of
public affairs.