Roman History, Books I III - Titus Livius
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The justice and piety of Numa Pompilius was at that time celebrated.
He dwelt at Cures, a city of the Sabines, and was as eminently learned
in all law, human and divine, as any man could be in that age. They
falsely represent that Pythagoras of Samos was his instructor in
learning, because there appears no other. Now it is certain that this
philosopher, in the reign of Servius Tullius, more than a hundred
years after this, held assemblies of young men, who eagerly
embraced his doctrines, on the most distant shore of Italy, in the
neighbourhood of Metapontum, Heraclea, and Croton. But from these
places, even had he flourished in the same age, what fame of his could
have reached the Sabines? or by what intercourse of language could it
have aroused any one to a desire of learning? Or by what safeguard
could a single man have passed through the midst of so many nations
differing in language and customs? I am therefore rather inclined to
believe that his mind, owing to his natural bent, was attempered by
virtuous qualities, and that he was not so much versed in foreign
systems of philosophy as in the stern and gloomy training of the
ancient Sabines, a race than which none was in former times more
strict. When they heard the name of Numa, although the Roman fathers
perceived that the balance of power would incline to the Sabines if
a king were chosen from them, yet none of them ventured to prefer
himself, or any other member of his party, or, in fine, any of the
citizens or fathers, to a man so well known, but unanimously resolved
that the kingdom should be offered to Numa Pompilius. Being sent for,
just as Romulus obtained the throne by the augury in accordance with
which he founded the city, so Numa in like manner commanded the gods
to be consulted concerning himself. Upon this, being escorted into the
citadel by an augur, to whose profession that office was later made
a public and perpetual one by way of honour, he sat down on a stone
facing the south: the augur took his seaton his left hand with his
head covered, holding in his right a crooked wand free from knots,
called lituus; then, after having taken a view over the city and
country, and offered a prayer to the gods, he defined the bounds of
the regions of the sky from east to west: the parts toward the south
he called the right, those toward the north, the left; and in front of
him he marked out in his mind the sign as far as ever his eyes could
see. Then having shifted the lituus into his left hand, and placed
his right on the head of Numa, he prayed after this manner: "O father
Jupiter, if it be thy will that this Numa Pompilius, whose head I
hold, be king of Rome, mayest thou manifest infallible signs to us
within those bounds which I have marked." Then he stated in set terms
the auspices which he wished to be sent: on their being sent, Numa was
declared king and came down from the seat of augury.
Having thus obtained the kingdom, he set about establishing anew, on
the principles of law and morality, the newly founded city that had
been already established by force of arms. When he saw that the
inhabitants, inasmuch as men's minds are brutalized by military life,
could not become reconciled to such principles during the continuance
of wars, considering that the savage nature of the people must
be toned down by the disuse of arms, he erected at the foot of
Argiletum[18] a temple of Janus, as a sign of peace and war, that when
open, it might show that the state was engaged in war, and when shut,
that all the surrounding nations were at peace. Twice only since the
reign of Numa has this temple been shut: once when Titus Manlius was
consul, after the conclusion of the first Punic war; and a second
time, which the gods granted our generation to behold, by the Emperor
Caesar Augustus, after the battle of Actium, when peace was established
by land and sea. This being shut, after he had secured the friendship
of all the neighbouring states around by alliance and treaties, all
anxiety regarding dangers from abroad being now removed, in order to
prevent their minds, which the fear of enemies and military discipline
had kept in check, running riot from too much leisure, he considered,
that, first of all, awe of the gods should be instilled into them,
a principle of the greatest efficacy in dealing with the multitude,
ignorant and uncivilized as it was in those times. But as this fear
could not sink deeply into their minds without some fiction of a
miracle, he pretended that he held nightly interviews with the goddess
Egeria; that by her direction he instituted sacred rites such as would
be most acceptable to the gods, and appointed their own priests for
each of the deities. And, first of all, he divided the year into
twelve months, according to the courses of the moon;[19] and because
the moon does not fill up the number of thirty days in each month, and
some days are wanting to the complete year, which is brought round by
the solstitial revolution, he so regulated this year, by inserting
intercalary months, that every twentieth year, the lengths of all the
intermediate years being filled up, the days corresponded with the
same starting-point of the sun whence they had set out. He likewise
divided days into sacred and profane, because on certain occasions it
was likely to be expedient that no business should be transacted with
the people.
Next he turned his attention to the appointment of priests, though he
discharged many sacred functions himself, especially those which now
belong to the flamen of Jupiter. But, as he imagined that in a warlike
nation there would be more kings resembling Romulus than Numa,
and that they would go to war in person, in order that the sacred
functions of the royal office might not be neglected, he appointed a
perpetual priest as flamen to Jupiter, and distinguished him by a fine
robe, and a royal curule chair. To him he added two other flamens, one
for Mars, another for Quirinus. He also chose virgins for Vesta, a
priesthood derived from Alba, and not foreign to the family of the
founder. That they might be constant attendants in the temple, he
appointed them pay out of the public treasury; and by enjoining
virginity, and various religious observances, he made them sacred and
venerable. He also chose twelve Salii for Mars Gradivus, and gave them
the distinction of an embroidered tunic, and over the tunic a brazen
covering for the breast. He commanded them to carry the shields called
Ancilia,[20] which fell fromheaven, and to go through the city singing
songs, with leaping and solemn dancing. Then he chose from the fathers
Numa Marcius, son of Marcius, as pontiff, and consigned to him a
complete system of religious rites written out and recorded, showing
with what victims, upon what days, and at what temples the sacred
rites were to be performed, and from what funds the money was to be
taken to defray the expenses. He also placed all other religious
institutions, public and private, under the control of the decrees of
the pontiff, to the end that there might be some authority to whom
the people should come to ask advice, to prevent any confusion in the
divine worship being caused by their neglecting the ceremonies of
their own country, and adopting foreign ones. He further ordained that
the same pontiff should instruct the people not only in the ceremonies
connected with the heavenly deities, but also in the due performance
of funeral solemnities, and how to appease the shades of the dead; and
what prodigies sent by lightning or any other phenomenon were to be
attended to and expiated. To draw forth such knowledge from the minds
of the gods, he dedicated an altar on the Aventine to Jupiter Elicius,
and consulted the god by means of auguries as to what prodigies ought
to be attended to.
The attention of the whole people having been thus diverted from
violence and arms to the deliberation and adjustment of these matters,
both their minds were engaged in some occupation, and the watchfulness
of the gods now constantly impressed upon them, as the deity of heaven
seemed to interest itself in human concerns, had filled the breasts of
all with such piety, that faith and religious obligations governed the
state, the dread of laws and punishments being regarded as secondary.
And while the people of their own accord were forming themselves on
the model of the king, as the most excellent example, the neighbouring
states also, who had formerly thought that it was a camp, not a city,
that had been established in their midst to disturb the general peace,
were brought to feel such respect for them that they considered it
impious to molest a state, wholly occupied in the worship of the gods.
There was a grove, the middle of which was irrigated by a spring of
running water, flowing from a dark grotto. As Numa often repaired
thither unattended, under pretence of meeting the goddess, he
dedicated the grove to the Camenae, because, as he asserted, their
meetings with his wife Egeria were held there. He also instituted a
yearly festival to Faith alone, and commanded her priests to be driven
to the chapel erected for the purpose in an arched chariot drawn by
two horses, and to perform the divine service with their hands wrapped
up to the fingers, intimating that Faith ought to be protected, and
that even her seat in men's right hands was sacred. He instituted many
other sacred rites, and dedicated places for performing them, which
the priests call Argei. But the greatest of all his works was the
maintenance of peace during the whole period of his reign, no less
than of his royal power. Thus two kings in succession, by different
methods, the one by war, the other by peace, aggrandized the state.
Romulus reigned thirty-seven years, Numa forty-three: the state was
both strong and attempered by the arts both of war and peace.
Upon the death of Numa, the administration returned again to an
interregnum. After that the people appointed as King Tullus Hostilius,
the grandson of that Hostilius who had made the noble stand against
the Sabines at the foot of the citadel: the fathers confirmed the
choice. He was not only unlike the preceding king, but even of a more
warlike disposition than Romulus. Both his youth and strength, and,
further, the renown of his grandfather, stimulated his ambition.
Thinking therefore that the state was deteriorating through ease,
he everywhere sought for an opportunity of stirring up war. It so
happened that some Roman and Alban peasants mutually plundered each
other's lands. Gaius Cluilius at that time was in power at Alba. From
both sides ambassadors were sent almost at the same time, to demand
satisfaction. Tullus had ordered his representatives to attend to
their instructions before anything else. He knew well that the Alban
would refuse, and so war might be proclaimed with a clear conscience.
Their commission was executed in a more dilatory manner by the Albans:
being courteously and kindly entertained by Tullus, they gladly took
advantage of the king's hospitality. Meanwhile the Romans had both
been first in demanding satisfaction, and upon the refusal of the
Alban, had proclaimed war upon the expiration of thirty days: of this
they gave Tullus notice. Thereupon he granted the Alban ambassadors an
opportunity of stating with what demands they came. They, ignorant of
everything, at first wasted some time in making excuses: That it was
with reluctance they would say anything which might be displeasing
to Tullus, but they were compelled by orders: that they had come to
demand satisfaction: if this was not granted, they were commanded to
declare war. To this Tullus made answer, "Go tell your king, that the
king of the Romans takes the gods to witness, that, whichever of the
two nations shall have first dismissed with contempt the ambassadors
demanding satisfaction, from it they [the gods] may exact atonement
for the disasters of this war." This message the Albans carried home.
Preparations were made on both sides with the utmost vigour for a war
very like a civil one, in a manner between parents and children, both
being of Trojan stock: for from Troy came Lavinium, from Lavinium,
Alba, and the Romans were descended from the stock of the Alban kings.
However, the result of the war rendered the quarrel less distressing,
for the struggle never came to regular action, and when the buildings
only of one of the cities had been demolished, the two states were
incorporated into one. The Albans first invaded the Roman territories
with a large army. They pitched their camp not more than five miles
from the city, and surrounded it with a trench, which, for several
ages, was called the Cluilian trench, from the name of the general,
till, by lapse of time, the name, as well as the event itself, was
forgotten. In that camp Cluilius, the Alban king, died: the Albans
created Mettius Fufetius dictator. In the meantime Tullus, exultant,
especially at the death of the king, and giving out that the supreme
power of the gods, having begun at the head, would take vengeance on
the whole Alban nation for this impious war, having passed the enemy's
camp in the night-time, marched with a hostile army into the Alban
territory. This circumstance drew out Mettius from his camp: he led
his forces as close as possible to the enemy; thence he despatched
a herald and commanded him to tell Tullus that a conference was
expedient before they came to an engagement; and that, if he would
give him a meeting, he was certain he would bring forward matters
which concerned the interests of Rome no less than of Alba. Tullus did
not reject the offer: nevertheless, in case the proposals made should
prove fruitless, he led out his men in order of battle: the Albans
on their side marched out also. After both armies stood drawn up
in battle array, the chiefs, with a few of the principal officers,
advanced into the midst. Then the Alban began as follows: "That
injuries and the non-restitution of property claimed according to
treaty is the cause of this war, methinks I have both heard our king
Cluilius assert, and I doubt not, Tullus, but that you allege the
same. But if the truth must be told, rather than what is plausible, it
is thirst for rule that provokes two kindred and neighbouring states
to arms. Whether rightly or wrongly, I do not take upon myself to
determine: let the consideration of that rest with him who has begun
the war. As for myself, the Albans have only made me their leader for
carrying on that war. Of this, Tullus, I would have you advised: how
powerful the Etruscan state is around us, and around you particularly,
you know better than we, inasmuch as you are nearer to them. They are
very powerful by land, far more so by sea. Recollect that, directly
you shall give the signal for battle, these two armies will be the
object of their attention, that they may fall on us when wearied and
exhausted, victor and vanquished together. Therefore, for the love of
heaven, since, not content with a sure independence, we are running
the doubtful hazard of sovereignty and slavery, let us adopt some
method, whereby, without great loss, without much bloodshed of either
nation, it may be decided which is to rule the other." The proposal
was not displeasing to Tullus, though both from his natural bent, as
also from the hope of victory, he was rather inclined to violence.
After consideration, on both sides, a plan was adopted, for which
Fortune herself afforded the means of execution.
It happened that there were in the two armies at that time three
brothers born at one birth, neither in age nor strength ill-matched.
That they were called Horatii and Curiatii is certain enough, and
there is hardly any fact of antiquity more generally known; yet in a
manner so well ascertained, a doubt remains concerning their names, as
to which nation the Horatii, to which the Curiatii belonged. Authors
incline to both sides, yet I find a majority who call the Horatii
Romans: my own inclination leads me to follow them. The kings arranged
with the three brothers that they should fight with swords each in
defence of their respective country; assuring them that dominion
would rest with those on whose side victory should declare itself. No
objection was raised; the time and place were agreed upon. Before the
engagement began, a compact was entered into between the Romans and
Albans on these conditions, that that state, whose champions should
come off victorious in the combat, should rule the other state without
further dispute. Different treaties are made on different conditions,
but in general they are all concluded with the same formalities. We
have heard that the treaty in question was then concluded as follows,
nor is there extant a more ancient record of any treaty. The herald
asked King Tullus, "Dost thou command me, O king, to conclude a
treaty with the pater patratus of the Alban people?" On the king so
commanding him he said, "I demand vervain of thee, O king." The king
replied, "Take some that is pure." The herald brought a pure blade of
grass from the citadel; then again he asked the king, "Dost thou, O
king, appoint me the royal delegate of the Roman people, the Quirites,
and my appurtenances and attendants?" The king replied, "So far as
it may be done without detriment to me and to the Roman people, the
Quirites, I do so." The herald was Marcus Valerius, who appointed
Spurius Fusius pater patratus,[21] touching his head and hair with
the vervain.[22] The pater patratus was appointed ad iusiurandum
patrandum, that is, to ratify the treaty; and he went through it in a
lengthy preamble, which, being expressed in a long set form, it is not
worth while to repeat. After having set forth the conditions, he said:
"Hear, O Jupiter; hear, O pater patratus of the Alban people, and ye,
O Alban people, give ear. As those conditions, from first to last,
have been publicly recited from those tablets or wax without wicked
or fraudulent intent, and as they have been most correctly understood
here this day, the Roman people will not be the first to fail to
observe those conditions. If they shall be the first to do so by
public consent, by fraudulent intent, on that day do thou, O Jupiter,
so strike the Roman people, as I shall here this day strike this
swine; and do thou strike them so much the more, as thou art more
mighty and more powerful." When he said this, he struck the swine with
a flint stone. The Albans likewise went through their own set form and
oath by the mouth of their own dictator and priests.
The treaty being concluded, the twin-brothers, as had been agreed,
took arms. While their respective friends exhorted each party,
reminding them that their country's gods, their country and parents,
all their fellow-citizens both at home and in the army, had their eyes
then fixed on their arms, on their hands, being both naturally brave,
and animated by the shouts and exhortations of their friends, they
advanced into the midst between the two lines. The two armies on both
sides had taken their seats in front of their respective camps, free
rather from danger for the moment than from anxiety: for sovereign
power was at stake, dependent on the valour and fortune of so few.
Accordingly, therefore, on the tip-toe of expectation, their attention
was eagerly fixed on a spectacle far from pleasing. The signal was
given: and the three youths on each side, as if in battle array,
rushed to the charge with arms presented, bearing in their breasts the
spirit of mighty armies. Neither the one nor the other heeded their
personal danger, but the public dominion or slavery was present to
their mind, and the thought that the fortune of their country would be
such hereafter as they themselves should have made it. Directly their
arms clashed at the first encounter, and their glittering swords
flashed, a mighty horror thrilled the spectators; and, as hope
inclined to neither side, voice and breath alike were numbed. Then
having engaged hand to hand, when now not only the movements of their
bodies, and the indecisive brandishings of their arms and weapons, but
wounds also and blood were seen, two of the Romans fell lifeless, one
upon the other, the three Albans being wounded. And when the Alban
army had raised a shout of joy at their fall, hope had entirely by
this time, not however anxiety, deserted the Roman legions, breathless
with apprehension at the dangerous position of this one man, whom the
three Curiatii had surrounded. He happened to be unhurt, so that,
though alone he was by no means a match for them all together, yet
he was full of confidence against each singly. In order therefore to
separate their attack, he took to flight, presuming that they would
each pursue him with such swiftness as the wounded state of his body
would permit. He had now fled a considerable distance from the place
where the fight had taken place, when, looking back, he perceived that
they were pursuing him at a great distance from each other, and that
one of them was not far from him. On him he turned round with great
fury, and while the Alban army shouted out to the Curiatii to succour
their brother, Horatius by this time victorious, having slain his
antagonist, was now proceeding to a second attack. Then the Romans
encouraged their champion with a shout such as is wont to be raised
when men cheer in consequence of unexpected success; and he hastened
to finish the combat. Wherefore before the other, who was not far off,
could come up to him, he slew the second Curiatius also. And now, the
combat being brought to equal terms, one on each side remained, but
unequally matched in hope and strength. The one was inspired with
courage for a third contest by the fact that his body was uninjured by
a weapon, and by his double victory: the other dragging along his body
exhausted from his wound, exhausted from running, and dispirited by
the slaughter of his brothers before his eyes, thus met his victorious
antagonist. And indeed there was no fight. The Roman, exulting, cried:
"Two I have offered to the shades of my brothers: the third I will
offer to the cause of this war, that the Roman may rule over the
Alban." He thrust his sword down from above into his throat, while he
with difficulty supported the weight of his arms, and stripped him
as he lay prostrate. The Romans welcomed Horatius with joy and
congratulations; with so much the greater exultation, as the matter
had closely bordered on alarm. They then turned their attention to the
burial of their friends, with feelings by no means the same: for the
one side was elated by the acquisition of empire, the other brought
under the rule of others: their sepulchres may still be seen in the
spot where each fell; the two Roman in one place nearer Alba, the
three Alban in the direction of Rome, but situated at some distance
from each other, as in fact they had fought.
Before they departed from thence, when Mettius, in accordance with the
treaty which had been concluded, asked Tullus what his orders were,
he ordered him to keep his young men under arms, for he intended to
employ them, if a war should break out with the Veientes. After this
both armies were led away to their homes. Horatius marched in front,
carrying before him the spoils of the three brothers: his maiden
sister, who had been betrothed to one of the Curiatii, met him before
the gate Capena;[23] and having recognised on her brother's shoulders
the military robe of her betrothed, which she herself had worked, she
tore her hair, and with bitter wailings called by name on her deceased
lover. The sister's lamentations in the midst of his own victory, and
of such great public rejoicings, raised the ire of the hot-tempered
youth. So, having drawn his sword, he ran the maiden through the body,
at the same time reproaching her with these words: "Go hence with thy
ill-timed love to thy spouse, forgetful of thy brothers that are dead,
and of the one who survives--forgetful of thy country. So fare every
Roman woman who shall mourn an enemy." This deed seemed cruel to the
fathers and to the people; but his recent services outweighed its
enormity. Nevertheless he was dragged before the king for judgment.
The king, however, that he might not himself be responsible for a
decision so melancholy, and so disagreeable in the view of the people,
or for the punishment consequent on such decision, having summoned
an assembly of the people, declared, "I appoint, according to law,
duumvirs to pass sentence on Horatius for treason." The law was of
dreadful formula. "Let the duumvirs pass sentence for treason. If he
appeal from the duumvirs, let him contend by appeal; if they shall
gain the cause, let the lictor cover his head, hang him by a rope
on the accursed tree, scourge him either within the pomerium,[24]or
without the pomerium." The duumvirs appointed in accordance with this
decision, who did not consider that, according to that law, they could
acquit the man even if innocent, having condemned him, then one of
them said: "Publius Horatius, I judge thee guilty of treason. Lictor,
bind his hands." The lictor had approached him, and was commencing to
fix the rope round his neck. Then Horatius, on the advice of Tullus,
a merciful interpreter of the law, said, "I appeal." Accordingly the
matter was contested before the people as to the appeal. At that trial
the spectators were much affected, especially on Publius Horatius
the father declaring that he considered his daughter to have been
deservedly slain; were it not so, that he would by virtue of his
authority as a father have inflicted punishment on his son. He then
entreated them that they would not render him childless, one whom but
a little while ago they had beheld blessed with a fine progeny. During
these words the old man, having embraced the youth, pointing to the
spoils of the Curiatii hung up in that place which is now called Pila
Horatia,[25] "Quirites," said he, "can you bear to see bound beneath
the gallows, amid scourgings and tortures, the man whom you just now
beheld marching decorated with spoils and exulting in victory--a sight
so shocking that even the eyes of the Albans could scarcely endure it?
Go then, lictor, bind those hands, which but a little while since,
armed, won sovereignty for the Roman people. Go, cover the head of the
liberator of this city: hang him on the accursed tree: scourge him,
either within the pomerium, so it be only amid those javelins and
spoils of the enemy, or without the pomerium, so it be only amid the
graves of the Curiatii. For whither can you lead this youth, where his
own noble deeds will not redeem him from such disgraceful punishment?"
The people could not withstand either the tears of the father, or the
spirit of the son, the same in every danger, and acquitted him more
from admiration of his bravery, than on account of the justice of his
cause. But that so clear a murder might be at least atoned for by some
expiation, the father was commanded to expiate the son's guilt at the
public charge. He, having offered certain expiatory sacrifices, which
were ever after continued in the Horatian family, and laid a beam
across the street, made the youth pass under it, as under the yoke,
with his head covered. This beam remains even to this day, being
constantly repaired at the public expense; it is called Sororium
Tigillum (Sister's Beam). A tomb of square stone was erected to
Horatia in the spot where she was stabbed and fell.