The History of Rome; Books Nine to Twenty Six - Titus Livius
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27. But Minucius, who, in consequence of his success and the favour of
the populace, was scarcely endurable before now especially,
unrestrained by shame or moderation, boasted not more in having
conquered Hannibal than Quintus Fabius. "That he, who had been sought
out in their distress as the only general, and as a match for
Hannibal; that he, an event which no record of history contains, was
by the order of the people placed upon an equal footing with
himself,--a superior with an inferior officer, a dictator with a
master of the horse,--in that very city wherein the masters of the
horse are wont to crouch and tremble at the rods and axes of the
dictator. With such splendour had his valour and success shone forth.
That he therefore would follow up his own good fortune, though the
dictator persisted in his delay and sloth; measures condemned alike by
the sentence of gods and men." Accordingly, on the first day on which
he met Quintus Fabius, he intimated "that the first point to be
settled was the manner in which they should employ the command thus
equalized. That he was of opinion that the best plan would be for them
to be invested with the supreme authority and command either on
alternate days, or, if longer intervals were more agreeable, for any
determinate periods; in order that the person in command might be a
match for the enemy, not only in judgment, but in strength, if any
opportunity for action should occur." Fabius by no means approved of
this proposition: he said, "that Fortune would have at her disposal
all things which the rashness of his colleague had; that his command
had been shared with him, and not taken away; that he would never,
therefore, willingly withdraw from conducting the war, in whatever
post he could with prudence and discretion: nor would he divide the
command with him with respect to times or days, but that he would
divide the army, and that he would preserve, by his own measures, so
much as he could, since it was not allowed him to save the whole."
Thus he carried it, that, as was the custom of consuls, they should
divide the legions between them: the first and fourth fell to the lot
of Minucius, the second and third to Fabius. They likewise divided
equally between them the cavalry, the auxiliaries of the allies and of
the Latin name. The master of the horse was desirous also that they
should have separate camps.
28. From this Hannibal derived a twofold joy, for nothing which was
going on among the enemy escaped him, the deserters revealing many
things, and he himself examining by his own scouts. For he considered
that he should be able to entrap the unrestrained temerity of Minucius
by his usual arts, and that half the force of the sagacity of Fabius
had vanished. There was an eminence between the camps of Minucius and
the Carthaginians, whoever occupied it would evidently render the
position of his enemy less advantageous. Hannibal was not so desirous
of gaining it without a contest, though that were worth his while, as
to bring on a quarrel with Minucius, who, he well knew, would at all
times throw himself in his way to oppose him. All the intervening
ground was at first sight unavailable to one who wished to plant an
ambuscade, because it not only had not any part that was woody, but
none even covered with brambles, but in reality formed by nature to
cover an ambush, so much the more, because no such deception could be
apprehended in a naked valley and there were in its curvatures hollow
rocks, such that some of them were capable of containing two hundred
armed men. Within these recesses, five thousand infantry and cavalry
are secreted, as many as could conveniently occupy each. Lest,
however, in any part, either the motion of any one of them
thoughtlessly coming out, or the glittering of their arms, should
discover the stratagem in so open a valley, by sending out a few
troops at break of day to occupy the before-mentioned eminence, he
diverts the attention of the enemy. Immediately, on the first view of
them, the smallness of their number was treated with contempt, and
each man began to request for himself the task of dislodging the
enemy. The general himself, among the most headstrong and absurd,
calls to arms to go and seize the place, and inveighs against the
enemy with vain presumption and menaces. First, he despatches his
light-armed, after that his cavalry, in a close body, lastly,
perceiving that succours were also being sent to the enemy, he marches
with his legions drawn up in order of battle. Hannibal also, sending
band after band, as the contest increased, as aids to his men when
distressed, had now completed a regular army, and a battle was fought
with the entire strength of both sides. First, the light infantry of
the Romans, approaching the eminence, which was preoccupied, from the
lower ground, being repulsed and pushed down, spread a terror among
the cavalry, which was marching up also and fled back to the standards
of the legions: the line of infantry alone stood fearless amidst the
panic-struck; and it appeared that they would by no means have been
inferior to the enemy, had it been a regular and open battle, so much
confidence did the successful battle a few days before inspire. But
the troops in ambush created such confusion and alarm, by charging
them on both flanks and on their rear, that no one had spirit enough
left to fight, or hope enough to try to escape.
29. Then Fabius, first having heard the shout of the terrified troops,
and then having gotten a view of their disordered line, exclaims, "It
is so; and no sooner than I feared, has adverse fortune overtaken
temerity. Equalled to Fabius in command, he sees that Hannibal is
superior to him in courage and in fortune. But another will be the
time for reproaches and resentment. Now advance your standards beyond
the rampart: let us wrest the victory from the enemy, and a confession
of their error from our countrymen." A great part of the troops having
been now slain, and the rest looking about for a way to escape; the
army of Fabius showed itself on a sudden for their help, as if sent
down from heaven. And thus, before he came within a dart's throw or
joined battle, he both stayed his friends from a precipitate flight
and the enemy from excessive fierceness of fighting. Those who had
been scattered up and down, their ranks being broken, fled for refuge
from every quarter to the fresh army; those who had fled together in
parties, turning upon the enemy, now forming a circle, retreat slowly,
now concentrating themselves, stand firm. And now the vanquished and
the fresh army had nearly formed one line, and were bearing their
standards against the enemy, when the Carthaginians sounded a retreat;
Hannibal openly declaring that though he had conquered Minucius, he
was himself conquered by Fabius. The greater part of the day having
been thus consumed with varying success, Minucius calling together his
soldiers, when they had returned to the camp, thus addressed them: "I
have often heard, soldiers, that he is the greatest man who himself
counsels what is expedient, and that he who listens to the man who
gives good advice is the second, but that he who neither himself is
capable of counselling, and knows not how to obey another, is of the
lowest order of mind. Since the first place of mind and talent has
been denied us, let us strive to obtain the second and intermediate
kind, and while we are learning to command, let us prevail upon
ourselves to submit to a man of prudence. Let us join camps with
Fabius, and, carrying our standards to his pavilion, when I have
saluted him as my parent, which he deserves on account of the service
he has rendered us and of his dignity; you, my soldiers, shall salute
those men as patrons, whose arms and right-hands just now protected
you: and if this day has conferred nothing else upon us, it hath at
least conferred upon us the glory of possessing grateful hearts."
30. The signal being given, there was a general call to collect the
baggage: then setting out, and proceeding in order of march to the
dictator's camp, they excited at once the surprise of the dictator
himself and all around him. When the standards were planted before the
tribunal, the master of the horse, advancing before the rest, having
saluted Fabius as father, and the whole body of his troops having,
with one voice, saluted the soldiers who surrounded him as patrons,
said, "To my parents, dictator, to whom I have just now equalled you,
only in name, as far as I could express myself, I am indebted for my
life only; to you I owe both my own preservation and that of all these
soldiers. That order of the people, therefore, with which I have been
oppressed rather than honoured, I first cancel and annul, and (may it
be auspicious to me and you, and to these your armies, to the
preserved and the preserver,) I return to your authority and auspices,
and restore to you these standards and these legions, and I entreat
you that, being reconciled, you would order that I may retain the
mastership of the horse, and that these soldiers may each of them
retain their ranks." After that hands were joined, and when the
assembly was dismissed, the soldiers were kindly and hospitably
invited by those known to them and unknown: and that day, from having
been a little while ago gloomy in the extreme, and almost accursed,
was turned into a day of joy. At Rome, the report of the action was
conveyed thither, and was afterwards confirmed, not less by letters
from the common soldiers of both armies, than from the generals
themselves, all men individually extolled Maximus to the skies. His
renown was equal with Hannibal, and his enemies the Carthaginians and
then at length they began to feel that they were engaged in war with
Romans, and in Italy. For the two preceding years they entertained so
utter a contempt for the Roman generals and soldiers, that they could
scarcely believe that they were waging war with the same nation which
their fathers had reported to them as being so formidable. They relate
also, that Hannibal said, as he returned from the field that at length
that cloud, which was used to settle on the tops of the mountains, had
sent down a shower with a storm.
31. While these events occur in Italy, Cneius Servilius Geminus, the
consul, having sailed round the coast of Sardinia and Corsica with a
fleet of one hundred and twenty ships, and received hostages from both
places, crossed over into Africa, and before he made a descent upon
the continent, having laid waste the island of Meninx, and received
from the inhabitants of Cercina ten talents of silver, in order that
their fields too might not be burnt and pillaged, he approached the
shores of Africa, and landed his troops. Thence the soldiers were led
out to plunder, and the crews scattered about just as if they were
plundering uninhabited islands and thus, carelessly falling upon an
ambuscade, when they were surrounded--the ignorant of the country by
those acquainted with it, the straggling by those in close array, they
were driven back to then ships in ignominious flight, and with great
carnage. As many as one thousand men, together with Sempionius
Blaesus, the quaestor, having been lost, the fleet hastily setting
sail from the shore, which was crowded with the enemy, proceeded
direct for Italy, and was given up at Lilybaeum to Titus Otacilius,
the praetor, that it might be taken back to Rome by his lieutenant,
Publius Suia. The consul himself, proceeding through Sicily on foot,
crossed the strait into Italy, summoned, as well as his colleague,
Marcus Atilius, by a letter from Quintus Fabius, to receive the armies
from him, as the period of his command, which was six months, had
nearly expired. Almost all the annalists record that Fabius conducted
the war against Hannibal, as dictator Caelius also writes, that he was
the first dictator created by the people. But it has escaped Caelius
and all the others that Cneius Servilius, the consul, who was then a
long way from home in Gaul, which was his province, was the only
person who possessed the right of appointing a dictator, and that as
the state, terrified by the disasters which had just befallen it,
could not abide the delay, it had recourse to the determination that
the people should create a prodictator, that his subsequent
achievements, his singular renown as a general, and his descendants,
who exaggerated the inscription of his statue, easily brought it about
that he should be called dictator, instead of prodictator.
32. The consuls, Atilius and Geminus Servilius, having received, the
former the army of Fabius, the latter that of Minucius, and fortified
their winter quarters in good time, (it was the close of the autumn,)
carried on the war with the most perfect unanimity, according to the
plans of Fabius. In many places they fell upon the troops of Hannibal
when out on foraging excursions, availing themselves of the
opportunity, and both harassing their march and intercepting the
stragglers. They did not come to the chance of a general battle, which
the enemy tried by every artifice to bring about. And Hannibal was so
straitened by the want of provisions, that had he not feared in
retiring the appearance of flight, he would have returned to Gaul, no
hope being left of being able to subsist an army in those quarters, if
the ensuing consuls should carry on the war upon the same plan. The
war having been arrested in its progress at Geronium, the winter
interrupting it, ambassadors from Naples came to Rome. They carried
into the senate-house forty golden goblets, of great weight, and spoke
to this effect. "That they knew the treasury of the Romans was
exhausted by the war, and since the war was carried on alike in
defence of the cities and the lands of the allies, and of the empire
and city of Rome, the capital and citadel of Italy, that the
Neapolitans thought it but fair that they should assist the Roman
people with whatever gold had been left them by their ancestors as
well for the decoration of their temples as for the relief of
misfortune. If they had thought that there was any resource in
themselves, that they would have offered it with the same zeal. That
the Roman fathers and people would render an acceptable service to
them, if they would consider all the goods of the Neapolitans as their
own, and if they would think them deserving, that they should accept a
present at their hands, rendered valuable and of consequence rather by
the spirit and affection of those who gave it with cheerfulness, than
by its intrinsic worth." Thanks were given to the ambassadors for
their munificence and attention, and the goblet of least weight was
accepted.
33. During the same days a Carthaginian spy, who had escaped for two
years, was apprehended at Rome, and his hands having been cut off, was
let go: and twenty-five slaves were crucified for forming a conspiracy
in the Campus Martius; his liberty was given to the informer, and
twenty thousand _asses_ of the heavy standard. Ambassadors were
also sent to Philip, king of the Macedonians, to demand Demetrius of
Pharia, who, having been vanquished in war had fled to him. Others
were sent to the Ligurians, to expostulate with them for having
assisted the Carthaginians with their substance and with auxiliaries;
and, at the same time, to take a near view of what was going on
amongst the Boii and Insubrians. Ambassadors were also sent to the
Illyrians to king Pineus, to demand the tribute, the day of payment of
which had passed; or if he wished to postpone the day, to receive
hostages. Thus, though an arduous war was on their shoulders, no
attention to any one concern in any part of the world, however remote,
escapes the Romans. It was made a matter of superstitious fear also,
that the temple of Concord, which Lucius Manlius, the praetor, had
vowed in Gaul two years ago, on occasion of a mutiny, had not been
contracted for to that day. Accordingly, Cneius Pupius and Caeso
Quinctius Flaminius, created duumviri by Marcus Aemilius, the city
praetor, for that purpose, contract for the building a temple in the
citadel. By the same praetor a letter was sent to the consuls,
agreeably to a decree of the senate, to the effect that, if they
thought proper, one of them should come to Rome to elect consuls; and
that he would proclaim the election for whatever day they might name.
To this it was replied by the consuls, that they could not leave the
enemy without detriment to the public; that it would be better,
therefore, that the election should be held by an interrex, than that
one of the consuls should be called away from the war. It appeared
more proper to the fathers, that a dictator should be nominated by a
consul, for the purpose of holding the election Lucius Veturius Philo
was nominated, who chose Manius Pomponius Matho master of the horse.
These having been created with some defect, they were ordered to give
up their appointment on the fourteenth day; and the state came to an
interregnum.
34. To the consuls the authority was continued for a year longer.
Caius Claudius Centho, son of Appius, and then Publius Cornelius
Asina, were appointed interreges by the fathers. During the
interregnum of the latter the election was held with a violent contest
between the patricians and the people, Caius Terentius Varro, whom, as
a man of their own order, commended to their favour by inveighing
against the patricians and by other popular arts; who had acquired
celebrity by maligning others, by undermining the influence of Fabius,
and bringing into contempt the dictatorial authority, the commons
strove to raise to the consulship. The patricians opposed him with all
their might, lest men, by inveighing against them, should come to be
placed on an equality with them. Quintus Boebius Herennius, a plebeian
tribune, and kinsman of Caius Terentius, by criminating not only the
senate, but the augurs also, for having prevented the dictator from
completing the election, by the odium cast upon them, conciliated
favour to his own candidate. He asserted, "that Hannibal had been
brought into Italy by the nobility, who had for many years been
desirous of a war. That by the fraudulent machinations of the same
persons the war had been protracted, whereas it might have been
brought to a conclusion. That it had appeared that the war could be
maintained with an army consisting of four legions in all, from Marcus
Minucius's having fought with success in the absence of Fabius. That
two legions had been exposed to be slain by the enemy, and were
afterwards rescued from absolute destruction, in order that that man
might be saluted as father and patron, who had deprived them of
victory before he delivered them from defeat. That subsequently the
consuls, pursuing the plans of Fabius, had protracted the war, whereas
it was in their power to have put a period to it. That this was an
agreement made by the nobility in general; nor would they ever have
the war concluded till they had created a consul really plebeian; that
is, a new man: for that plebeians who had attained nobility were now
initiated into the mysteries, and had begun to look down with contempt
upon plebeians, from the moment they ceased to be despised by the
patricians. Who was not fully aware that their end and object was,
that an interregnum should be formed, in order that the elections
might be under the influence of the patricians? That both the consuls
had that in view in tarrying with the army: and that afterwards a
dictator having been nominated to hold the election contrary to their
wishes, they had carried it, as it were, by storm, that the augurs
should declare the dictator informally elected. That they therefore
had gotten an interregnum; but one consulate was surely in the hands
of the Roman people. Thus the people would have that at their own
unbiassed disposal, and that they would confer it on that man who
would rather conquer in reality than lengthen the term of his
command."
35. When the people had been inflamed by these harangues, though there
were three patrician candidates for the consulship, Publius Cornelius
Merenda, Lucius Manlius Vulso, and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, two of
plebeian families, who had been ennobled, Caius Atilius Serranus and
Quintus Aelius Paetus, one of whom was pontiff, the other an augur,
Terentius alone was created consul, that the comitia for choosing his
colleague might be in his own management. Then the nobles, finding
that the competitors whom they had set up were not strong enough,
though he strenuously refused for a long time, prevail upon Aemilius
Paulus, who was strongly opposed to the people, to become a candidate.
He had been consul before with Marcus Livius, and from the
condemnation of his colleague, and almost of himself, had come off
scathed. On the next day of the election, all who had opposed Varro
withdrawing, he is given to the consul rather as a match to oppose him
than as a colleague. Afterwards the assembly for the election of
praetors was held, and Manius Pomponius Matho and Publius Furius
Philus were chosen. The city lot for the administration of justice at
Rome fell to the lot of Pomponius; between Roman citizens and
foreigners, to Philus. Two praetors were added, Marcus Claudius
Marcellus for Sicily, and Lucius Postumius for Gaul. These were all
appointed in their absence; nor was an honour which he had not
previously borne committed to any one of them, except the consul
Terentius, several brave and able men having been passed over,
because, at such a juncture, it did not appear advisable that a new
office should be committed to any one.
36. The forces also were augmented. But how great was the augmentation
of infantry and cavalry authors vary so much, that I scarcely dare
positively assert. Some state, that ten thousand soldiers were levied
as a reinforcement; others, four fresh legions, that there might be
eight legions in service. It is said also, that the complement of the
legion was increased in respect both to foot and horse, one thousand
foot and one hundred horse being added to each, so that each might
contain five thousand foot and three hundred horse; and that the
allies furnished twice as many cavalry, and an equal number of
infantry. Some authorities affirm that there were eighty-seven
thousand two hundred soldiers in the Roman camp when the battle of
Cannae was fought. There is no dispute, that the war was prosecuted
with greater energy and spirit than during former years, because the
dictator had given them a hope that the enemy might be subdued.
Before, however, the new-raised legions marched from the city, the
decemviri were ordered to have recourse to and inspect the sacred
volumes, on account of persons having been generally alarmed by
extraordinary prodigies; for intelligence was brought, that it had
rained stones on the Aventine at Rome and at Aricia at the same time.
That among the Sabines, statues had sweated blood copiously, and at
Caere the waters had flowed warm, from a fountain. The latter prodigy
excited a greater degree of alarm, because it had frequently occurred.
In a street called the Arched Way, near the Campus Martius, several
men were struck by lightning and killed. These prodigies were expiated
according to the books. Ambassadors from Paestum brought some golden
goblets to Rome; they were thanked, as the Neapolitans were, but the
gold was not accepted.
37. During the same time a fleet from Hiero arrived at Ostia with a
large cargo of supplies. The Syracusan ambassadors, on being
introduced into the senate, delivered this message: "That king Hiero
was so much affected at the slaughter announced to him of Caius
Flaminius the consul and his troops, that he could not have been more
distressed at any disasters which could have befallen himself or his
own kingdom; and accordingly, though he was well aware that the
greatness of the Roman people was almost more admirable in adversity
than prosperity, he had nevertheless sent every thing which good and
faithful allies are wont to contribute to assist the operations of
war, which he earnestly implored the conscript fathers not to refuse
to accept. First of all, for the sake of the omen, they had brought a
golden statue of Victory, of three hundred pounds' weight, which they
begged them to accept, keep by them, and hold as their own peculiar
and lasting possession. That they had also brought three hundred
thousand pecks of wheat, and two hundred thousand of barley, that
there might be no want of provisions, and that as much more as might
be necessary they would convey, as a supply, to whatever place they
might appoint. He knew that the Roman people employed no legionary
troops or cavalry who were not Romans, or of the Latin confederacy,
that he had seen foreign auxiliary as well as native light-armed
troops in the Roman camps, he had, therefore, sent one thousand
archers and slingers, a suitable force against the Bahares and Moors,
and other nations which fought with missile weapons" To these presents
they added also advice "That the praetor to whose lot the province of
Sicily had fallen, should pass a fleet over to Africa, that the enemy
also might have a war in their own country, and that less liberty
should be afforded them of sending reinforcements to Hannibal" The
senate thus replied to the king. "That Hiero was a good man and an
admirable ally, and that from the time he first formed a friendship
with the Roman people he had uniformly cultivated a spirit of
fidelity, and had munificently assisted the Roman cause at all times
and in every place. That this was, as it ought to be, a cause of
gratitude to the Roman people. That the Roman people had not accepted
gold which had been brought them also from certain states, though they
felt gratitude for the act. The Victory and the omen," they said,
"they would accept, and would assign and dedicate to that goddess, as
her abode, the Capitol, the temple of Jupiter, the best and greatest
of gods, hoping that, consecrated in that fortress of the city of
Rome, she would continue there firm and immoveable, kind and
propitious to the Roman people." The slingers, archers, and corn were
handed over to the consuls. To the fleet which Titus Otacilius the
proprietor had in Sicily, twenty-five quinqueremes were added, and
permission was given him, if he thought it for the interest of the
state to pass over into Africa.